The Attica of Pausanias

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ΠΟΑΒΗΟΙ

From the library of
Hazel Dorothy Hansen ’20

Department of Classics 1928-1962

STANFORD UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES

-t

COLLEGE SERIES OF GREEK AUTHORS
EDITED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE anp THOMAS DAY SEYMOUR, EDITORS
CHARLES BURTON GULICK, ASSOCIATE EDITOR

THE ATTICA OF
PAUSANIAS

EDITED BY

MITCHELL CARROLL, Pu.D.

PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IN THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY

GINN & COMPANY

BOSTUN - NEW YORK - CHICAGO - LONDON

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ENTERED AT STATIONERS’ HALL

COPYRIGHT, 1907, BY

JOHN WILLIAMS WGITE, THOMAS DAY SEYMOUR, AND
CHARLES BURTON GULICK

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

78.6

The Athenzum Press

GINN ἃ COMPANY: PRO-
PRIETORS + BOSTON - U.S.A.

TO.
THE MEMORY
OF
THOMAS DAY SEYMOUR

PREFACE

The text adopted in this volume is that of the Hitzig-Bluemner
edition of Pausanias (Berlin, 1896), with certain changes in typog-
raphy and punctuation to conform to the style of the series in
which it appears. The Hitzig text presents a careful revision of
the Schubart text and critical apparatus (which had not been cor-
rected for forty years) in the light of new studies and discoveries
up to 1896. The later text of Spiro (Teubner, 1903) differs from
that of Hitzig only in minor details. As the present work is pri-
marily archaeological in its purpose, textual criticism is avoided,
and. the reader is referred to the Hitzig-Bluemner edition for details
in these matters.

In the preparation of the Introduction, Notes, and Excursuses,
the editor is conscious of his indebtedness to the Hitzig-Bluemner
commentary and to the monumental work of Frazer (Pausantas’s
Description of Greece, translated with a Commentary, in six vol-
umes. London, 1898). So thoroughly have these scholars done
their work that in the preparation of a college edition they may
be relied on for an accurate summary of the literature on the
Attiuwa up to the time of the publication of their works, and the
chief task of the editor is to appraise the matter they present in
the light of later contributions, to bring the discussions up to
date, and to select what is essential to meet the needs of students.

On account of the size and cost of these two important works, |
they are not readily accessible to any but specialists. This empha-
sizes the need of a more compact edition of the Attica — the most
important of the ten books of Pausanias’s Description of Greece

— one which gives the text and presents concisely in the way of
γ

vi PREFACE

commentary the results of modern scholarship concerning Athenian
and Attic topography. Owing to the nature of the subject-matter,
the commentary is mainly archaeological, but grammatical and
stylistic peculiarities have not been neglected. The more important
topics, which could not be adequately treated in the Notes, are
considered at some length in a series of Excursuses. The Topical
Outline of the Attica enables the student to follow the somewhat
tortuous course of the author. The Select Bibliography in the
Appendix presents the more important titles under appropriate
" heads.

Up to this time Pausanias has been seldom read in our colleges
and universities, on the theory that strictly classical authors are
better suited to the class-room. The increasing interest, however,
in archaeological studies, — much of it being due, in America, to
the work of the American School at Athens — has encouraged the
feeling that Greek students should have some knowledge of the
topography and monuments of ancient Athens. This knowledge
is most readily acquired by the study of the Attica of Pausanias,
and it is hoped that this book may quicken the student’s interest
in the intellectual and artistic aspects of Greek life.

In conclusion, the editor desires to express his hearty acknowl-
edgments to the beloved and lamented Professor Seymour, who
read a part of the proofs in the closing months of his fruitful life
and made many important suggestions; to Professor Dorpfeld for
introducing him to the study of Athenian topography and for per-
mission to use the plans here reproduced; to Professor D’Ooge,
Professor Bates, and Dr. Newcomer for reading portions of the
subject-matter in proof, with many pertinent observations; and,
above all, to Professor Gulick, whose editorial acumen and sym-
pathetic criticism have contributed largely to the preparation of the

work.
MITCHELL CARROLL

THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY

INTRODUCTION

CONTENTS

PAUSANIAS THE PERIEGETE
Scope and Character of Pausanias’s Work
Date of the Periegesis
Pausanias, His Life and Work
Aim and Method of the Periegesis .
Style of Pausanias ‘
Pausanias’s Use of Previous Writers
TOPOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF THE ATTICA .

TExT AND NOTES .

Appenpix A. Manuscripts
B. Editions .
C. Translations :
D. Selected List of Works eating on δ μα αἶα
E. Selected List of Works on Athens and Attica

ExcursuskEs — 1.

1)

Harbors and Fortifications of Greater Athens

. The Agora of Athens.
. The Enneacrunus and its Neighborhood

The Theseum

The Olympieum

The Theatre of Dionysus
The Acropolis

. The Propylaea :

. The Temple of Athena Nike
. The Parthenon . Ξ
. The Erechtheum

. The Old Athena Temple

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

INDEX

vii .

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INTRODUCTION

PAUSANIAS THE PERIEGETE

1. Scope and character of Pausanias’s work. — Aldus Manutius
begins his preface to the editio princeps of Pausanias’s Description
of Greece, which appeared in 1516, by characterizing it as an “opus
antiquae raraeque eruditionis thesauros continens.”’ And invaluable
it is because of its subject-matter, since it reveals to us numerous .-
details, not only concerning “the city of the violet crown,” but also
about the other most celebrated sites of ancient Greece, when its
monuments still retained some of the freshness and splendor of the
older time.

The Περιήγησις τῆς Ἑλλάδος has come down to us in ten books.
The work is a detailed account of the sites ordinarily visited and
the objects ordinarily seen by the traveler in making an extensive
tour of Greece. As the writer is supposed to be coming from over
the Aegean Sea to the Greek mainland, his account begins with
Sunium, the promontory of Attica. Thence he proceeds to Athens.
Book I is devoted to the description of Athens and Attica. From
Attica the traveler journeys southward by way of Megaris (also
treated in Book I) and the Isthmus to Corinth and the Argolid
(described in Book I1). His Peloponnesian tour follows much the
same route which travelers of our day usually take, embracing Laconia
(Book III), Messenia (Book IV), Elis (Books V, VI), Achaea (Book
VII) and Arcadia (Book VIII). Then follows a second tour to the
principal cities of Central Greece, starting from Athens in the same
manner as modern travelers would journey. Here the writer’s chief
attention is absorbed by Thebes in Boeotia (Book IX) and by Delphi
in the district of Phocis (Book X). The regions of Western and
Northern Greece, which had played no prominent part in the art
and civilization of Hellas, Pausanias leaves out of consideration.

1

2 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

The territory chiefly described gives its name to the various books.
Thus the first book has the title ᾿Αττικά and includes Megaris; the
second the title Κορινθιακά, and embraces, in addition to Corinth,
Argos, Mycenae, Tiryns, and Epidaurus; the third Λακωνικά, the
fourth Μεσσηνιακά, the fifth and sixth (which describe Olympia)
Ἤλιακά, the seventh "Ayaixd, the eighth ᾿Αρκαδικά. The description
of Central Greece is contained in the ninth book called Βοιωτικά, and
in the tenth, the Φωκικά, which is devoted almost exclusively to
Delphi. Topographical directions are not always exact; yet, by
mentioning in order the names of demes, of places, and of monuv-
ments, Pausanias throws much light on the geography and topog-
raphy of ancient Greece.

2. Date of the Periegesis. — Pausanias made his sojourn in Greece
in the second century of our era, in the days of Hadrian and the
Antonines. His date is fixed by 5, 1, 2, where he states that 217
years have elapsed since the restoration of Corinth. As this well-
known event occurred in 43 B.c., the passage shows that the author
was writing Book V in 174 a.p. Other intimations as to his date
harmonize with this evidence. Thus, for example, in 5, 21, 15
images set up in 125 a.p. are spoken of as specimens of the art
of his day; and 1, 5, 5 and 8, 9, 7 indicate that the writer was a
contemporary of the emperor Hadrian. The latest historical event
mentioned by him as occurring in his time (10, 34, 5) is the incur-
sion of the Costoboces into Greece, which took place probably between —
166 and 180 a.p.!

Every discussion about the date of the separate books, especially
of the Attica, must take as its starting-point 174 a.p., just mentioned
as the only fixed date and the date of Book V. Pausanias (7, 20, 6)
tells us that Book I was finished before Herodes Atticus built the
Odeum at Athens, erected in honor of his wife Regilla, who appears
to have died in 160 or 161 a.p. The Odeum was doubtless built not
long after Regilla’s death, and therefore 160-161 a.p. constitutes
the terminus ante quem of Book I. A reference to Herodes Atticus
probably gives us also the terminus post quem, for according to
1, 19, 6, the stadium of Athens had already been rebuilt by him

1See below, pp. 3-4.

INTRODUCTION 3

before 143 a.p. or a little earlier. Book I has, therefore, as its
limits 143-160 a.p.

There are numerous indications that the Attica was written and
published before the rest of the work. For instance, we have the
writer’s statement (7, 20, 6) that the Odeum is not mentioned in
his work on Attica, because his description of Athens was finished
before Herodes began to build. Further, in 8, 5, 1 he corrects a
view which he had adopted in Book I (ce. 41, 2) regarding the king-

ship of Achaea at the time of the attempted return of the Heraclidae
to Peloponnesus. A third argument is that in subsequent books
he makes additions to certain statements in Book I. Compare, for
example, 5, 11, 6 with 1, 15, 3, accounts of the painting of the
Battle of Marathon.’ In one case he supersedes the account of the
Gallic invasion in 1, 3, 5 ff. by the fuller narrative in 10, 19, ὃ ff., as
if the first had proved inadequate. There also occur remarks in the
later books which seem to have been occasioned by current criticisms
of the Attica already published, as, for example, in 3, 11, 1 in refer-
ence to the plan of the book ; in 4, 24, 3 in regard to digressions ;
ef. 8, 7, 4-8; 9, 30,3; 8 24, 3.

' We must, accordingly, presuppose an interval of a few years be-
tween the publication of Book I and that of_later books. Book II
was probably written after 165 a.p., as'the statement is made that
the temple of Asclepius at Smyrna had already been founded (2,
26, 9), which according to other testimony was still unfinished in
165 a.p. A study of references which the author makes to various
parts of his work shows that the books were written in the order in
which they stand.? We have already a fixed date for Book V, 174 a.p.
Hence Books II-IV must date between 165 and 174 a.p. Book VIII,
which refers to the German victories of Marcus Aurelius (8, 43, 6),
must have been written after 166, when the war broke out, and may
have been written in or after 176, when the emperor celebrated his
triumph. Book X, with the allusion to the Costoboc invasion, was

1Cf. also 5, 12, 4 with 1, 21, 3; 2, 30, 2, and 3, 15, 7, with 1, 22, 4; 6, 20,
14 with 1, 24, 8; 10, 21, 5 with 1, 8, 2.

2 Thus e.g. 2,19,8; 21,4; 28,6; 32, 8 show that the First Book was written
before the Second, Bie! See racer Pausanias, I, Introduction, xvii n. 5.

4 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTAS

written between 166 and 180, probably after 176. Thus Books
VI-X may date between 174 and 180 a.p. The composition of the
Description of Greece, therefore, extended over a period of not less
than fourteen years (160-174 a.p.) and probably occupied a much
longer period.

3. Pausanias, his life and work. — Though the work itself is so
voluminous, our knowledge of the author is limited almost to his
mere name. The book gives us his date, and some insight into his
personality, but as to the author’s family, birthplace, citizenship,
and pursuits in life we are left in almost total ignorance. An occa-
sional allusion, however, conveys some intimation. If we inquire,
for example, whence he came, he gives us a hint in 5, 13, 7, Πέλοπος
δὲ καὶ Ταντάλου τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐνοικήσεως σημεῖα ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε λείπεται
κτλ., Where it is suggested that his native land was the territory
about Mount Sipylus in Lydia, and mention is made in what follows
of natural features and monuments pertaining to this region. This
statement is strengthened by many passages in which he. recurs to
. the scenery and legends of Lydia.! We conclude, therefore, that he
was a Lydian by birth; but whether he was a native of Magnesia,
the important city at the northern foot of Mount Sipylus, or of Thy-
atira, or of some less known town, is not to be ascertained.

Late Greek writers mention two other authors of the same name,
with whom our Pausanias is sometimes confused. Philostratus (Vit.
Soph. 11, 13) speaks of a sophist named Pausanias, much esteemed
in his time, who was a pupil of Herodes Atticus and teacher of
Aspasius. So far as his date is concerned, we might readily identify
him with the author of the Description of Greece. But the sophist
came from Caesarea in Cappadocia, not from Lydia, and Suidas men-
tions Problemata by him, and a book on syntax, but no Periegesis.
One can hardly conceive of our author with his crabbed style occu-
pying the lectureship of eloquence at Athens. Hence the identity of
the traveler and the sophist is altogether improbable.

Nor can he with any greater degree of probability be identified with
the historian Pausanias, who wrote, among other works, a history of
Antioch, and who is mentioned as 6 σοφώτατος χρονογράφος. The

1 Cf. 1, 21, 8; 24,8; 2, 22, 8; 5, 18, 7; 6, 22, 1; 7, 24,18; 82,7; 17, 8.

INTRODUCTION 5

historian was born at Antioch in Syria, not in Lydia. Stephanus of
Byzantium cites the works of the two men, the Krious ᾿Αντιοχείας and
the Περιήγησις, under the simple name Pausanias, but this proves
nothing more than that in the fifth century the two writers of this
name were not readily distinguished. We must therefore rest con-
tent with the knowledge that our author lived and traveled in the
second century, and was born near Mount Sipylus in Asia Minor.

4. Aim and method of the Periegesis. — That Pausanias has
given to the world a work of unique value is manifest to any one
who notes its contents. We have here a book rich in antiquarian,
mythological, historical, and artistic lore, and the very nature of
the subject-matter arouses the question what was the author’s aim
in preparing his work. The answer is nowhere clearly given by him.
He begins his book without a preface; he concludes without an epi-
logue. Probably his work was left unfinished and no opportunity
was given to revise it; probably, while it served its purpose, the
author felt there was no need of explanatory remarks. Hence the
answer to our question is largely a matter of inference; but we can,
at any rate, gather from utterances here and there what was the
author’s general purpose, and how his method developed as his grasp
of the subject increased.

Thus, he tells us in 1, 26, 4 that it is his purpose to describe the
whole of Greece, as he had the Acropolis, Δεῖ δέ με ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ λό-
you πρόσω, πάντα ὁμοίως ἐπεξιόντα τὰ Ἑλληνικά. Again, after he has
concluded his account of Athens and Attica he adds (1, 39, 3): τοι-
atta κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμὴν ᾿Αθηναίοις γνωριμώτατα ἦν ἔν τε λόγοις καὶ
θεωρήμασιν. ἀπέκρινε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὃ λόγος μοι τὰ ἐς συγγρα-
φὴν ἀνήκοντα. Later, as a preface to his description of Sparta, he
refers to this statement, and outlines his aim and method more defi-
nitely (3, 11,1): ὃ δὲ ἐν τῇ συγγραφῇ μοι τῇ ᾿Ατθίδι ἐπανόρθωμα ἐγένετο,
μὴ τὰ πάντα με ἐφεξῆς, τὰ δὲ μάλιστα ἄξια μνήμης ἐπιλεξάμενον ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν
εἰρηκέναι, δηλώσω δὴ πρὸ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐς Σπαρτιάτας. ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς
ἠθέλησεν ὃ λόγος ἀπὸ πολλῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀξίων ἀφηγήσεως, ἃ ἕκαστοι παρὰ
σφίσι λέγουσιν, ἀποκρῖναι τὰ ἀξιολογώτατα. ὡς οὖν εὖ βεβουλευμένο:

3 μι bd ’ 1
οὐκ ἐστιν ὁπου παραβήσομαι.

1 See also 2, 18, 8; 6, 1, 2; 10, 82, 1.

6 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

From these passages and from a study of the contents of the work
it becomes clear that ‘‘Pausanias intended to describe all the most
notable objects and to narrate all the most memorable traditions
which he found existing or current in the Greece of his own time.” !

This was a vast undertaking, especially so in the case of Attica,
the first country he undertook to describe. Here he was bewildered
by an embarrassment of riches before he had definitely decided on
a method of treating the data he had at hand. Hence the author’s
method is not so ‘clearly defined in the first as ‘in the later books.
Beginning with Book II, he regularly prefaces his account of every
important city with a historical sketch and follows strictly the
topographical order of description. But in the case of the Attica
there is no historical introduction whatever; though the topograph-
ical order is in the main observed in describing Athens, it is not fol-
lowed in his treatment of the rest of Attica. At times the course of
description is confused, as when he interrupts his account of the Attic
demes to describe the mountains of Attica (cf. 1, 32, 1 and 1, 35, 1 ff.).
Again, he mentions fewer notable objects in proportion to the total
number in Athens than he does in any other important centre of
Greece, and his accounts of notable monuments in Athens are shorter
than those in the remaining books. Contrast, for example, his de-
scription of Athens with that of Olympia, the former embracing only
thirty chapters of one book, or seventy Teubner pages, while to the
latter is devoted the larger part of two books, being forty chapters
or one hundred and ten Teubner pages. Temples and statues in the
whole of Athens, however, were far more numerous and imposing
than in Olympia. The explanation of the defects of the Attica 18,
of course, that the author was finding himself in his new work, and
had not altogether arrived at a definite plan.

The topographical method already adopted in the description of
Athens reveals the author’s purpose in preparing the work. Thus,
he begins by describing the harbors of Athens, and the objects of
interest on the roads leading from the harbors to the city. He next
enters the principal gate and proceeds by a broad avenue to the
Agora, which he treats in great detail. Thence he traverses the

1 Frazer, I, Introduction, xxiii.

INTRODUCTION 7

territory east of the Acropolis, known as the City of Hadrian. A
description of the southern slope of the Acropolis finally brings him
to its principal entrance, and, having entered, he devotes to the
objects of interest in the sacred precinct the maximum of attention.
He concludes his account of Athens by describing the suburbs of
the city. Let us compare this description with the description of
Athens in Baedeker’s Greece. The writer of this work gives first
a historical sketch of the city. He then describes it in several sec-
tions: a, From the Royal Palace round the south side of the Acrop-
olis ; 6, The Acropolis; ο, From the Palace through the Town to the
Theseum — the Hill of the Nymphs, Pnyx, and Museum; d, Modern
Quarters of the Town; e, Walks near Athens.

Similarity of treatment shows that we have in Pausanias the
prototype of Baedeker and Murray. The second century was an
age of travel, like our own, and many needed systematic direction to
help them on the way. The public-house system of the country
was poor, but private hospitality, as in the earlier days, made some
amends. Accordingly, the description of inns and other accommoda-
tions which Dionysus in the Frogs feels to be such a desideratum
and which our Murray or Baedeker offers in great detail, is wanting ;
but in other respects the likeness between the ancient and the mod-
ern cicerone holds. Book I was meant primarily to be a guide-book
for the Greek visitor to Athens and Attica, just as the whole vol-
ume was a guide-book for the generally frequented parts of Hellas,
with special reference to works of art, like the modern Burckhardt.
To gratify the intellectual curiosity of his readers, Pausanias fills
his volume with mythical, antiquarian, and historical lore, and he
doubtless felt that his work would be serviceable to the historian as
well as the traveler. Yet his main purpose was, without doubt, to
provide a guide-book for visitors to the historic sites of Greece.

5. Style of Pausanias. — The literary style displayed in the book
before us is due partly to the nature of the subject-matter, partly
to the character of the author as reflected in his work. Pausanias
is revealed as an unimaginative man, but one deeply interested in
antiquarian lore, who set out on his travels with the purpose of
“doing” Greece and of giving others the benefit of his reading and

8 | THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

observation, and who kept at it with heroic persistence. He permitted
no curious legend to escape him, and gathered information from every
source. He carefully studied his predecessors in historical prose,
especially Thucydides and Herodotus, and laboriously sought to
cultivate a good style. But he falls hopelessly short of the vigor-
ous expression of the former, and the sweetness and lucidity of the
latter. There is a sense of strain about his style. As Frazer so
well puts it, “The sentences are devoid of rhythm and harmony.
They do not march, but hobble and shamble and shuffle along. At
the end of one of them the reader is not let down easily by a grace-
ful cadence, a dying fall; he is tripped up suddenly and left spraw!l-
ing, till he can pull himself together, take breath, and grapple with
the next.” }

Frazer thinks that these defects in Pausanias’s style may perhaps
be best explained by Boeckh’s? hypothesis that Pausanias modeled
his style on that of his countryman Hegesias of Magnesia, a leader
of the Asian school of rhetoric. Hegesias aimed at variety of phrase,
which often avoided monotony at the cost of simplicity and clearness,
and led him into a jerky yet mincing style. Pausanias’s indirect
mode of statement often leads him in like manner to ambiguity,
the chief defect of his style.

6. Pausanias’s use of previous writers. — ~It i is not essential to our
purpose to enter fully into the discussion of Pausanias’s trustwor-
thiness and his use of previous writers, as Frazer has treated the sub-
ject most exhaustively and happily and has satisfactorily met all
the more serious criticisms.

Scaliger characterized Pausanias as being “omnium Graeculorum
mendacissimum.” In recent times his trustworthiness and literary
independence have been energetically called in question by von
Wilamowitz-Moellendorf (Hermes, XII, 346 ff.), but Pausanias found
a vigorous champion against Wilamowitz in R. Schoell (Hermes,
XIII, 432 ff.). Wilamowitz’s charges, however, were followed up
and exhaustively extended by A. Kalkmann (Pausanias der Perieget,

1 Frazer, I, Introduction, lxix. The reader will greatly profit by close study
of this excellent critique. |
2 «De Pausaniae Stilo Asiano,’’ Gesamm. Kl. Schr. IV, 208-212.

INTRODUCTION 9

Berlin 1886), who argued that Pausanias had traveled and seen
very little in Greece, but had compiled the bulk of his work from
the manuals of earlier writers and had added only a few hasty jot-
tings of his own to give his descriptions a convincing atmosphere.
He found his chief source, according to Kalkmann and Wilamowitz,
in Polemon of Ilium, who lived in the second century s.c. The
charges of Kalkmann, which were a severe impeachment of Pausa-
nias’s moral character, as well as his literary ability, were suc-
cessfully refuted by W. Gurlitt (Ueber Pausanias, Graz 1890) and
R. Heberdey (Die Reisen des Pausanias, Wien 1894).! Kalkmann
himself substantially retracts his earlier views by admitting that
Pausanias saw with his own eyes all the objects that especially
interested him (Arch. Anz. 1895, 12). Frazer, finally, disposes
conclusively of the theory that Pausanias stole everything from
Polemon. His inquiry, in which he draws the important distinction
between the historical and the descriptive portions in Pausanias’s
work, is here summarized.

In regard to the historical passages he shows that Pausanias drew
his accounts of the mythical and heroic ages largely from the poets ;
that Herodotus is the historian most frequently cited by him; that,
notwithstanding there is only one direct reference to Thucydides
(6, 19, 5) and one to Xenophon (1, 3, 4), he probably used these
authors in several places where he does not mention their names.
He also refers to numerous other historians, and cites several local
histories, notably the histories of Attica by Androtion (6, 7, 6;
10, 8,1) and by Clitodemus (10, 15, 5). He also made extensive use
of inscriptions, consulted writers on art, and got information from
local guides. |

Regarding next the descriptive or topographical passages, Frazer
considers whether Pausanias derived his knowledge from observation,
from books, or from both. The author himself gives no full or direct
answer to these questions. He neither professes to have seen every-
thing he describes, nor does he acknowledge having borrowed any of
his descriptions from ‘previous writers, whom he barely alludes to

1 With Gurlitt cf. Lolling, Gott. Gel. Anz, 1890, 627 ff., Weil, Berl. Philol.
Woch. 1890, 1101 ff., and Wachsmuth in Pauly-Wissowa, Suppl. I, 200 ff.

10 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

and never mentions by name. Yet he affirms that he saw personally
certain things he describes; and to have seen certain things implies
that he saw others. There are descriptions which Pausanias may
have taken from books, but there is no description extant so like in
form and substance to what Pausanias has written that one can say
he copied from it. Frazer considers in detail a number of passages
᾿ς which, others have thought, bear traces of having been derived either
wholly or in part from written documents rather than from personal
observation, and concludes that in none are the indications so clear
as to amount to a proof of borrowing.

Frazer discusses in considerable detail the predecessors whom
Pausanias ought to have consulted, namely Pseudo-Dicaearchus the
Messenian, Diodorus of Athens, Heliodorus, and Polemon, whose
writings are known through extant fragments. Of Polemon we have
more than one hundred fragments. These Frazer takes up one by
one and draws a minute comparison with Pausanias. He concludes
that not one fragment supports the theory that Pausanias copied
from Polemon, nor do they justify us even in supposing that he
was acquainted with the writings of his learned predecessor. Even
more true is this of his relation to the other antiquarians. Ὁ

Another theory of Kalkmann’s that obtained some vogue was that
our author did not describe Greece as it was in his own time, but as
it was a century or two earlier, when his alleged sources were com-
posed. This theory is more susceptible of verification, namely by prov-
ing that certain things Pausanias speaks of as existing had ceased
to exist before his time. Kalkmann, for example, thus attacks the
description of the Piraeus. It had been burnt in 86 z.c. and was ina
ruined condition when seen by Strabo; how then could Pausanias’s
account of its temples and colonnades apply to his own time? Frazer,
in reply, shows what great changes were possible in two hundred
years, and how the Piraeus had regained prosperity under beneficent
Roman emperors. He also gives numerous proofs, from existing
monuments and otherwise, that Pausanias described Greece as it
was in his own age.

We may say, then, that at ΠῚ a conservatively just view has
succeeded the bitter outcry against our author’s alleged untrustwor-
thiness. Pausanias cannot be regarded as an independent creative

INTRODUCTION 11

spirit, originating a great work for the benefit of mankind. He is
rather a true child of his time, a plodding collector, somewhat
superficial and credulous, with a propensity for the archaic and the
mystical, but withal an intelligent and inquisitive traveler who ram-
bled through land and city and carefully noted what to him appeared
worth seeing and recording. The extant monuments prove that his
description of Athens is founded primarily on personal observation.
He did not neglect his predecessors and got together historical and
mythological material out of handbooks. He also consulted, as did
Herodotus, local priests and guides in his eager search for informa-
tion. As a result, he has handed down to modern times a readable
and instructive description of travel, that presents a fairly coherent
picture of ancient Athens, and a work indispensable to the traveler
and investigator.

TOPOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE

I. Maritime Athens (1 1— 2 3).

11. a.Coast from Sunium to Piraeus.
Sunium.
Laurium.
Isle of Patroclus.
1 2-3. 5. Piraeus.
Precinct of Athena and Zeus.
Shipsheds.
Tomb of Themistocles.
Long Colonnade — Statues of Zeus and Demus.
Agora: upper and lower.
Shrine of Aphrodite.
14. c. Munychia.
Temple of Munychian Artemis,
d. Phalerum.
- Shrine of Demeter.
Temple of Athena Sciras.
Temples of Zeus.
Altars of gods called Unknown.
Altars of heroes.
Altars of children of Theseus.
Altar of Phalerus.
Altar of Androgeos.
15. e. Cape Colias.
Image of Coliad Aphrodite.
Images of Genetyllides.
21. jf. Road from Phalerum to Athens.
Temple and Image of Hera.
Tombs of Antiope and Molpadia — within the city.
g- Road from the Piraeus to Athens.
Long Walls.
Tombs: Menander, Euripides.
Monument: warrior beside a horse.
12

INTRODUCTION 13

II. The Agora and its Neighborhood (2 4—18 3).
a. From the Dipylum to the Market-Place.

2 4.

2 5.

The Pompeium.
Temple of Demeter.
Group of Poseidon and Polybotes.
Colonnades bordering the Dromos.
Bronze statues (πρὸ αὐτῶν).
Shrines of gods, gymnasium of Hermes, and house of Pu-
lytion, sacred to Dionysus.
Dedication of Eubulides — images of Athena Paeonia, Zeus,
and others.
Chamber with clay images (μετὰ δὲ τὸ τοῦ Διονύσου τέμενος).

ὃ. The Market-Place: from Royal Colonnade to Enneacrunus.

3 3.

Royal Colonnade (πρώτη ἐν δεξιᾷ).
Statues : Conon, Timotheus, Evagoras (πλησώον).
Zeus Eleutherius (ἐνταῦθα).
Stoa ὄπισθεν (Eleutherius).
Euphranor’s painting.
Temple of Apollo the Paternal.
Statue of the god, by Euphranor (πλησίον ἐν τῷ vag).
Statues of Apollo by Leochares and Calamis (πρὸ τοῦ ἴω)
Metroum (Μητρὸς θεῶν ἱερόν).
Image by Phidias.
Buleuterium of the 500 (πλησίον).
Zeus Bulaeus, a ξόανον.
Apollo of Pisias.

ἐν αὐτῷ ὁ Demus of Lyson.

i
5 1-5.

ὅ 5.81.

8 2-3.

Thesmothetae of Protogenes.

Callippus of Olbiades.
Digression on the Galatae.
Tholus (τοῦ βουλευτηρίου πλησίον).
Statues of Eponymi (ἀνωτέρω).
Digression on Attalus and Ptolemy.
Images (μετὰ Tas εἰκόνας τῶν ἐπωνύμων), including

Amphiaraus.

Kirene and Plutus.

Lycurgus.

Callias.

Demosthenes.

14 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTAS

84-5. Shrine of Ares (τῆς τοῦ Δημοσθένους εἰκόνος πλησίον).
Two images of Aphrodite.
Image of Ares by Alcamenes.
Image of Athena by Locrus of Paros.
Image of Enyo by sons of Praxiteles.
Heracles, Theseus, Apollo, Calades, Pindar (περὶ τὸν ναόν).
Harmodius and Aristogiton (οὐ =e δέ).
8 6: Theatre, called Odeum.
Statues of Egyptian kings (πρὸ τῆς ἐσόδου).

Α91. 3. Digression on the Ptolemies.
9 4. ilip, Alexander, and Lysimachus statues (μετὰ δὲ τοὺς

ἔνθα

Αἰγυπτίους).
ὅ-10. _ Digression on Lysimachus.
111. Statue of Pyrrhus.
{ 11-13. __Digression on Pyrrhus.
14 1. Dionysus and other images (és... τὸ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἐσελθοῦσιν
᾿Ωιδεῖον).

Enneacrunus (πλησίον).
c. The Market-Place: from Enneacrunus to Prytaneum.
14 1-4. Temple of Demeter and Kore, and temple of Triptolemus (ὑπὲρ

THY κρήνην).
Image of Triptolemus.
πρὸ TOU Bronze bull.
ναοῦ τοῦδε | Epimenides.
14 5. Temple of Eucleia (ἔτι ἀπωτέρω).
14 6. Temple of Hephaestus (ὑπὲρ τὸν Κεραμεικὸν καὶ στοὰν...
βασίλειον).
Statues of Athena and Hephaestus.
14 7. Temple of Aphrodite Urania (πλησίον).

15 1-4. Painted Colonnade.
Hermes Agoraeus (ἰοῦσι πρὸς τὴν στοὰν ἣν Ποικίλην ὀνομά-
ζουσιν).
Market gate (καὶ πύλη πλησών).
Battle of Theseus and Amazons.
Paintings {centr of Troy.
Battle of Marathon.
Solon (πρὸ μὲν τῆς στοᾶς).
Seleucus (ὀλίγον δὲ ἀπωτέρω).
161-38. _Digression on Seleucus.

Statues

INTRODUCTION

17 1. An Agora, containing, besides other notable objects,
Altar of Pity (‘A@nvaios δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κτλ.).
17 2. Gymnasium of Ptolemy (τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπέχοντι οὐ πολύ).
Stone Hermae.
Bronze statue of Ptolemy.
Statue of Juba.
Statue of Chrysippus.
Shrine of Theseus (πρὸς δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ).
Fight of Athenians and Amazons.
Paintings Fg of Centayrs and Lapithae.
Theseus and Amphitrite.
18 1. Shrine of the Dioscuri.
2. Precinct of Aglaurus (ὑπὲρ τῶν Διοσκούρων τὸ ἱερόν).
8. Prytaneum (πλησίον).
Laws of Solon.
Image of Peace.
Image of Hestia.
Statues: Autolycus, Miltiades, Themistocles.

Ill. The City of Hadrian (18 4 — 19 6).
18 4. Serapeum (ἐντεῦθεν ἰοῦσιν εἰς τὰ κάτω τῆς πόλεως).
Pact of Theseus and Pirithous (οὐ πόρρω).
5. Temple of Ilithyia (πλησίον).
6. περίβολος of Olympian Zeus.
Temple of Olympian Zeus.
Chryselephantine statue of Zeus within the temple.
Four statues of Hadrian, in front of the temple.
A bronze statue of each of the colonies.
A statue of Hadrian sent by each of the colonies.
Colossus of Hadrian, at the back of the temple.
7. An ancient bronze Zeus.
Temple of Cronus and Rhea.
Temenus of Ge Olympia.
Statue of Isocrates on a pillar.
Statues of Persians holding a brazen tripod.
8. The tomb of Deucalion.
9. Digression : Other buildings of Hadrian in Athens.
19 1. Statue of Apollo Pythius (μετὰ δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦ Διὸς tov ᾿Ολυμπίου).
Another sanctuary of Apollo Delphinius.

15

16 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

2. The Gardens (Κῆπου).
Temple of Aphrodite (in the Gardens).
Statue of Aphrodite (τοῦ ναοῦ πλησίον).
3. Sanctuary of Heracles, called Cynosarges.
Altars of Heracles and of Hebe.
Altar of Alemene and Iolaus.

4, Lyceum.
Monument of Nisus (ὄπισθεν τοῦ Λυκείου).
5. Rivers of Athens.
Tlissus.
Eridanus.

6. Agrae (διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Εἰλισσόν).
Temple of Artemis Agrotera.
Stadium.

IV. The Street of Tripods and Southern Slope of Acropolis (20 1—

— 22 3).
201. a. The Street of Tripods (ὁδὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ Πρυτανείον καλουμένη Τρί-
ποδες).
2: Temples of gods, one supporting Satyr of Praxiteles.

Satyr and Eros of Thymilus (ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ πλησίον).
3. ὃ. Oldest sanctuary of Dionysus, containing two temples (πρὸς τῷ
θεάτρῳ). ᾿
Statues of Dionysus in the temples, one called Eleuthereus,
the other made by Alcamenes.
Paintings in one of the temples.
4. c. Odeum of Pericles (πλησῶον τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ τοῦ Διονύσου καὶ τοῦ θεά-
τρου κατασκεύασμα).
Digression: Sulla’s Capture of Athens.
. d. The Theatre of Dionysus:
Statues of tragic and comic poets.
3. 6. Gilded head of Medusa (ἐπὶ . . . τοῦ Noriov καλουμένου τείχους, ὃ
τῆς ἀκροπόλεως és TO θεατρόν ἐστι τετραμμένον)...
f. Cave (Monument of Thrasyllus) (ἐν τῇ κορυφῇ τοῦ θεάτρου).
4. Tomb of Calos (ἰόντων . . . és τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀπὸ τοῦ θεάτρου).
4-9. h. Sanctuary of Asclepius.
22 1-2. i. Temple of Themis (Mera . . . τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ).
Tomb of Hippolytus (πρὸ αὐτοῦ).

INTRODUCTION 17

3. Jj. Aphrodite Pandemus and Peitho: images.
k. Sanctuary of Ge Kourotrophos.
ἰ. Sanctuary of Demeter Chloe.

V. The Acropolis (22 4 — 28 3).

224. a. Entrance to Acropolis (és δὲ τὴν ἀκρόπολίν ἐστιν ἔσοδος pia).
b. The Propylaea.
Figures of horsemen.
5. c. Temple of Nike Apteros.
Heroum of Aegeus. |
6-7. d. Picture Gallery (ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῶν προπυλαίων οἴκημα ἔχον γραφάς).
Rape of Palladium by Diomedes.
Odysseus with bow of Philoctetes.
Slaying of Aegisthus by Orestes.
Sacrifice of Polyxena.
Achilles in Skyros (?)
Odysseus and Nausicaa (?)
Alcibiades.
Perseus with head of Medusa.
Boy-carrying water-pots.
Wrestler, by Timaenetus.
Portrait of Musaeus.
e. Hermes Propylaeus and the Graces, attributed to Socrates.
23 1-7. f. Between Propylaea and sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia.
Bronze statue of Leaena. —
Image of Aphrodite, by Calamis.
Bronze statue of Diitrephes.
Image of Hygieia. .
Image of Athena Hygieia.
Stone of Silenus.
Bronze boy with lustral basin, by Lyciys.
Perseus, slaying Medusa, by Myron.
g- Sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia.
Image of Artemis Brauronia, by Praxiteles.
h. Between sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia and eastern end of
Parthenon. |
Bronze copy of Wooden Horse.
Statues of Epicharinus, of Oenobius, of Hermolycus, of Phor-
mio (μετὰ τὸν ἵππον).

18

24 1-2.

24 3.

24 3-4.

24 5-7.

24 8.

25 1-2.

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Athena striking Marsyas (ἐνταῦθα).

Theseus and the Minotaur (τούτων πέραν).

Phrixus and the ram.

Heracles strangling the snakes (and other statues).
Athena springing from the head of Zeus.

Votive bull of the Areopagus.

i. A temple, possibly of Athena Ergane, containing a σπουδαίων

δαίμων.

A statue by Cleoetas.

Statues of Conon and Timotheus.

Procne and Itys, an offering of Alcamenes.
Athena and Poseidon.
Image of Zeus, by Leochares.

Image of Zeus Polieus.

7. The Parthenon.

The pediments — birth of Athena — contest of Athena and
Poseidon.

Chryselephantine image of Athena.

Statue of Emperor Hadrian (ἐνταῦθα . . . μόνου).

Statue of Iphicrates (κατὰ τὴν ἔσοδον).

’

voriw )

6

k. Between Parthenon and South Wall (πρὸς ... τῷ τείχει τῷ

Bronze Apollo Parnopius, by Phidias (τοῦ ναοῦ . . . πέραν).

Statues of Pericles and Xanthippus (on opposite sides, ére-
ρωθὺ.

Statue of Anacreon.

Statues of Io and Callisto, by Dinomenes.

1. Votive Groups of Attalus, at the South Wall (πρὸς... τῷ

4 “Aw o
τείχει TW voriw) 5

259. 263. Digression: Ol 10

26 4..

26 5.

m. Between the South Wall and the Erechtheum.

Statue of Olympiodorus.

Bronze image of Artemis Leucophryene (τῆς . . . εἰκόνος
πλησίον τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιοδώρου).

Seated image of Athena, by Endoeus.

n. The Erechtheum (οἴκημα "EpeéyOaov καλούμενον).

Altar of Zeus Hypatus (πρὸ . . . τῆς ἐσόδου). |
Altars of Poseidon with Erechtheus, of Butes, of He-
phaestus (ἐσελθοῦσι).

INTRODUCTION 19

Paintings of the Butadae (ἐπὶ τῶν τοίχων).
6. The old Athena image.
The lamp of Callimachus.
271. ο. Athena Polias Temple (ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Πολιάδος).
A wooden Hermes, offering οὗ Cecrops.
A chariot, the work of Daedalus.
The breastplate of Masistius.
The dagger of Mardonius.
2. p. A temple of Pandrosus (τῷ ναῷ . . . τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς... συνεχής).
3. q. Dwelling of Arrephoric Maidens.
27 4. r. Between the Erechtheum and the Propylaea (27 4 — 28 2).
Small figure of Lysimache (πρὸς . . . τῷ ναῷ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς).

5. Statues of Erechtheus and .Eumolpus.
6. Statues of Tolmides and his prophet.
Oid images of Athena injured by fire.
7. A representation of a boar-hunt.
Fight of Heracles and Cycnus.
9. Bronze statue of Theseus lifting the stone.
Theseus and the Marathonian bull.
28 1. Bronze statue of Cylon.
2. Bronze image of Athena, from the spoils at Marathon.

Bronze chariot, from the spoils of Boeotians and Chalcidians.
Statue of Pericles.
Statue of Athena Lemnia.

28 3. s. The Acropolis Wall.

VI. Western Slope of the Acropolis, and the Areopagus (28 4 — 29 1).

28 4. a. The Clepsydra (καταβᾶσι . . . οὐκ és τὴν κάτω πόλιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον
ὑπὸ τὰ προπύλαια, πηγή τε ὕδατος).
b. Sanctuary of Apollo in a cave (πλησίον).
c. Cave of Pan.
5. d. The Areopagus.
Altar of Athena Areia.
6. Stones of Insolence and Shamelessness.
Sanctuary of Semnae (πλησίον).
Statues of Pluto, Hermes, and Ge.
7. Monument of Oedipus.
28 8-11. Digression: The Athenian law courts.

20 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

VII. Road from Athens to the Academy Suburb (29 2 ---80 4) (ἔξω
πόλεως).

29 2. a. Sanctuaries of gods.
Precinct of Artemis, with wooden images of Ariste and
Kalliste.
A small temple of Dionysus Eleuthereus.
3. b. The street of Tombs.
Thrasybulus.
Pericles, Chabrias, Phormio.
4-14, Monuments to Athenians who fell in battle.
15. Conon and Timotheus.
Zeno and Chrysippus.
Nicias, the animal-painter.
Harmodius and Aristogiton.
Ephialtes.
16. Lycurgus.
30 1. c. The Academy.
Altar of Eros (πρὸ . . . τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς ἐς ᾿Ακαδημών).
2: Altar of Prometheus (Ἐν ᾿Ακαδημίᾳ).
Altar of the Muses (Ἐν ᾿Ακαδημί).
Altar of Hermes (‘Ev ᾿Ακαδημί).
Altar of Athene and Heracles (Ἔν ’Axadypia).
Sacred olive trees.
3. Tomb of Plato (ov πόρρω).
4. Tower of Timon.
d. Colonus Hippius.
Altar of Poseidon Hippius and Athena Hippia.
Hero-chapel of Theseus and Pirithous.
Hero-chapel of Oedipus and Adrastus.

VIII. The Demes of Attica (81 — 33).

31 1. a. Halimus. .

Sanctuary of Thesmophorian Demeter, and Kore.
At Zoster on the sea, an altar of Athena.

b. Apollo, Artemis, and Leto.

c. Prospalta.
Sanctuary of Kore and Demeter.

d. Anagyrus. :
Sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods.

31 2.

31 3.

31 4.

INTRODUCTION 21

e. Cephale.
The Dioscuri.
J: Prasiae.
Temple of Apollo.
Monument of Erisichthon.
g. Lamptrae.
Monument of Cranaus.
h. Potamoi.
Tomb of Ion, son of Xuthes.
i, Phlya.
Altars of Apollo, Artemis, Dionysus, the Ismenid Nymphs,
and Ge.
In another temple, altars of Demeter, Zeus, Athena, Kore,
and the Semnae.
7. Myrrhinus.
Wooden image of Colaenis.
k. Athmonia.
Sanctuary of Artemis.
1. Acharnae.
Sanctuaries of Apollo Agyieus and Heracles.
Altar of Athena Ilygieia.

32 3-7. m. Marathon.

33 1.

Tumulus of Athenians.
Tumulus of Plataeans and slaves.
Monument of Miltiades.
Trophy of white stone.
Fountain Macaria.
Marsh.
Mountain of Pan.
n. Brauron.
Ancient wooden image of Artemis.

33 2-8. o. Rhamnus.

Sanctuary of Nemesis, with image made by Phidias.

IX. Oropus (34).

34 1.

a. The deme of Oropus.

2-5. b. The Sanctuary of Amphiaraus.

Temple, with image.
Altar, dedicated to various deities.
Fountain of Amphiaraus.

22 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTAS

X. The Mountains and Islands of Attica (32 1-2, 35 — 36 2).

32 1-2. a. Mountains.
Pentelicus, with image of Athena.
Hymettus, with image of Zeus and altars of Zeus and
Apollo.
Parnes, with bronze image and altars of Zeus.
Anchesmus, with image of Zeus.
35 1— 36 2. ὁ. Islands.
Patroclus.
Helene.
Salamis, with temple of Ajax and sanctuaries of Artemis
and of Cychreus.
Psyttalia, with wooden images of Pan.

XI. The Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis (36 3 — 38 7).

36 3-6. Monument of Anthemocritus.
Tomb of Molottus.
Monument of Cephisodorus.
37 1-7. Grave of Heliodorus Halis.
Grave of Themistocles, son of Poliarchus.
Graves of family of Acestius.
Temenos of the hero Lacius and the deme Laciadae.
Monument of Nicocles, the lyre-player.
Altar of Zephyrus.
Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore.
Tomb of Phytalus.
Monument of Theodorus (πρὶν... διαβηναι τὸν Κηφισόν).
Statues of Mnesimache.
Ancient altars of Zeus Meilichius (διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Κηφισόν).
Graves of Theodectes and Mnesitheus.
Small temple of Cyamites.
Monument of a Rhodian.
Monument to Pythionice by Harpalus.
Sanctuary with images of Demeter and Kore, Athena
and Apollo.
Temple of Aphrodite.
38 1-5. The Rheitoi.
Heroum of Hippothoon.
Heroum of Zarex.

INTRODUCTION

XII. Eleusis and its Neighborhood (38 6-9).

38 6-7. a. Eleusis: the Sacred Precinct.
Temple of Triptolemus.
Temple of Artemis Propylaea.
Temple of Poseidon Pater.
Altar of Triptolemus.

38 8-9. ὁ. Road from Eleusis to Eleutherae.
Temple and image of Dionysus.
Cave of Antiope.

. Walls of Eleutherae.

39 1-3. c. Road from Eleusis to Megara.
Well, called Anthium
Sanctuary of Metanira.
Graves of Seven against Thebes.
Monument of Alope.
Palaestra of Cercyon.

XIII. Megara (39 4 — 44).

39 4-6. Mythical History of Megara.
40 1. Fountain of Theagenes (ἐν τῇ πόλει).
2-3. An ancient Sanctuary (τῆς . . . κρήνης ... od πόρρω).
Bronze images of Artemis Soteira.
Statues of Roman emperors.
Images of the Twelve Gods.
4-5. Temenos of Zeus.
Temple called Olympieum.
Gold and ivory image of Zeus, not completed.
Bronze beak of a trireme.
6. The Acropolis, called Caria.
Temple of Dionysus Nyctelius.
Sanctuary of Artemis Epistrophia.
Oracle of Nyx.
Temple of Zeus Conius.
Images of Asclepius and Hygieia.
The Megaron of Demeter.

23

411. The Tomb of Alcmene (ἐκ... τῆς ἀκροπόλεως κατιοῦσιν.. ..

πλησίον τοῦ Ολυμπιείου).
Rhous.
Monument of Hyllus (πλησίον).

2-3.

43 6.

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Temple of Isis (ob πόρρω... τοῦ Ὕλλου μνήματος).
Temple of Apollo and Artemis (παρ᾽ αὐτόν).

. Digression: Who killed the lion of Cithaeron?

The Heroum of Pandion (ἐκ τούτου... τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατιοῦσι).

Monument οὗ Hippolyte (πλησίον).

. Grave of Tereus (οὐ πόρρω).

The Acropolis, named after Alcathous (ἄλλη Μεγαρέων ἀκρόπολις
ἀπὸ ᾿Αλκάθου τὸ ὄνομα ἔχουσα).
Monument of Megareus (ἐς αὐτὴν... τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνιοῦσιν...
ἐν δεξιᾷ).
Hearth of gods called Prodomeis.
Stone of Apollo (τῆς . . . ἑστώς ἐγγύς). .
Buleuterium.
Temple of Athena (ἐπὶ τῇ κορυφῇ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως).
Gold-and-ivory image of Athena.
Sanctuary of Athena Nike.
Sanctuary of Aiantis.
Old Temple of Apollo.
Sanctuary of Demeter Thesmophoros.
Monument of Callipolis (κατιοῦσι . . . ἐντεῦθεν).
Monument of Ino (κατὰ. . . τὴν és τὸ πρυτανεῖον ὁδόν).
Heroum of Iphigenia.
The Prytaneum.
Graves of Euippus and Ischepolis (Ev. .. τῷ Πρυτανείῳ).
The rock Anaclethra (πλησώον).
Graves in the city of Megara.
Of those killed in Persian Wars.
A tomb of heroes, called Aesymnium.
The Heroum of Alcathous.
Tomb of Pyrgo, his first wife.
Tomb of Iphinoe, his daughter.
The Sanctuary of Dionysus.
Grave of Astycratea and Manto (παρὰ... τὴν ἔσοδον τὴν és TO
Διονύσιον).
A wooden image of Dionysus.
A Satyr by Praxiteles.
Image of Dionysus, dedicated by Euchenor.
Temple of Aphrodite (Mera . . . τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν).
Ivory image of Aphrodite, surnamed Praxis.

INTRODUCTION 25

Peitho and Paregoros, works of Praxiteles.
Eros, Himeros, and Pothos of Scopas.
Sanctuary of Tyche (πλησών).
Image, by Praxiteles.
Temple adjacent, containing
Muses and a bronze Zeus, by Lysippus.
43 7-8. The Grave of Coroebus (ἐν τῇ Μεγαρέων ἀγορᾷ).
Figure of Coroebus killing Poine.
44 1. The Grave of Orsippus (πλησίον).
Sanctuary of Tutelary Apollo (‘Ex ... τῆς ἀγορᾶς κατιοῦσι τῆς
ὁδοῦ τῆς Εὐθείας καλουμένης).
Image of Apollo.
Tmages of Artemis, Latona, and others, the Latona and her
children by Praxiteles.
The Old Gymnasium (πλησίον πυλῶν καλουμίνων Νυμφάδων).
Stone of Apollo Carinus.
Sanctuary of the Iithyiae.
44 3. The Port called Nisaea.
Sanctuary of Malophorian Demeter.
The Acropolis of Nisaea.
The tomb of Lelex, beside the sea.
The Island of Minoa.
444-5. The mountainous district of Megara.
Pagae.
Rock shot at by the Medes.
Bronze image of Artemis Soteira.
Heroum of Aegialeus.
Aegosthena.
Sanctuary of Melampus.
Small figure of a man on a stele.
Erenea.
Tomb of Autonoe.
44 6-14. Road from Megara to Corinth.
Graves, among others, of Telephanes.
Tomb of Car.
The Molurian Rock.
Temple of Zeus, the Hurler (ἐπὶ... τοῦ ὄρους τῇ axpa).
Images of Aphrodite, Apollo, and Pan.
Tomb of Eurystheus.
Boundaries of Megaris and Corinth.

1

ATTIKA

Ch. 1

fates

Τῆς ἠπείρου τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς κατὰ νήσους τὰς Κυκλάδας 1

N ’ . δ 3 “A Ἵ ᾿ , , ~ A
καὶ πέλαγος τὸ Αἰγαῖον akpa Σούνιον πρόκειται γῆς τῆς

3 a Ν , , : ‘\ Ἂν 3 Ν Ν
Αττικῆς᾽ καὶ λιμήν τε παραπλεύσαντι τὴν ἀκραν ἐστὶ καὶ

ναὸς ᾿Αθηνᾶς Σουνιάδος ἐπὶ κορυφῇ τῆς ἄκρας. πλέοντι δὲ

3 Ν ’ 4 ’ »,» 5 ¥y \ 3? , >
és τὸ πρόσω Λαύριόν τέ ἐστιν, ἔνθα ποτὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἦν

1. Sunium — Laurium — The Island
of Patroclus— The Piraeus — Muny-
chia — Phalerum.

2. ἄκρα Σούνιον : Cape Sunium, the
southeast promontory of Attica, is a
rugged headland of crystalline rock,
rising two hundred feet above the sea.
The earliest mention of Sunium is in
Od.; 278, where it is said that the pilot
of Menelaus was struck down by Apol-
lo’s shafts as the ship was passing
the sacred headland of Sunium. The
woods mentioned by Soph. Aj. 1217 ff.
as covering the promontory have dis-
appeared. The ancient fortification
wall (cf. Thuc. 8, 4), with a circuit of
over half a mile, may still be traced.
— 38. παραπλεύσαντι : dative of ref-
erence with verbs of motion, a favor-
ite construction with the historians.
Cf. Thuc. 1, 24 ᾿Επίδαμνός ἐστι πόλις
ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον κόλπον.
2,96; ΗἨᾶάΐ. 1, δ] ; 1,181; 6,38; Xen.
Anab. 8, 2, 22; 6, 4, 1; Cyr. 8, 26;
etc. —4. ναὸς ᾿Αθηνᾶς Σουνιάδος : upon
the highest point of the promontory
stand the ruins of a Doric peripteral
temple, with six columns to front

27

and rear and thirteen on the sides;
nine columns on the southern side and
two on the northern are still standing.
The stylobate measures 102 x 44 feet.
The date, according to Dr. Dérpfeld,
is somewhat later than the so-called
Theseum. This temple has been usu-
ally identified as the temple of Athena.
But Poseidon also was worshiped at
Sunium (Zovndpare, Ar. Eq. 560, cf.
Av. 868); and an inscription found in
the temple a few years ago, contain-
ing a psephisma to be set up in the
temple of Poseidon, proves that this
temple really belongs to Poseidon. The
foundations of the Athena temple have —
been identified. See A.M. XXIV (1899),
349; Berl. Philol. Woch. XIX (1899),
1087. — 5. Aatptov . . . ἀργύρον pé-
ταλλα : the hills of Laurium cover prac-
tically the whole of that part of the
Attic peninsula south of a line drawn
from Thoricus to Anaphlystus, a dis-
trictextending about eleven miles north
and south and five miles east and west.
The exact period in which the art of
mining was introduced into Attica is
unknown. Xen. de Vect. 4, 2 implies

10

15

28 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 1, 2

ἀργύρον μέταλλα, καὶ νῆσος ἔρημος οὐ μεγάλη Πατρόκλου
καλουμένη: τεῖχος γὰρ “Φφκοδομήσατο ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ χάρακα
ἐβάλετο Πάτροκλος,“ ὅς τριήρεσιν ἐπέπλει ναύαρχος Αἰγυ-
πτίαις, as Πτολεμαῖος 6 Πτολεμαίον τοῦ Λάγον τιμωρεῖν.
ἔστειλεν ᾿Αθηναίοις, ὅτε σφίσιν ᾿Αντίγονος ὁ Δημητρίου
στρατιᾷ τε αὐτὸς ἐσβεβχηκὼς. ἔφθειρε τὴν χώραν καὶ ναν-
σὶν ἅμα ἐκ θαλάσσης sala hae

Ὁ δὲ Πειραιεὺς δῆμος μὲν ἦν ἐκ παλαιοῦ, ieeads δὲ
πρὶν ἢ Θεμιστοκλῆς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἦρξεν ἐπίνειον οὐκ ἦν" Φα-
ληρὸν δέ--- ταύτῃ γὰρ ἐλάχιστον ἀπέχει τῆς πόλεως ἡ
θάλασσα --- τοῦτό σφισιν ἐπίνειον ἦν, καὶ Μενεσθέα φασὶν
αὐτόθεν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς Τροίαν ἀναχθῆναι καὶ τούτον πρό-
τερον Θησέα δώσοντα Μίνῳ δίκας τῆς ᾿Ανδρόγεω τελεντῆς.

that it was very remote, while at his
time the mines were less productive
than formerly (Mem. 3, 6, 12). In Stra-
bo’s time they were almost exhausted
(9, p. 399), and Diodorus (5, 37) says that
in his day great sums were expended
in mining here, but without adequate
return. Pausanias speaks as if opera-
tions had ceased entirely in the sec-
ond century. More than two thousand
of the ancient shafts have been located.
At present a French company and a
Greek company are seeking to resmelt
the old slag and extract lead from the
ore. Very little silver remains. —6. vf-
wos... Πατρόκλου: this island lies
three miles west of Cape Sunium, and
is now known as Gaidaronisi or Ass’s
Island. A wall of rough stone, possi-
bly that built by Patroclus, occupies
the northeast corner ; the ancient desig-
nation, as the palisade (xdpat, Strabo,
9, p. 398) of Patroclus, has given to
the coast territory adjacent the name of
Charaka. The incident mentioned took

place in the so-called Chremonidean
War (268-263 5.ο.). Cf. 1, 7,3; 3, 6, 4.
See Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, I, 627.
13. Πειραιεὺς δῆμος, κτλ.: the Pi-
raeus consists of a rocky peninsula
extendingseaward from the Attic main-
land two and one third miles from
northeast to southwest, composed of
two masses each about one and one-
fourth miles wide united by a low and
narrow isthmus. The southwest mass,
known as Acte in ancient times, is 187
feet in height; the northeast mass, 280
feet at its highest point, is the hill of
Munychia. In 493-492 s.c. Themisto-
cles began the fortification of Piraeus ;
about 448 the Long Walls were com-
pleted; in 440 the seaport town was
laid out on a uniform plan by Hippoda-
mus of Miletus; in 404 the Lacedae-
monians destroyed the Long Walls and
the Piraeus fortifications ; during 304—
391 the fortifications were restored,
chiefly under Conon; in 86 Sulla razed
the fortifications, which were never

20

25

THE PIRAEUS 29

Ch.1,3 ,

Θεμιστοκλῆς δὲ ws ἦρξε --- τοῖς τε yap πλέουσιν ἐπιτηδειό-

τερος ὃ Πειραιεὺς ἐφαίνετό οἱ προκεῖσθαι καὶ λιμένας τρεῖς

9 e a » ἰφ᾿ “Ὁ “Ὁ ’ > 9 +»

ἀνθ᾽ ἑνὸς ἔχειν τοῦ Φαληροῖ ----τοῦτό σφισιν ἐπίνειον εἶναι
4, Ἁ Ν N

κατεσκευάσατο. Kal νεὼς Kal ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν οἶκοι Kal πρὸς

τῷ μεγίστῳ λιμένι τάφος Θεμιστοκλέους. φασὶ γὰρ μεταμε-'

λῆσαι τῶν ἐς Θεμιστοκλέα ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ ὡς οἱ προσήκον-

τες τὰ ὀστᾶ κομίσαιεν ἐκ Μαγνησίας ἀνελόντες - φαίνονται
Ν ε ἰοὺ ε ld Ἁ ’

δὲ οἱ παῖδες οἱ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ κατελθόντες καὶ γραφὴν

9 δ ~ 9 ld 3 Ὁ ~ 3

és τὸν Παρθενῶνα ἀναθέντες, ἐν ἣ Θεμιστοκλῆς ἐστι yeypap-
ld 4 , » “ἍΜ 3 A , 9 A 9

μένος. θέας δὲ ἄξιον τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ μάλιστα ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐστι
Ἁ δ ’ ~ Ν 9 ’ Ν 9 ΄ »

καὶ Διὸς τέμενος: χαλκοῦ μὲν ἀμφότερα τὰ ἀγάλματα, ἔχει

rebuilt. — 22. νεὼς... οἶκοι : the ship-
sheds were regarded as one of the
glories of Athens.
they were built at a cost of 1000 tal-
ents, and were sold by the Thirty for
three talents. Dem. 22, 76 cites them
along with the Propylaea and the Par-
thenon. Lysias deplores the destruc-
tion of the dockyards (12, 99) and of
the shipsheds (30, 22) at the hands of
the tyrants. From 347 πιο. to 322
B.c. the Athenians engaged in rebuild-
ing docks and shipsheds (C.I.A. II,
270), and erected an arsenal, largely
through the efforts of Lycurgus. Con-
siderable remains of the ancient ship-
sheds are still to be seen in the harbors
of Zea and Munychia. — 23. τάφος Ge-
μιστοκλέους : cf. Plut. Them. 32, who
quotes Diodorus the Periegete’s descrip-
tion of Themistocles’s grave from his
work Περὶ μνημάτων. Tradition places
the site of the tomb on the shore of the
Acte peninsula near the modern light-
house, to the south of the approach to
the Great Harbor. Thuc. 1, 138 says
there was a monument of Themistocles
in the agora of Magnesia, but that his

Isocr. 7, 66 says .

relatives maintained that his bones had
been conveyed to Attic soil. — φασί:
note change of construction and espe-
cially use of opt. after φασί. Cf. Madvig,
Aavers. Crit. I, 704. On this frequent
variation note the use of φασὶ and other
expressions (a) with inf. and following
ws or ὅτι + opt., as e.g. 1,2,3; 10,3;
(δ) with inf. and following ws or ὅτι +
ind. of hist. tense, 1, 19, 4; 84, 2; (c) also
in 1, 20, 8, where after ws + opt. there
is first inf., then loss of dependence on
λέγεται.

28. ᾿Αθηνᾶς. .. καὶ Διὸς τέμενος :
this joint precinct of Zeus and Athena
is mentioned in other ancient writ-
ers. See S.Q. CXI, 78. Itis likely that
the two deities were worshiped in com-
mon and that there were two statues
with one sacred precinct. Cf. Lyc. c.
Leocr. 17 τὸ ἱερὸν rod Διὸς τοῦ σωτῆρος
καὶ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς σωτείρας. This was
the principal sanctuary of the Piraeus.
In the precinct were colonnades with
paintings and statues in the open air
(Strabo, 9, p. 396). The site has not
been definitely determined. — 29. ἀγάλ-
para: the two bronze statues of Athena

—-_

a)

30

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 1,3

80 δὲ ὁ μὲν σκῆπτρον Kat Νίκην, ἡ δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾶ δόρυ. ἐνταῦθα

35

Λεωσθένην;. ὃς ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν ἡγούμε-
, ON ~A 9 , , δ > y

vos Μακεδόνας ἔν.τε Βοιωτοῖς ἐκράτησε μάχῃ καὶ αὖθις ἔξω

Θερμοπυλῶν καὶ βιασάμενος ἐς Λάμιαν κατέκλεισε τὴν ἀπαν-

δ A » a “SAN θέ Ν Ν τὃ
τικρν τῆς Θίτης, τουτον τὸν Λεωσθένην καὶ τοὺς παιὸδας

ἔγραψεν ᾿Αρκεσίλαος.

ἔστι δὲ τῆς στοᾶς τῆς μακρᾶς,

¥ 4 3 ‘ A 9. ' ’ . \ ‘ “
ἔνθα καθέστηκεν ἀγορὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσση.- ---- καὶ γὰρ τοῖς
9 ᾿ ΄ ~ a? 9 Ἁ ε ’ αὶ Ν > AN 4

ἀπωτέρω Tov λιμένος ἐστὶν ἑτέρα ---- τῆς δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης
στοᾶς ὄπισθεν ἑστᾶσι Ζεὺς καὶ Δῆμος, Λεωχάρους ἔργον.

and Zeus were renowned. That of
Athena was the work of Cephisodotus
or Cephisodorus. See Pliny, 34, 74,
Cephisodorus -Minervam mira-
bilem in portu Atheniensium.
Furtwangler defends the Mss. reading
Cephisodorus which is adopted in the
Teubner and Jex-Blake editions. There
is no known Greek sculptor of this
name, while there were two by name
Cephisodotus. The date usually as-
signed is 394-391 B.c.; if the latter
name is accepted, the work must be
attributed to the elder Cephisodotus ;
so Overbeck, Murray, Milchhoefer, and
Wachsmuth. — 35. τῆς στοᾶς τῆς pa-
pas: the Long Colonnade was prob-
ably one of the five mentioned Schol.
Ar. Pac. 145, to the effect that in the
harbor of Cantharus were ‘‘ the docks,
then the sanctuary of Aphrodite, then
five colonnades round about the har-
bor’? (S.Q. CXII). .An inscription of
Roman date quoted ᾿Εφ. ’Apy. 1884,
p. 170, mentions these in the same
order. This stoa is doubtless iden-
tical with that described Thuc. 8, 90
as the largest colonnade, and as im-
mediately adjoining the promontory of
Eetionia. If so, it stood on the north

side of the harbor, extending westward
to where the town wall of Piraeus
crossed -the shallow bight over to
Eetionia. It is probably identical with
the often mentioned στοὰ ἀλφιτόπωλις
(S.Q. CXVII, 55). The four other
colonnades doubtless ran southward
in a line along the eastern shore of
the harbor, together forming the pub-
lic mart or emporium. — 36. ἀγορὰ...
ἀπωτέρω τοῦ Alpevos: this was the agora
of Hippodamus, which occupied a spa-
cious square, large enough for troops
to muster in (Andoc. 1, 46). The road
from Athens led into this square, and
another wide avenue led from it up to
the shrine of Artemis on Munychia
(Xen. Hell. 2,4,11ff.). The house ofthe
admiral Timotheus was near (Ps.-Dem.
49, 22). The site was probably the
level ground to the east of the great
harbor, where is located the modern
Karaiskaki Square. Named after the
architect who laid out the city, it con-
stituted in ancient times the principal
market of Piraeus. — 38. Ζεὺς καὶ Δῆ-
pos, Δεωχάρους ἔργον : for other works
of Leochares, cf. 1, 3, 4; 24, 4; 5, 20,
10. Leochares (c. 350 n.c.) was one of
the sculptors engaged with Scopas in

40

45

MUNYCHIA

Ch. 1, 4

31

πρὸς δὲ τῇ θαλάσσῃ Κόνων φκοδόμησεν ᾿Αφροδίτης ἱερόν,
τριήρεις Λακεδαιμονίων κατεργασάμενος περὶ Κνίδον τὴν
ὃ Ἂν 5 “4 , ‘ ~~ " 3 ΄
ἐν τῇ Καρικῇ χερρονήσῳ. Κνίδιοι γὰρ τιμῶσιν ᾿Αφροδί-
τὴν μάλιστα, καί σφισιν ἔστιν ἱερὰ τῆς θεοῦ: τὸ μὲν γὰρ
3 , Bae ‘ Se \ 9 ae gs ΄ \
ἀρχαιότατον Awpiridos, pera δὲ τὸ “Axpaias, νεώτατον δὲ
ἣν Κνιδίαν οἱ πολλοί, Κνίδιοι δὲ αὐτοὶ καλοῦσιν Εὐπλοιαν.
Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ᾿Αθηναίοις ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Μουνυχίᾳ λιμὴν
καὶ Μουνυχίας ναὸς ᾿Αρτέμιδος, ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ Φαληρῷ, καθὰ
καὶ πρότερον εἴρηταί μοι, καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ Δήμητρος ἱερόν.

embellishing the mausoleum of Hali-
carnassus (Pliny, 36, 80); he is the au-
thor of the original of the Vatican
group of Ganymede and the eagle
(Pliny, 34, 79). The personification of
the Demus was a popular motif in Greek
art. Pausanias mentions in Athens a
statue of Demus by Lyson (1, 3, 5), and
a painting of Demus by Euphranor (1,
3, 3). Parrhasius painted a celebrated
picture of the Athenians, portraying
their fickle character (Pliny, 35, 69).
Other cities likewise were personified
in art, as e.g. the Antioch of the Vati-
can. — 39. ᾿Αφροδίτης ἱερόν : the tem-
ple of Aphrodite, erected by Conon
after his naval victory off Cnidos (394
B.C.), lay somewhere between the docks
and the colonnades (cf. Schol. Ar. Pac.
145). This would place it to the south-
east of the harbor, most probably on
the promontory where the custom-
house now stands. Another shrine of
Aphrodite, dedicated by Themistocles,
was probably situated at the northern
extremity of Eetionia (see 5.9. CVI).—
41. ᾿Αφροδίτην: Aphrodite is called Aw-
ρῖτις asthe goddess of fruitfulness in veg-
etation (cf. ζείδωρος, ἤἠπιόδωρος, εὔκαρπος ;
Furtwangler in Roscher, I, 398) ; Axpala

as Goddess of the Height (cf. 2, 32, 6),
also a surname of Athena, Hera, and
Artemis (Hesych. s.v.’ Axpla); Εὔπλοια,
in that she grants prosperous voyages to
mariners. This latter was probably her
surname at Piraeus (C.I.A. II, 1206).
45, ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Μοννυχίᾳ λιμήν : on the
various harbors of Athens, see Ex-
cursus 1.— 46. Movvuxlas ναὸς ᾿Αρτέ-
μιδος : the temple was situated on the
top of the hill above the Hippodamian
agora (Xen. Hell. 2, 4, 11) but its exact
site is not determined. Here Artemis
was worshiped as a moon and har-
bor goddess. On the cult see Preller-
Robert, Gr. Myth. I, 802 ff., S.Q. CVII,
22. Pausanias fails to mention two
Greek theatres on the peninsula of
Piraeus, one on the western slope of-
the hill of Munychia, about half way
up the hill; the other to the west of
the harbor of Zea. The former is the
older and is mentioned Thuc. 8, 93,
1; Lys. 18, 32; and Xen. Hell. 2, 4, 32.
The latter was built during the second
century s.c. (C.I.A. II, 984). It was
excavated by the Greek Archaeological
Society in 1880. Parts of the stage-
building, orchestra, and auditorium
are in good condition. —47. Δήμητρος

Aten ἐκ
Cx

εἰ

ern

τῳ

δ Κωλιᾶς:

92

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 1,5

ἐνταῦθα Kai Σκιράδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς ναός ἐστι καὶ Διὸς ἀπωτέρω,
βωμοὶ δὲ θεῶν τε ὀνομαζομένων ᾿Αγνώστων καὶ ἡρώων Kai -

50 παίδων τῶν Θησέως καὶ Φαληροῦ τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν Φαληρὸν

᾿Αθηναῖοι πλεῦσαι μετὰ Ἰάσονός φασιν ἐς Κόλχους. ἔστι δὲ

καὶ ᾿Ανδρόγεω βωμὸς τοῦ Μίνω, καλεῖται δὲ Ἥρωος - ᾿Ανδρό-
ν»ν»ν » Ὄ 9 3 A \ 9 ’ ld

yew δὲ ὄντα͵) ἴσασιν οἷς ἐστιν ἐπιμελὲς τὰ ἐγχώρια σαφέστε-

‘pov ἄλλων ἐπίστασθαι.

9 ld A ’ » ¥
ἀπέχει δὲ σταδίους εἴκοσιν ἄκρα
ἐς ταύτην φθαρέντος τοῦ ναντικοῦ τοῦ Μήδων κα-

τήνεγκεν ὁ κλύδων τὰ νανάγια. Κωλιάδος δέ ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα

The
ἱερόν : this shrine is one of the vaol ἡμί-

kavron mentioned (10, 35, 2) as burnt
by the Persians and left in ruins for
all time by the Greeks as perpetual
memorials of their hatred of the bar-
barians. See Lyc. c. Leocr. 81 and
W.N. Bates, Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. XII,
320 ff. — 48. Σκιράδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς ναός: this
temple wassaid to have been founded by
a soothsayer from Dodona named Sci-
rus (1, 36, 4). See Milchh. S.Q. CXIX,
50. In A.M. I, 126, Lolling derives the
surname from σκιρρός, and connects it
with the rocks and their white color.
See also Preller-Robert, Griech. Myth.
I, 204, and Robert, Hermes, XX, 349. —
49. ᾿Αγνώστων : Pausanias’s language
leaves it uncertain whether there was
one altar to Unknown Gods or several,
and whether, if several, each was dedi-
cated to Unknown God or Gods. At
Olympia was an ᾿Αγνώστων θεῶν βωμός
(5, 14, 8). The apostle Paul mentions
an altar at Athens with the inscription
ΑΤ ΝΩΣΤῺ OEQ (Acts 17, 23). Oecu-
menius (quoted in Lomeier, de veterum
gentilium lustrationibus, p. 32) says the
full inscription seen by Paul was: ‘* To
the gods of Asia and Europe and Libya,
to the Unknown and Strange God.”’
Tertullian (ad nationes, 2, 9) mentions

an altar at Athens dedicated to Un-
known Gods. Philostratus (Vit. Apol-
lon. 6, 3, 5) speaks of altars of Unknown
Gods at Athens. Lucian makes one of
his characters swear by the Unknown
Godat Athens(Philop. 9). Diog. Laert.
1, 10, 110, gives an explanation of the
presence of such altars at Athens. Cf.
Rendel Harris, ‘‘The Cretans Always
Liars,’’ Expositor, October, 1906. —
βωμοὶ... ἡρώων : probably of Nausi-
thous the steersman and Phaeax the
lookout man of Theseus’ ship on his
voyage to Crete. They had shrines at
Phalerum beside the sanctuary of Sci-
rus. See Plut. Thes. 17. — 50. Φαληρὸν

. πλεῦσαι μετὰ ᾿Ιάσονος : Phalerus
is also mentioned (Apoll. Rhod. 1, 96)
a8 a participator in the Argonautic
expedition.

52. ᾿Ανδρόγεω βωμός: see 1, 27, 10.
— 54. ἄκρα Kowdtds: on the probable
site of Cape Colias, see Excursus I. —
56. Κωλιάδος... ᾿Αφροδίτης ἄγαλμα:
on Coliad Aphrodite and her cult, see
Roscher, Lex. s.v. Kolias, and Schol.
Ar. Nub. 52, where a temple of the
goddess is mentioned and various ex-
planations are given of the term Coliad.
The priest of this deity had a seat in the
theatre of Dionysus (C.I.A. IIT, 339).

CAPE COLIAS 33

Ch.2,1 ,

᾿Αφροδίτης ἄγαλμα καὶ Γενετυλλίδες ὀνομαζόμεναι θεαί:
δοκῶ δὲ καὶ Φωκαεῦσι τοῖς ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ θεάς, ἃς καλοῦσι Γενναΐ-

Sas, εἶναι ταῖς ἐπὶ Κωλιάδι τὰς avras.— ἔστι δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν
60 τὴν ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ἐκ Φαληροῦ ναὸς Ἥρας οὔτε θύρας ἔχων οὔτε
»” 4 ’ 9 ἃ 9 ΝᾺ N a
ὄροφον - Μαρδόνιόν φασιν αὐτὸν ἐμπρῆσαι τὸν Γωβρύον.
“ , » “ A ld Ν ’ 3 ld 3 ‘
τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τὸ νῦν δή, καθὰ λέγουσιν, ᾿Αλκαμένους ἐστὶν
ἔργον. οὐκ ἂν τοῦτό γε 6 Μῆδος εἴη λελωβημένος. ἐν“...

᾿Ἐσελθόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐστὶν ᾿Αντιόπης μνῆμα ᾽᾿Ἂμα-

’ ; , Ἁ 3 ’ , id ε A
Covos. ταύτην τὴν ᾿Αντιόπην Πίνδαρος μέν φησιν ὑπὸ Πει-

΄ ᾿ δ ΄ ε A ’ δὲς ΄ (ὃ 3
ρίθου καὶ Θησέως ἁρπασθῆναι, Τροιζηνίῳ δὲ Ἡγίᾳ τοιάδε ἐς
αὐτὴν πεποίηται: Ἡρακλέα Θεμίσκυραν πολιορκοῦντα τὴν
ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι ἑλεῖν μὴ δύνασθαι, Θησέως δὲ ἐρασθεῖσαν

— 57. Γενετνλλίδες ὀνομαζόμεναι θεαί:
the Genetyllides are to be distinguished
from Aphrodite as birth-goddesses in
her service, Aphrodite herself having at
times this title. According to Hesych.
s.v. TevervAXs, Genetyllis resembled

Hecate, and dogs were sacrificed to her. »

See S.Q. s.v.; Usener, Gotternamen,
124. — 59. κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐς ᾿Αθήνας
ἐκ Φαληροῦ: Pausanias first traverses
the route from Phalerum to Athens and
describes monuments at the entrance
of the city (1, 2, 1); he then traverses
the route from Piraeus to Athens (1, 2,
2-3), and enters finally from this ap-
proach. —60. ναὸς Ἥρας : mentioned
(10, 35, 2) as one of the ναοὶ ἡμίκαντοι.
Pausanias leaves the reader his choice
of one of two inferences :.(1) if the in-
jury to the temple was inflicted by the
Persians, the image was not the work
of Alcamenes; (2) if the image was
made by Alcamenes, the injury to the
shrine was not inflicted by the Persians.
The author manifestly inclines to the
former inference.

2. The Amazon Antiope— Walls of
Greater Athens — Court Poets — The
Dipylum — Temples, Colonnades, and
Statues from Gate to Agora — Attic
Kings.

1. ἐσελθόντων. . . ᾿Αντιόπης μνῆμα
᾿Αμαζόνος : the statement implies that
this tomb was just within the city
wall of Athens. Plut. Thes. 27 defines
the site more exactly, παρὰ τὸ Γῆς
᾿Ολυμπίας ἱερόν. This sanctuary lay
(Paus. 1, 18, 7) in the region of the

- Olympieum, but outside the peribolus-

wall. Hence the gate through which
the Phalerum road led into Athens
was doubtless not far from the Olym-
pieum. Now the tomb of Antiope was
in all probability identical with the
tomb of the Amazon mentioned by Ps.-
Plato (Axioch. 364 p-365 a) as being
near the Itonian gate. Hence it follows
that the gate approached by the Phale-
rum road was the Itonian, and this lay
near the Olympieum. See Plut. Thes.
26 ff. on the relations between Theseus
and Antiope.

10

15

20

91 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

. Ch. 2, 2
“A ν A

᾿Αντιόπην ---- στρατέῦσαι yap ἅμα Ἡρακλεῖ καὶ Onoda —

Ὃ ἈΝ 4 4 N e 4 4 3
παραδοῦναι τὸ χωρίον. τάδε μὲν Ἡγίας πεποίηκεν ᾿Αθη-
“A , > 9 4 3 , 3 , \
vaio. δέ φασιν, ἐπεί τε ἦλθον “Apaloves, ᾿Αντιόπην μὲν
ὑπὸ Μολπαδίας τοξευθῆναι, Μολπαδίαν δὲ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ

’ ‘ a» 9 Ἁ ’ 9 ’

Θησέως. καὶ μνῆμά ἐστι καὶ Μολπαδίας ᾿Αθηναίοις.
> , \ 93 a“ 3 a “A A 3 ἃ
Ανιόντων δὲ ἐκ Πειραιῶς ἐρείπια τῶν τειχῶν ἐστιν ἃ

Κό ν ~ Ἁ Κ (ὃ lA 9 , ᾿ Ἁ
OV@V voTEpov Τῆς προς Vl @ ναυμαχίιας QVECTIOE Τα.

yap Θεμιστοκλέους μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν οἰκοδομηθέντα

2

τὴν Μήδων ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς καθῃρέθη τῶν τριάκοντα ὀνομα-᾿

ld 3 \ N , Ν Ἁ ε N 4 4
ζομένων. εἰσὶ δὲ τάφοι κατὰ THY ὁδὸν γνωριμώτατοι Mevar-
ὃ ἊΜ ’ “AN ~ 3 a ld 4

pov τοῦ Διοπείθους καὶ μνῆμα Evpuridouv κενόν - τέθαπται
δὲ Εὐριπίδης ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα ἐλθὼν ᾿Αρχέ-
λαον, ὁ δέ οἱ τοῦ θανάτου Tpdm0s — πολλοῖς γάρ ἐστιν εἰρη-
μένος ---- ἐχέτω καθὰ λέγουσι. συνῆσαν δὲ ἄρα καὶ τότε
τοῖς βασιλεῦσι ποιηταὶ καὶ πρότερον ἔτι καὶ Πολυκράτει
Σάμον τυραννοῦντι ᾿Ανακρέων παρὴν καὶ ἐς Συρακούσας

πρὸς Ἱέρωνα Αἰσχύλος καὶ Σιμωνίδης ἐστάλησαν Διονυσίῳ

11. ἐρείπια τῶν τειχῶν: on the Long
Walls, see Excursus Ι. --- 15. τάφοι...
Μενάνδρον. .. kal μνῆμα Εἰὐριπίδον κε-
vév: the epitaph on Menander’s tomb
is preserved Anthol. Pal. 7, 370:

Βάκχῳ καὶ Μούσῃσι μεμηλότα τὸν Διο-
πείθους,
Κεκροπίδην tw ἐμοί, ξεῖνε, Μένανδρον
ἔχω,
ἐν πυρὶ τὴν ὀλίγην ὃς ἔχει κόνιν" εἰ δὲ
Μένανδρον
δίξηαι, Shes ἐν Διὸς 7 μακάρων.

The inscription on Euripides’ cenotaph
is said to have been composed by Thu-
cydides or by Timotheus the musician.
It is found Anthol. Pal. 7, 45:
Μνῆμα μὲν Ἑλλὰς ἅπασ᾽ Evpurldov: ὀστέα
δ᾽ ἴσχει
17 Μακεδών ἡ γὰρ δέξατο τέρμα βίου.

πατρὶς δ᾽ Ελλάδος ᾿Ελλάς, ᾿Αθῆναι πλεῖ-
στα δὲ Μούσαις
τέρψας ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ τὸν ἔπαινον ἔχει.

The story goes that while being hospi-
tably entertained by King Archelaus
of Macedon, Euripides was accidentally
torn in pieces by his hunting dogs. See
Diod. 13, 103; Biog. Gr., pp. 136, 140.
Cf. Sotades ap. Stob. Flor. 98, Anth.
7, 51, and Allinson, Lucian, p.xiv. This
story bears all the ear-marks of myth.
On tombs as an embellishment of roads
in ancient times, see Curtius, Ges. Abh.
I, 74 ff-— 19. ἐχέτω καθὰ λέγουσι:
a similar formula occurs 8, 38, 7. Cf.
Hdt. 1, 140; 2, 28.

20. rots βασιλεῦσι ποιηταί: Pausa-
nias here mentions a number of popu-
lar instances of poets who sojourned

3

TYRANTS AND POETS 35

Ch. 2, 3

25

te

30

, ἃ 9 9 , 3° , , A
δέ, ὃς ὕστερον ἐτυράννησεν ἐν Σικελίᾳ, Φιλόξενος παρὴν
\ 93 , a » 9 , ε 4 Ἁ
και Ἀντιγόνῳ Μακεδόνων ΧΡ, Ανταγόρας Ῥόδιος καὶ
N
€

Σολεὺς “Aparos. Ἡσίοδος d€ Kat Ὅμηρος ἢ συγγενέσθαι

“A 3 4 aA Ν ε 4 9 ᾽’ ε \
βασιλεῦσιν ἠτύχησαν ἡ καὶ ἐκόντες ὠλιγώρησαν, ὃ μὲν
9 , τιν» , 9 Se 3 , “9S
ἀγροικίᾳ Kat ὄκνῳ πλάνης, Ὅμηρος δὲ ἀποδημήσας ἐπὶ

N A
μακρότατον καὶ τὴν ὠφέλειαν THY ἐς χρήματα Tapa τῶν
δυνατῶν ὑστέραν θέμενος τῆς παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς δόξης, ἐπεὶ

κε 4 ’ - 3 Ν 9 ᾽ὔ ΄- ,
καὶ Ὁμήρῳ πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ᾿Αλκίνῳ παρεῖναι Δημόδοκον
καὶ ὡς ᾿Αγαμέμνων καταλείποι τινὰ παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ ποιη-
, » \ , 3 ’ A A > “ »
τήν. ---- ἔστι δὲ τάφος οὐ πόρρω τῶν πυλῶν, ἐπίθημα ἔχων
στρατιώτην ἵππῳ παρεστηκότα. ὄντινα μέν, οὐκ οἶδα, Πρα-

4 \ N ‘\ 9 δ ‘\ 4 3 4
ξιτέλη ς δὲ καὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ τὸν στρατιώτην ἐποίησεν.

at the courts of kings and tyrants. It
is strange that he passes over Pindar
and Bacchylides. On Anacreon’s so-

journ with Polycrates, see Hdt. 8, 121:

Strabo, 14, p. 638. Aeschylus was at
the court of Hiero between 471 and
469; see Vita Aesch., and Christ, Ber.
d. bayr. Ak. 1888, 371 ff. On Simoni-
des’ sojourn with Hicro, see Xen. Hiero,
Ps.-Plato, Ep. 2, 311a, etc. On the so-
journ of Antagoras and Aratus with
Antigonus Gonatas in 276 B.c., see
Biogr. Gr., ed. Westermann, pp. 53-61;
Athen. 8, p. 340; Susemihl, Alex. Lit.
I, 380. On Demodocus see Od. @, 44;
v, 28. — 32. τάφος... ἐπίθημα ἔχων : it
has been conjectured that this monu-
ment of a rider is identical with the
shrine of the hero Chalcodon mentioned
by Plutarch (Thes. 26) as being near the
Piraeus gate at Athens. — οὐ πόρρω τῶν
πυλῶν : it is a much-disputed question
by what gate Pausanias enters the city.
There were four gates to the north and
northwest of Athens available for trav-
elers from the Piraeus: two within the

Long Walls,—one in the saddle be-
tween the Museum and Pnyx hills, the
other between the Pnyx and Nymphae-
um hills; a third, called the Piraeus
gate, just beyond the Nymphaeum hill;
and the fourth the great gate of the
city further north, known as the Dipy-
lum. Just as the roads leading from
the first two gates converged within
the walls, so the roads leading from
the last two converged at a short dis-
tance from the city. We have noticed
that Pausanias was approaching the
city by the road to the north of the
Long Wallis; hence he could have en-
tered by the Piraeus gate or the Dipy-
lum. It is generally accepted that
Pausanias chose the latter, since the
Dipylum was the principal gate of
Athens (cf. Livy 31, 24); and the road
to the Dipylum was a regular means
of approach from the Piraeus to the
agora; though somewhat longer, it was
more level and more convenient than
the lower road, and led through the
principal avenue to the chief part of

35

36

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 2, 4

9 , \ 9 ‘ , > , 9 ,
Εσελθόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν πόλιν οἰκοδόμημα ἐς παρασκευήν
ἐστι τῶν πομπῶν, ἃς πέμπουσι τὰς μὲν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, τὰς
ἃ
δὲ καὶ χρόνον διαλείποντες. καὶ πλησίον ναός ἐστι Δήμη-
> » ‘ > 2 . ε A δ ΝΥ »
Tpos, ἀγάλματα δὲ αὐτή τε Kal ἡ παῖς καὶ dada ἔχων

the city (cf. Polyb. 16, 25; Lucian,
Navig. 17, 46; Dial. Meretr. 4, 2, etc.);
and finally because the monuments
Pausanias proceeds to describe doubt-
less were along thie avenue from the
Dipylum to the agora. For a descrip-
tion of the extant remains of the Dipy-
lum, see Excursus I.

35. οἰκοδόμημα ἐς παρασκενὴν... τῶν
πομπῶν: this was doubtless 086 building
elsewhere designated Πομπεῖον (Dem.
34, 39; C.LA. II, 834c, 2, a; Poll. 9,
45; Diog. Laert.6, 22), used as a deposi-
tory of the properties for the various
processions, especially the Panathenaic,
that started from this point. The build-
ing was embellished with paintings and
statues, including a portrait of Isocra-
tes (Vit. x Or. 4, p. 889 £), and a bronze
statue of Socrates by Lysippus (Diog.
Laert. 2, 5, 43). The site has been
recognized in the foundations of a
large quadrangular building, divided
into three aisles, situated southwest of
the Dipylum, inside the city wall. —
37. ναὸς... Δήμητρος : this temple is
most probably identical with the ‘Iax-
xetov, in the neighborhood of which a
grandson of the great Aristides (Plut.
Aristid. 27) made his living by inter-
preting dreams, and where the dream-
interpreters regularly resorted (Alciphr.
3, 59). Its location near the Dipylum
accords with the fact that through this
gate passed the sacred processions to
Eleusis. Cf. Schol. Ar. Ran. 402;

Hesych. s.v. ἀγορᾶς. ---- 38. ἀγάλματα
... Πραξιτέλους : these statues of De-
meter, Persephone, and Iacchus are
mentioned by Clem. Alex. Protrept. 4,
62, p. 52, ed. Ritter, and the Iacchus
by Cicero (Verr. 4, 60), though neither
mentions Praxiteles. The statement
that the inscription on the wall was in
‘‘Attic characters’’ signifies that they
were inscribed in the Attic alphabet
of the fifth century before the archon-
ship of Eucleides (403-402 s.c.) when
the old Attic alphabet was officially
abolished in favor of the Ionic alphabet
of twenty-four letters. Two explana-
tions have been given of the statement
that an inscription referring to the
works of Praxiteles, whose acme could
hardly have been prior to 365, should
be in characters abolished in 403 s.c.:
one being the hypothesis of the Elder
Praxiteles, advocated chiefly by Furt-
wangler, the other that of Kéhler, who
finds the solution in the fact that the
inscription was carved, not as usual on
the base of the statue but on the wall,
and was accordingly not inscribed by
the artist. The old Attic alphabet,
Kohler says, was revived in Hadrian’s
time and was used particularly for
inscriptions and the like. He thinks
that these statues may well be those
dedicated by the physician Mnesitheus
(Paus. 1, 37, 4), who was contem-
porary with the comic poet Alexis,
ἃ younger contemporary of Praxiteles.

4

Ἴ ᾿ , de > AN “ 4 4 "A ~
QKXOS* γέγραπται O€ ETL TH τοίχῳ γράμμασιν ATTLKOLS

40

45

POSEIDON AND POLYBOTES

Ch. 2, 5

37

ἔργα εἶναι Πραξιτέλους. τοῦ ναοῦ δὲ ov πόρρω Ποσειδῶν

ἐστιν ἐφ᾽ ἵππου, δόρυ ἀφιεὶς ἐπὶ γίγαντα Πολυβώτην, ἐς ὃν

) ς ~ ε Ἁ ~ » yy ~ ’ . QA
Κῴοις ὁ μῦθος ὁ περὶ τῆς ἀκρας ἔχει τῆς Χελώνης. τὸ δὲ
9 ’ N 949 e ων N 9 ld »¥ δ 9
ἐπίγραμμα τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν τὴν εἰκόνα ἄλλῳ δίδωσι καὶ οὐ

ἴω Q ἴω “a
Ποσειδῶνι. στοαὶ δέ εἰσιν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν és τὸν Kepapet-

κὸν καὶ εἰκόνες πρὸ αὐτῶν χαλκαῖ καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ ἀνδρῶν,
9 ea 4, , 9 , ε Ne, A

ὅσοις τι ὑπῆρχεν [ὧν τις λόγος] és δόξαν. ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα τῶν
στοῶν ἔχει μὲν ἱερὰ θεῶν, ἔχει δὲ γυμνάσιον Ἑρμοῦ καλού-

,. ἢ δὲ 3 9 κα Π λ , 2 » θ᾽ a δ
μένον" ἐστι OE ἐν αντῃ ονλντιωνος OLKLA, Κα ἣν παρα

Οἱ. A.M. IX (1884), p. 78 ff. — 40. Πο-
σειδῶν. .. ἐφ᾽ ἵππον κτλ.: an inci-
dent of the Battle οὗ -the Gods and
Giants, related by Strabo (10, p. 489)
and by Apollodorus (1, 6, 2) to the ef-
fect that Poseidon with his trident had
rent a piece from the island of Cos,
and hurled it at the giant Polybotes,
burying him under it and forming the
island of Nisyrus off Cos. The com-
bat is frequently represented on vase-
paintings and other minor works of
art. Pausanias mentions that the in-
scription had been altered. ‘This was
a common practice under the Empire,
so that what had been the image
(ἄγαλμα) of a god or hero might be-
come the portrait statue (εἰκών) of a
man. — 44. στοαὶ... ἀπὸ τῶν wuAdv:
Himerius (3, 12) describes the proces-
sion of the Sacred Ship in the Panathe-
naic festival as follows: ἤΑρχεται μὲν
εὐθὺς ἐκ Πυλῶν, οἷον ἔκ τινος evdlov λιμέ-
vos, τῆς ἀναγωγῆς ἡ ναῦς.
ἐκεῖθεν nde, καθάπερ κατά τινος ἀκυμάντου
θαλάσσης, διὰ μέσον τοῦ Δρόμου κομίζεται,
ὃς εὐθυτενής τε καὶ λεῖος καταβαίνων ἄνωθεν

κινηθεῖσα δὲ

σχίζει τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν αὐτῷ παρατεταμένας
στοάς, ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἀγοράζουσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε καὶ
οἱ λοιποί. 1 understand Himerius’ state-
ment that the street ‘‘makes a straight

and gentle descent from the higher
ground ’’ as referring to the slope from
the Agora to the gate. This removes
Frazer’s difficulty in identifying the
street described by Himerius as being
the one described by Pausanias. From
the two authors alike we learn that the
entire avenue was lined with colon-
nades; Himerius refers to the buildings
used for merchandise and thelike; Pau-
sanias, only to those devoted to sacred
purposes, which were doubtless outnum-
bered by the secular buildings. — 45. et-
Kéves πρὸ αὐτῶν χαλκαῖ καὶ γυναικῶν
καὶ ἀνδρῶν κτλ.: Gurlitt (p. 265) argues
that the custom of lining a street be-
fore the colonnades with statues of
illustrious men and women belongs to
the Hellenistic Age, but Curtius (Stadt-
gesch. p. 178) shows that the custom
arose in early times and flourished
chiefly under Pericles. Such monu-
ments to the benefactors of the state
were placed in prominent places, espe-
cially on this parade street, that the
visitor on the very threshold of the
city might recognize that Athens was
the centre of the higher life of Hellas.

48. ἸΠονλντίωνος οἰκία: the Atheni- .
ans of ‘‘certain note’’ who profaned
the mysteries in the house of Pulytion

50

δῦ

38

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 2, 5

~*~ “a . Α
τὴν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι δρᾶσαι τελετὴν ᾿Αθηναίων φασὶν οὐ τοὺς

3 , 3.3 5 A \. 2 A , , de

ἀφανεστάτους’: ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δὲ ἀνεῖτο Διονύσῳ. Διόνυσον δὲ
A “A , 9 oN , “Ὁ 9135 ε ’

τοῦτον καλοῦσι Μελπόμενον ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε ἐφ᾽ ὁποίῳ περ
κι 9 a ¥

᾿Απόλλωνα Μουσηγέτην. ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα

Ν \ a 9

Παιωνίας καὶ Διὸς καὶ Μνημοσύνης καὶ Μουσῶν, ᾿Απόλλων

9. , νιν 3 ο΄ Ζ - oN ΄ aA 9 Ν

τε ἀνάθημα καὶ ἔργον Εὐβουλίδου, καὶ δαίμων τῶν ἀμφὶ

[4 ¥ (4 , 9 ’ ε ’ 3 ,

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A , δ δὲ δ A A , , , 549 ¥
νον Τῷ Τούχῳ. μέτα € TO TOV ALOVUT OU τέμένος ἐστιν OLKY LA

ἀγάλματα ἔχον ἐκ πηλοῦ, βασιλεὺς ᾿Αθηναίων ᾿Αμφικτύων

were doubtless Alcibiades and his com-
panions. Andoc. 1, 12, 14, and Isoc.
16, 6, also assert that the impious cere-
monies took place in the house of Puly-
tion. Plato (Eryx. 394c, 4008) speaks
of the magnificence of the mansion.
Thuc. 6, 28 states that the accused
parodied the Eleusinian mysteries. The
house was confiscated by the state and
dedicated to Dionysus Melpomenus. —
50. Διόνυσον... Μελπόμενον : Diony-
sus the Minstrel is referred to in vari-
ous inscriptions (see S.Q. X XVIII, 1).
It is thought that this réuevos is iden-
tical with the τέμενος τῶν περὶ τὸν Διό-
νυσον τεχνιτῶν, mentioned Athen. ὅ,
p. 212, the principal sanctuary of the
company of theatrical artists, from
whose number the priest of this deity
was chosen (C.I.A. III, 274, 278). The
other priest of this Dionysus was
chosen from the family of the Euni-
dae. Each had a reserved seat in-
scribed for him in the theatre of
Dionysus. — 52. ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα Παιω-
vias... ἔργον EvPovAlSou: the text
leaves it uncertain whether Pausanias
mineans to say that the whole group of
statues or only the statue of Apollo was
made and dedicated by Eubulides. In

1837 there was made in this territory
an important find of a pedestal of
great blocks of poros; also of a colos-
sal marble head of a woman, a torso
of a female statue, two male portrait
heads of Roman date, and a large
block of Hymettus marble with this
inscription : [Εὐβουλίδης Ev] xepos Kpw-
πίδης ἐποίησεν (C.I.A. II, 1645). In
1874 a colossal female head of Pen-
telic marble, probably an Athena, was
discovered in the same place. Author-
ities are divided on the question of re-
garding this find as the monument
mentioned by Pausanias, but we must
incline to the opinion that these frag-
ments are parts of a great composite
statue, made and dedicated by Eubu-
lides. — 54. δαίμων τῶν ἀμφὶ Διόνυσον
ἼΑκρατος : Acratus, one of the attend-
ant sprites of Dionysus, was the dae-
mon of unmixed wine. To this daemon
TDicaeopolis (Ar. Ach. 1229) gulped
down the ‘‘Amystis,’? — ‘‘the deep,
long, breathless draught.’’ — 56. τὸ
τοῦ Avovicrou τέμενος : usually regarded
as identical with the house of Pulytion,
inentioned as dedicated to Dionysus.
— οἴκημα ἀγάλματα ἔχον ἐκ πηλοῦ κτλ.:
Curtius (Ges. Abh. I, 40) recognizes

AMPHICTYON 39

Ch. 2, 6 be ghey

A ‘
ἄλλους τε θεοὺς ἑστιὼν Kai Διόνυσον. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Πήγασός

: QA. 2:
ἐστιν ᾿Ελευθερεύς, ὃς ᾿Αθηναίοις τὸν θεὸν ἐσήγαγε: ocuveTe

60

65

70

λάβετο δέ οἱ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς μαντεῖον ἀναμνῆσαν τὴν ἐπὶ"
Ἰκαρίον ποτὲ ἐπιδημίαν τοῦ θεοῦ. τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ᾿Αμφι-
ν ΄- “A va) ἴω
κτύων ἔσχεν οὕτως. ᾿Ακταῖον λέγουσιν ἐν τῇ νῦν ᾿Αττικῇ
βασιλεῦσαι πρῶτον: ἀποθανόντος δὲ ᾿Ακταίου Κέκροψ ἐκδέ.
χεται τὴν ἀρχὴν θυγατρὶ συνοικῶν ᾿Ακταίουν, Kat οἱ γίνονται
θ ’ ἣ 9 , ¥ \ 4 ὃ en de
υγατέρες μὲν Epon καὶ AyAaupos kat Ilavdpomos, υἱὸς d€
᾿Ερυσίχθων. οὗτος οὐκ ἐβασίλευσεν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀλλά οἱ τοῦ
“ “Ὁ ~ ’ δ \ 3 Ἁ Ν 4
πατρὸς ζῶντος τελευτῆσαι συνέβη, καὶ THY ἀρχὴν τὴν Ke-
δ 2 , 9 , , UGh PMs:
kpotros Κραναὸς ἐξεδέξατο, ᾿Αθηναίων δυνάμει πῤούχων.
Κραναῷ δὲ θυγατέρας καὶ ἄλλας καὶ ᾿Ατθίδα γενέσθαι
λ 4 , 9 N a 3 4 "A AN \ 4
éyovo.: ἀπὸ ταύτης ὀνομάζουσιν ᾿Αττικὴν τὴν χώραν,
4 4 9 ΄ ge de 3 ΄
πρότερον καλουμένην ᾿Ακταίαν. Κραναῳ o€ ᾿Αμφικτύων
ἐπαναστάς, θυγατέρα ὅμως ἔχων αὐτοῦ, παύει τῆς ἀρχῆς"
καὶ αὐτὸς ὕστερον ὑπὸ Ἐριχθονίον καὶ τῶν συνεπαναστάντων

in the group οὗ Amphictyon a portrayal
of the admission of Dionysus into the
community of Attic deities. The wine-
god was introduced from Eleutherae
into Athens by Pegasus the priest
(Schol. Ar. Ach. 243). Amphictyon
is said to have learned from Dionysus
the art of mixing water with wine
(Athen. 2, p. 38c).— 60. ἐπὶ ᾿Ικαρίου :
cf. 1, 38, 8, and note.

ΟἹ. τὴν δὲ... .᾿Αμφικτύων ἔσχεν οὔ-
τως: with the rest of chapter cf. Apol-
lodorus 3, 14. The only difference
between the two accounts is that Apol-
lodorus makes Cecrops, not Actaeus,
the first king of Attica, who married
Aglaurus, daughter of Actaeus. Ac-
cording to Steph. Byz. s.v.’Axr#, Attica
was originally called ᾿Ακτή after Ac-
taeus; so too Strabo, 9, p. 397, where
the king is called Actaeon. — 65. “Epon

καὶ "Αγλαυρος καὶ Πάνδροσος: see 1,18,
2,and note. Αγλαυρος is in inscriptions
the original and better attested form.
See C.1.G. 7716, 7718; 6.1.4. III, 372.
"Aypavdos is found in the text of Eur.,
Apollod., and Steph. Byz. See Prel-
ler-Robert I, 200, note 2; Usener, Git-
ternamen, 136.— 66. "Epvoly@wv: see
1,18, 5; 1, 31, 12.— 69. καὶ ἄλλας καὶ
Ατθίδα : according to Apollod. 3, 14, 5,
the other daughters were Cranae and
Cranaechme. After the third daughter
Atthis, Cranaus named the land Atthis
or Attike. See Strabo, 9, 3897: ᾿Ακτικὴν
μὲν yap ἀπὸ ᾿Ακταίωνός φασιν, ᾿Ατθίδα δὲ
καὶ ᾿Αττικὴν ἀπὸ ᾿Ατθίδος τῆς Κραναοῦ. ---
71. ᾿Αμφικτύων. . . ὑπὸ ᾿Εἰριχθονίου

. ἐκπίπτει : according to Isocr.
Panath. 126 the childless Cecrops sur-
rendered to Erichthonius the kingdom
of Attica.—73. συνεπαναστάντων: this

40 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 3, 1

3 ’ , , 3 ’ ’ 9 ’ Ν 9
ἐκπίπτει: πατέρα δὲ ᾿Ἐριχθονίῳ λέγουσιν ἀνθρώπων μὲν οὐ-
75 δένα εἶναι, γονέας δὲ Ἥφαιστον καὶ Γῆν.
Ν \ ’ € N ‘\ N » » 3 Ἅ ν
Τὸ δὲ χωρίον ὁ Κεραμεικὸς τὸ μὲν ὄνομα ἔχει ἀπὸ ἥρωος
Κ 4 A 4 > N "A (ὃ : A 4 λ
εράμου, Διονύσον τε εἶναι καὶ ᾿Αριάδνης καὶ τούτον λεγο-
, 4 δέ 9 ϑ ὃ »Ὁ ’ Ν ’
μένου- πρώτη δέ ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ καλουμένη στοὰ βασί-
» ,ὕ \ 9 , ν 9 \
λειος, ἔνθα καθίζει βασιλεὺς ἐνιαυσίαν ἄρχων ἀρχὴν Ka-
4 “ ’ ζω “A
λουμένην βασιλείαν. ταύτης ἔπεστι τῷ κεράμῳ τῆς στοάς
3 , 3 ~ “Ὁ 3 δ N 9 , ,
ἀγάλματα ὀπτῆς γῆς, ἀφιεὶς Θησεὺς és θάλασσαν Σκίρωνα

and ἀντεπεξήεσαν (4, 7, 7) are the only
instances in Pausanias of a verb com-
pounded with three prepositions. See
Aug. Grosspietsch, Bres]. Philol. Abh.
VII, 5, pp. 11, 39, 68.

3. The Ceramicus — Stoa Basileius
—Stoa Eleutherius—Statues and Paint-
ings — Temple of Paternal Apollo —
Metroum — Buleuterium.

1. Td δὲ χωρίον ὁ Κεραμεικός: what
Pausanias here styles Ceramicus was
not the whole deme bearing that name

but only the spot (χωρίον) Ceramicus, .

i.e. the Agora. The deme Ceramicus
derived its name ἀπὸ τῆς κεραμικῆς ré-
xyns καὶ τοῦ θύειν Κεράμῳ τινὶ ἥρωι
(Harpocr. 8.ν. Κεραμεῖς ; cf. Suidas and
Photius s.v. Kepayis). It consisted of
two parts: (a) the Outer Ceramicus
extending from the Dipylum toward
the Academy and including the state
cemetery called Ceramicus κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν
(see Ar. Aves, 395, Thuc. 6, 57, Plato
Parm. 1278, etc.), and (δ) the Inner
Ceramicus, which probably extended
from the Dipylum to the Acropolis
and embraced the whole of the Agora
(see S.Q. LXX, 42; Wachs. I, 152; IT,
258). It is impossible to determine
absolutely the limits of the deme, or
to define precisely the use of the term

at different periods. With this pas-
sage begins Pausanias’s itinerary of
the market-place. See Excursus II. —
2. Kepdpou: the prevalence of Diony-
siac worship led to the invention of an
eponymous hero for the Ceramicus —
Ceramus, son of Dionysus and Ari-
adne. —3. στοὰ βασίλειος : as Pausa-
nias is entering the market-place from
the northwest, the Royal Colonnade in
all probability stood on the west side
of the market-place at the foot of the
Theseum hill. The building served as
the office of the archon king, and at
times as the meeting-place of the Coun-
cil of the Areopagus (Dem. in Aristog.,
776). Dr. Dérpfeld writes me under
date of Jan. 19, 1908, that the excava-
tions of the Greeks on the east slope of
the Theseum hill have laid bare a build-
ing with an apse, possibly the Royal
Colonnade. The building formerly
identified by Dorpfeld (A.M. XXI,
102 ff.; XXII, 220 ff.) as the Royal Col-
onnade he now thinks did not belong
to the market, but was the last building
before the ‘‘Ceramicus’’ of Pausani-
as. Only thus can the new building
be the ‘‘ first to the right.’’ — 6. a&yéa-
para ὀπτῆς γῆς. .. Θησεὺς... Σκί-
ρωνα κτλ. : similar groups of terra cotta

10

THE ROYAL COLONNADE

Ch. 3, 2

41

καὶ φέρουσα Ἡμέρα Κέφαλον, ὃν κάλλιστον γενόμενόν φα-
εν ε , 3 , ε A , ε A
ow ὑπὸ Ἡμέρας ἐρασθείσης ἁρπασθῆναι: kai οἱ παῖδα

γενέσθαι Φαέθοντα,

Ν ΄ 3 ΄ A A
Kat φύλακα ἐποίησε τοῦ ναοῦ.

Νὰ » x, € vd ¥ 9 » A 9 Q
ταῦτα ἄλλοι Te καὶ Ἡσίοδος εἴρηκεν ἐν ἔπεσι τοῖς ἐς τὰς

γυναῖκας. πλησίον δὲ τῆς στοᾶς Κόνων ἕστηκε καὶ Τιμόθεος 2

have been found elsewhere, and they
seem to have been the usual ornament
for the apexes of gables. This sug-
gests that the colonnade terminated in
gables, and that the two groups, one
of Theseus hurling Sciron into the sea,
the other of Hemera with Cephalus,
occupied the apexes. On the subject of
the first group, see 1,44,8. The death
of Sciron, the mythical robber, was
depicted on vases, and is the subject
of one of the metopes of the so-called
Theseum at Athens. — 7. ‘Hpépa Keé-
dadov: the story of the fair youth
Cephalus, ravished by the goddess of
day (Hemera) or of the morning (Eos,
Aurora) is frequently touched on in
classical authors. Apollodorus (3, 14,
3) and Ovid (Met. 7, 700 ff.) give the
story at length; Hesiod (Theog. 986 ff. )
and Hyginus (Fab. 189) more briefly.
The subject is frequently depicted on
vases, representing the goddess pursu-
ing her favorite or carrying him in her
arms. The latter was probably the
attitude portrayed on the roof of the
colonnade, as well as in the relief on
the Amyclaean throne (8, 11, 2). —
8. of παῖδα γενέσθαι Φαέθοντα: the
usual legend makes Helios the father
of Phaethon; but Pausanias follows
Hesiod (Theog. 986 ff.) in naming
Cephalus as his father. The former
version is followed by Eur. Frag. 775
(Poet. Scen. Gr., ed. Dindorf), Plato
(Tim. 22c), Lucian (Dial. deor. 25),

Ovid (Met. 1, 751 ff.), etc., and by Pau-
sanias himself elsewhere (1, 4, 1; 2,
3, 2). In most of these authors the
mother of Phaethon is not Hemera,
but Clymene, a daughter of Oceanus.
Phaethon, ‘‘ the shining one,’’ is usu-
ally interpreted as the morning star,
or the sun itself. — 10. Ἡσίοδος... ἐν
ἔπεσι τοῖς és τὰς γυναῖκας : this poem
of Hesiod’s, which is not extant, is
referred to by Pausanias in 1, 43, 1;
3, 24, 10; 9, 31, 5. In the last pas-
sage Pausanias mentions a doubt as to
the authenticity of the poem. It is
not certain what is the relation of this
poem to the Great Eoeae (2, 2, 3) or to
the Catalogue of Women, works as-
cribed to Hesiod. See Christ, Gr. Litt.‘
p. 101; Rh. Mus, N.F.; XXXIX
(1884), 561-565.

11. πλησίον δὲ τῆς στοᾶς Κόνων:
Isocr. 9, 57 says that statues of Co-
non and Evagoras were set up beside
the image of Zeus Soter. Pausanias’
statement accords with this, for Zeus
Soter is the same as Zeus Eleutherius.
See Harpocr., Hesych., and Suid.,
8.V. ᾿Ελευθέριος Ζεύς. These statues are
also referred to in Dem. 20, 70; Aesch.
3, 248; Nepos, Timoth. 2; etc. Conon,
Timotheus, and Evagoras are very
properly grouped as being the three
heroes of the melancholy struggle of
Athens with Sparta at the close of the
fifth and the beginning of the fourth
centuries. See Isocr. Evag. 35 ff.;

20

42

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 3, 3

vids Κόνωνος καὶ βασιλεὺς Κυπρίων Evaydpas, ὃς καὶ
Ν ’ Φ Ν ’ » Ν ’ 9

τὰς τριήρεις τὰς Φοινίσσας ἔπραξε παρὰ βασιλέως ᾽Αρτα-
ξέρξον δόθῆναι Κόνωνι: ἔπραξε δὲ ὡς ᾿Αθηναῖος καὶ τὸ

16 ἀνέκαθεν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐπεὶ καὶ γενεαλογῶν ἐς προγόνους

3 , “~ ‘ 4 4 9 Ἂ ν
ἀνέβαινε Τεῦκρον καὶ Κινύρον θυγατέρα. ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκε
Ζεὺς ὀνομαζόμενος ᾿Ελευθέριος καὶ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αδριανός, ἐς
ad δ > 3 , \ 3 ‘ , ,
ἄλλους TE ὧν ἦρχεν εὐεργεσίας Kal ἐς THY πόλιν μάλιστα
τ δὲ , \ 9 , εἰ Sine ἃ 9 ,
ἀποδειξάμενος τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων. στοὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν φκοδόμηται
\ »ν ᾿ θ \ \ ὃ ἮΝ > AN Se a
γραφὰς ἔχουσα θεοὺς τοὺς δώδεκα καλουμένους ἐπὶ O€ TH

Antidosis, 101, 139. It is probable that
the statues of Conon and. Evagoras
were set up soon after the battle of
Cnidus (394 s.c.) and that of Timo-
theus was added soon after the peace
of Callias in 371.—14. τὸ ἀνέκαθεν :
cf. 2, 18, 7; 387, 3; 3, 2,2; 25, 10;
4,3, 4 and 6; 5, 25, 12. So Hat. 1,
170; τὰ ἀνέκαθεν, 6, 85; 7, 221; with-
out article, 5, 65, etc. ἀνέκαθεν in re-
lations of time, as seen above, is used
regularly of ancestry or origin. Some-
times yévos is added adverbially, e.g.
Hdt. 5, 55, γένος ἐόντες τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Tegu-
ραῖοι. ----16. ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκε Ζεὺς ovopa-

ζόμενος Εἰλενθέριος: we learn from Isocr.

9, 57, and Hesych. s.v. ᾿Ελευθέριος Ζεύς
that this image was also called Zeus So-
ter. According to Harpocr. s.v. ᾿Ελευ-
θέριος Ζεύς, the orator Hyperides derived
the name from the inference that the
colonnade in the rear had been built by
freedmen, but Didymus gave the much
more satisfactory reason that both
statue and colonnade were founded to
commemorate the deliverance from the
Persians. —17. βασιλεὺς ASpravds...
ἦρχεν: Hadrian received countless
honors at the hands of the Athenians,
as we shall see later. He was wor-

shiped at Athens under the title of
Eleutherius (Liberator), and probably
this worship was performed at an altar
before this statue. The juxtaposition
of Hadrian Eleutherius and Zeus Eleu-
therius is noteworthy, as they also
divided honors in the Olympieum and
elsewhere. In the theatre a seat was
feserved for the priest of Hadrian the
Liberator (C.I.A. ITI, 258).

19. στοὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν κοδόμηται:
though Pausanias does not here men-
tion its name, the colonnade was known
as the Stoa Eleutherius, or Colonnade
of Zeus of Freedom, from the image of
the god (see 10, 21,6; Xen. Oecon. 7,
1; Plat. Eryx. 3924; id. Theages,
1214, etc.). Pausanias indicates that
the two colonnades, the Basileius and
the Eleutherius, were adjacent, and
other writers speak of them as beside
each other, wap ἀλλήλας. See Har-
pocr. and Suid. s.v. βασίλειος στοά.
This is doubtless the colonnade referred
to, Ar. Eccl. 686, as being beside the
Royal Colonnade, and we should locate
it, therefore, west of the Agora and to
the south of the Royal Colonnade. —
20. γραφὰς ἔχονσα θεοὺς τοὺς δώδεκα
καλουμένους : Pausanias later mentions

25

30

THESEUS 43

cea 1.5 ~ , 4 3 ’ Ν
τοίχῳ τῳ πέραν Θησεὺς ἐστι γεγραμμένος καὶ Δημοκρα-
τία τε καὶ Δῆμος. δηλοῖ δὲ ἡ γραφὴ Θησέα εἶναι τὸν κατα-
’ 3 a 3 ¥ 4 4 \
στήσαντα ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐξ ἴσον πολιτεύεσθαι: κεχώρηκε δὲ
’ δ » 3 Ν A € \ 4 Ν
φήμη καὶ ἄλλως ἐς τοὺς. πολλοὺς ὡς Θησεὺς παραδοίη τὰ
πράγματα τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ὡς ἐξ ἐκείνου δημοκρατούμενοι
διαμείναιεν, πρὶν ἢ Πεισίστρατος ἐτυράννησεν ἐπαναστάς.
λέγεται μὲν δὴ καὶ ἄλλα οὐκ ἀληθῆ παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς οἷα
e 4 3 ’ 4 VN e¢ 4 » 9 Ν 3 [4 y
ἱστορίας ἀνηκόοις οὖσι καὶ ὁπόσα ἤκονον εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων ἔν
τε χοροῖς καὶ τραγῳδίαις πιστὰ ἡγουμένοις, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἐς
Ν 4 a 9. » 3 , , 9 4
τὸν Θησέα, os αὐτός τε ἐβασίλευσε καὶ ὕστερον Μενεσθέως
τελευτήσαντος καὶ ἐς τετάρτην οἱ Θησεῖδαι γενεὰν διέμειναν

two other paintings in this colonnade
—the Cavalry Battle and the Theseus

—and adds: ταύτας ras γραφὰς Ev-.

φράνωρ ἔγραψεν ᾿Αθηναίοις (4). We in-

fer from Pausanias’s account that the |

Twelve Gods and the Theseus adorned
the side walls, the Cavalry Battle the
long back. wall, of the colonnade.
Pliny, N.H. 35, 129, mentions together
these three works of Euphranor. These
paintings were justly celebrated. Plu-
tarch (de glor. Ath. 2) says that the
Cavalry Battle was painted with much
energy and fire; Lucian (Imag. 7) ad-
mired Hera’s hair, and Valerius Maxi-
mus (8, 11) preferred the Poseidon
to the Zeus, in the painting of the
Twelve Gods. Euphranor was at his
acme about 360 B.c. He attained great
reputation as painter, sculptor, and
writer on art (see Pliny, N. H. 34, 50;
35, 128 ff., etc.).— 21. Θησεύς. .. καὶ
Anpoxparla re καὶ Δῆμος : as to repre-
sentations in art of the Demus, ‘‘ the
John Bull of Athens ’’ (Frere), see note
on 1,1, 3. Pliny (25, 69 and 137) men-
tions personifications of the Demus

in paintings by Parrhasius and by Aris-
tolaus. An Athene Demokratia is cited
C.I.A. IIT, 165; and accordingtoC.1.A.
II, 470, 1. 62, there was a statue of
Demokratia at Athens, at which pub-
lic decrees were sometimes exposed.
--- 81. ἐς τετάρτην of Θησεῖδαι γενεὰν
διέμειναν ἄρχοντες : Theseus is repre-
sented as the founder of democracy
also by Isocr. 12, 129, Ps.-Dem. 59,
75, Plut. Thes. 25, etc. Aristotle (Resp.
Ath. 41), on the contrary, states that
the monarchical form of government
under Theseus declined but little (μι-
κρὸν παρεγκλίνουσα τῆς βασιλικῆς). In
fact, the political synoikismos was the
only practical result of Theseus’s re-
forms (Thuc. 2, 15). ‘Theseus was sup-
planted by Menestheus, but after the
latter was slain at Troy the sons of
Theseus regained the kingdom of
Athens (1, 17, 5; Plut. Thes. 31-385)
and held it for three generations, The-
seus’ son Demophon, his grandson
Oxyntes, and his great-grandson Thy-
moetes, being successively kings. See
Plut. Thes. 28, Diod. 4, 62, Paus. 2, 18,

35

40

44 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

» 9 4 A ν» A δ ae
αβχόντές. ει δέ μοι γενεαλογεῖν NPCOKE, Και Τοὺς aro

Μελάνθου βασιλεύσαντας ἐς Κλείδικον τὸν Αἰσιμίδον καὶ
τούτους ἂν ἀπηριθμησάμην.
> A 4 3 ’ N “N \ 4 9
Ενταῦθά ἐστι γεγραμμένον καὶ τὸ περὶ Μαντίνειαν ᾿Αθη-
’ » aA V4 ld 3 ,
ναίων ἔργον ot βοηθήσοντες Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπέμφθησαν.
’ ἣ » A ~ N , ’
συνέγραψαν δὲ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ξενοφῶν τὸν πάντα πόλεμον,
4 4 ~ ’ Ν N “ ’
κατάληψίν τε τῆς Καδμείας καὶ τὸ πταῖσμα Λακεδαιμονίων
ν 9 , ν ¢ 3 , 2» ‘
τὸ ἐν Λεύκτροις καὶ ws és Πελοπόννησον ἐσέβαλον Βοιωτοὶ
N N 4 ’ \ 95.» 4 > “Ὁ
καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐλθοῦ-
σαν: ἐν δὲ τῇ γραφῇ τῶν ἱππέων ἐστὶ μάχη, ἐν 7 γνωριμώ-
[4 ε ~ 3 A 3 ’ δ Ν
τατοι Γρύλος τε ὁ Ξενοφῶντος ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ κατὰ
\ 9 4 , 9 ͵ ε A ,
τὴν ἵππον τὴν Βοιωτίαν ᾿Επαμεινώνδας 6 Θηβαῖος. ταύτας
τὰς γραφὰς Εὐφράνωρ ἔγραψεν ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ πλησίον

19, etc. —32. τοὺς ἀπὸ Μελάνθον βασιλεύ-
σαντας ἐς Κλείδικον: Pausanias qualifies

_this statement in 4, 5,10, by remarking

that ‘at first the people only stripped
the descendants of Melanthus, the Me-
dontids, as they were called, of most
of their power, and transformed them
from kings into responsible magis-
trates; but afterwards they also fixed

on ten years as the term of their magis- -

ἴδον." The Theseid was followed by
a new foreign dynasty, inaugurated by
Melanthus, a Messenian king, who was
forced to retire from Messenia after
the Dorian migration, according to
tradition, and, coming to Attica, dis-
placed Thymoetes, the last of the
Theseids (see 2, 18,9; Hat. 5, 65, etc.).

41. ἐν δὲ τῇ γραφῇ... Γρύλος...
᾿Επαμεινώνδας ὁ Θηβαῖος : Pausanias’s
account of the painting is inconsistent
with the statements of others in regard
to the battle of Mantinea, and either
he or the painter is at fault. Diodo-
rus (15, 87) states that Epaminondas

received his death-wound while fight-
ing among the infantry, whereas Gry-
lus was a member of the cavalry (Diog.
‘Laert. 2, 6, 64), and Pausanias describes
a cavalry engagement. Then there is
much dispute as to the slayer of Epa-
minondas. Pausanias (8, 11, 5) says
the Mantineans maintain that he was
slain by Machaerion, a Mantinean, the
Spartans by Machaerion, a Spartan ;
but Plutarch (Ages. 35) asserts it was
a Laconian, Anticrates, who struck the
blow. Pausanias (8, 11, 6), however,
argues for the Athenian tradition and
says that the Mantineans gave Grylus
a public burial and set up a monument
to him on the spot, while the name of
Machaerion has never received any
special marks of honor from either
Spartansor Mantineans. — 44. πλησίον
ἐποίησεν ἐν τῷ ναῷ τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα
IIarpGov: the site of the temple of
Apollo was doubtless on the west side
of the market-place just to the south
of the Stoa Eleutherius. The βωμὸς τοῦ

45

50

APOLLO PATROOS

Ch. 3, 5

45

ἐποίησεν ἐν τῷ ναῷ τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα Πατρῷον ἐπίκλησιν - πρὸ
δὲ A N Ν Ν , a A A 3 ΄
€ τοῦ νεὼ τὸν μὲν Λεωχάρης, ὃν δὲ καλοῦσιν ᾿Αλεξίκακον
4 3 ’ Ν \ » ~ ~ 4 id
Κάλαμις ἐποίησε. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τῷ θεῷ γενέσθαι λέγουσιν
9 \ oo 4 , ε “A “~ ’ :
ὅτι τὴν λοιμώδη σφίσι νόσον ὁμοῦ τῷ Πελοποννησίων πὸο-
λέμῳ πιέζουσαν κατὰ μάντευμα ἔπαυσεν ἐκ Δελφῶν.
3 ’ ἣ N ‘\ “A a
Ωικοδόμηται δὲ καὶ Μητρὸς θεῶν ἱερόν, ἣν Φειδίας

᾿Απόλλωνος ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ (Ps.-Plut. vit. x
Or. p. 8488) stood presumably before
this temple. Apollo was probably
styled Paternal (Ilarpgos) as being the
mythical father of Ion, the founder of
the Ionian race. Apollo Patroés was
identical with the Pythian Apollo
(Dem. 18, 141, p. 274; Aristid. Or. 13,
vol. I, 181, ed. Dindorf). His priest is
mentioned in inscriptions (C.I.A. III,
687, 720 a, p..501) and had a seat re-
served in the Dionysiac theatre (C.I.A.
III, 279). Nothing definite is known
as to the type of Euphranor’s Apollo
statue.— 45. πρὸ δὲ τοῦ νεὼ τὸν μὲν Acw-
χάρης : Winter (A. Jb. VII, 104), and
other archaeologists, derive the Apollo
Belvedere from this image made by
Leochares. Yet there are in all three
Apollo statues of Leochares known,
so that any relation of the Belvedere
to this Apollo image, about which we
know absolutely nothing, is entirely
uncertain. See Overbeck, Kunstmyth.
IV, 97.— 46.. dv δὲ καλοῦσιν ᾿Αλεξίκα-
kov Κάλαμις ἐποίησε: ᾿Αλεξίκακος =
᾿Ακέσιος (6, 24, 6) = ᾿Επικούριος, 8, 41, 7.
Conze (Beitr. z. Gesch. d. gr. Plastik,
19) has conjectured that the so-called
** Apollo on the Omphalos,’’ found in
the theatre of Dionysus, is a copy of
this statue of Apollo made by Calamis.
This conjecture has led to much discus-
sion. The statue (to which, however,
the Omphalos has been shown not to

belong) seems to date from the fifth
century, and to be a copy of a famous
statue, as several other copies are ex-
tant and the type is preserved on coins.
But there is no proof that it is even an
Apollo ; Waldstein thinks it is a pugi-
list. For the bibliography of this ques-
tion, see Frazer, II, 66. Pausanias’s
associating this statue with the great
plague of 480-429 is hardly possible, as
it conflicts with the recognized date of
Calamis (500-460 B.c.).

50. ᾿Ωικοδόμηται δὲ καὶ Μητρὸς θεῶν
ἱερόν, ἦν Φειδίας εἰργάσατο : the sanc-
tuary of Rhea, the Mother of the Gods,
was usually called Metroum (see Pol-
lux, 8, 11; Bekk. Anec. I, 280, 6).
Pausanias now proceeds to describe
three buildings which he speaks of as
near each other, the Metroum, the

Buleuterium or Council House, and

the Tholus or Rotunda. Hence the
site of one, if determined, fixes that
of the three. The Metroum appears
to have stood to the south of the
market about the northwest foot of
the slope of the Areopagus. For Pau-
sanias later speaks of the statues of
the Eponymi as being higher up
(ἀνωτέρω) ; and Arrian (3, 16, 8), men-
tioning the statues of the Tyranni-
cides, says they were in the Cerami-
cus on the regular road up to the
Acropolis, just opposite the Metroum.
Dorpfeld’s excavations show that the

55

46

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 3, 5

Ν ᾿ ω
εἰργάσατο, καὶ πλησίον τῶν πεντακοσίων καλουμένων βου-

λευτήριον,. οὗ βουλεύουσιν ἐνιαντὸν ᾿Αθηναίοις. Βουλαίον

"9 “Ὁ “Ὁ \ 3
δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κεῖται ξόανον Διὸς καὶ ᾿Απόλλων τέχνη Πει-

4 \ “A ν ,
σιον Kat Anpos epyov Λυσωνος.

τοὺς δὲ θεσμοθέτας

ἔγραψε Πρωτογένης Καύνιος, Ὀλβιάδης δὲ Κάλλιππον,

regular road from the Agora to the
Acropolis wound round the west
shoulder of the Areopagus, proceeded
southeast between the Areopagus and
the Pnyx, and then ascended the west-
ern slope of the Acropolis, thus avoid-
ing the steep ascent to the east of the
Areopagus. See A.M. XVI (1891),

.444 ff.; XVII (1892), 90 ff.; Harrison,

Ancient Athens, pp. 888. There is
no indication that the Metroum was
ever a temple. Pausanias calls it a
sanctuary (ἱερόν), Pliny a shrine (delu-
brum, 36, 17). It was apparently a
sacred precinct with an open-air altar,
as Aeschines (see Timarch. 84) de-
scribes a runaway slave as coming into
the Agora and seating himself on the
altar of the Mother of the Gods. The
Metroum was later the repository of
the public archives (Din. 1, 86; Lyc.
c. Leocr. 66). — 51. πλησίον τῶν πεντα-
κοσίων καλουμένων βουλεντήριον : the
Buleuterium or Council House of the
Five Hundred seems to have been built
within the precincts of the Metroum
(see Aeschin. 3, 187; Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or.
p. 842 Ε). It probably contained images
of both Zeus Bulaeus and Athena Bu-
laea (see Antiphon, 6, 45). We read of
the sacred hearth of the Council House
(Aeschin. 2, 45; Andoc. 1, 42, etc.), of
the platform for thespeaker (Antiphon,
6, 40), of the benches for the presidents
(Lys. 13, 37), and of the railing bar-
ring off the public from the members

(Ar. Eq. 640 ff.; Xen. Hell. 2, 3, 5).
Here too were set up various public
documents engraved on stone or metal,
as e.g. the laws of Solon (see Harp.
and Suid. s.v. ὁ κάτωθεν νόμος) and the
list of the ephebi (Arist. Resp. Ath.
53). — 58. ξόανον : derived from £ééw,
‘‘to scrape, smooth, polish,’’? may be
applied to an image: made of either
wood, stone, or ivory (see Hesych. s.v.
ξόανα; Etymol. Magn. s.v. ξόανον, p.611,
]. 12 ff.). Strabo applies the word to
the gold-and-ivory Zeus at Olympia (8,
p. 353), to the gold-and-ivory Hera of
Polyclitus (8, p. 372), to the marble
statue of Nemesis at Rhamnus (9, p.
396), etc. Lucian uses the term of
images in bronze and silver (Alex. 18;
id. de dea Syria, 39). The term is,
however, more properly restricted to
images of wood (see Clem. Alex.
Protrep. 4, 46, p. 40, ed. Potter, and
Servius on Verg. Aen. 2, 225; 4, 56);
and Pausanias appears to use it always
in this restricted sense, and confines it
to the wooden image of a deity. —
᾿Απόλλων τέχνη Πεισίου : nothing fur-

- ther is known of Pisias. —54. Δῆμος

ἔργον Avowvos: see Pliny (84, 91) who
speaks of Lyson as one of the sculptors
who made statues of athletes, armed
men, hunters, and persons sacrificing.
— τοὺς δὲ θεσμοθέτας ἔγραψε II pwroyé-
νης Καύνιος : on the Thesmothetae, see
Arist. Resp. Ath. 3 and 59-61.. They
were the six archons ranking below

THE GAUTULS 47
Ch. 4, : , 3 , ¥ / \ 3 Ἁ
ὃς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐς Θερμοπύλας nyaye φυλάξοντας τὴν ἐς τὴν
Ἑλλάδα Γαλατῶν ἐσβολήν.
4 Ot δὲ Γαλάται οὗτοι νέμονται τῆς Εὐρώπης πὰ ἔσχατα 1
~ OF yaa Fhe,
ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πολλῇ καὶ és Ta πέρατα οὐ πλωίβμῳ; παρέχεται
. vy bd: Ν Teel Ν ΄ "δὲ 3 , A 3
δὲ ἀμπωΐξιν καὶ ῥαχίαν καὶ θηρία οὐδὲν ἐοικότα τοῖς ἐν
θαλάσσῃ τῇ λοιπῇ" καί σφισι διὰ τῆς χώρας ῥεῖ ποταμὸς
5 Ἠριδανός, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὰς θυγατέρας τὰς Ἡλίου ὀδύρεσθαι νομί-
ὀψὲ δέ

᾿ “΄“: 4
ποτε αὐτοὺς καλεῖσθαι Γαλάτας ἐξενίκησεν: Κελτοὶ γὰρ

ζουσι τὸ περὶ τὸν Φαέθοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν πάθος.

, A v9 A Ν δ a » 3 ,
κατά τε σφᾶς τὸ ἀρχαῖον καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὠνομάζοντο.
συλλεγεῖσα δέ σφισι στρατιὰ τρέπεται τὴν ἐπὶ ᾿Ιονίου, καὶ
pen

the archon chief, the king, and the pol-
emarch. Wachsmuth, II, 326, thinks
that the allusion is to portraits of illus-
trious individual Thesmothetae. Pro-
togenes, a contemporary of Apelles,
was gne of the most celebrated artists of
antiquity ; he took enormous pains with
his work and was remarkable for tech-
nical skill rather than for great expres-
sion. Cf. Pliny, 35, 81-83; 87; 101-
106; Overbeck, S.Q. 1907-1936; Brunn,
Gesch. d. Gr. Kiinstler, II, 233-243, —
55. ᾿Ολβιάδης δὲ Κάλλιππον : on Cal-
lippus cf. 1, 4, 2; 10, 20, 5. The date of
the irruption of the Gauls into Greece
(10, 23, 14) was 279 B.c. Of Olbiades
nothing further is known.

4. Digression : — The Gauls — Their
irruption into Greece and retreat into
Asia — The Pergamenes.

2. ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πολλῇ... . ἬἪριδανός:
the great sea meant is the Atlantic
Ocean in the neighborhood of the
Arctic Circle (cf. 88, 4; 35, 5). Pau-
sanias seems to have regarded the Eri-
danus (cf. 5, 14, 8 and 5, 12, 7) as
an actual river that flowed into the
northern ocean, but Herodotus (3, 15)

regards the river as fabulous. The
Rhone and the Po were the two rivers
from time to time identified with the

‘Eridanus (see Pliny, 37, 32), but amber

is not found at the mouth of either
river. On the legend of the daughters
of Helios bewailing the fate of their
brother Phaethon beside the river Eri-
danus, cf. Eur. Hipp. 735 ff.; Apoll.
Rhod. 4, 596 ff.; Ovid, Met. 2, 340 ff.,
etc. — 7. Γαλάτας. . . Κελτοί: the
people we know as Celts were known
to the ancients under three names,
viz. Celts (Κελτοί, Celtae), Galatians
(Γαλάται), and Gauls (Galli). Cf.
Procop. de aedif. 4, 5; ἐν Κελτοῖς ---- οἵ
τανῦν Τάλλοι καλοῦνται, Appian, Hann.
4, ἐς τὴν Κελτικὴν τὴν νῦν λεγομένην Γα-
λατίαν. Also Caesar (de B. 6. 1, 1),
qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nos-
tra Galli appellantur. — ἐξενίκη-
σεν: in impersonal sense; already so
used in Thuc. 1, 3,2; frequent in Pau-
sanias, e.g. 2, 29, 3; 3, 20, 6; 4, 6,
1; 34,5; 6,22,10; 7,17; 22,4; 8, 5,
7; 23,3; 47,1; 9, 34, 10; 10,1, 1.—
9. στρατιὰ τρέπεται τὴν ἐπὶ ᾿Ιονίον
κτλ. Pausanias (10, 19-23) narrates at

10

15

20

25

48 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

| | Ch. 4,2
τό τε ᾿Ιλλυριῶν ἔθνος καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ἄχρι Μακεδόνων ᾧκει
Ν , 9 Ν 3 4 3 4 4
καὶ Μακεδόνας αὐτοὺς ἀναστάτους ἐποίησε Θεσσαλίαν τε
» Ye 3 δ A 2 » 3 A ε
ἐπέδραμε. καὶ ὡς ἐγγὺς Θερμοπυλῶν ἐγίνοντο, ἐνταῦθα οἱ
πολλοὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐς τὴν ἔφοδον ἡσύχαζον τῶν βαρβα-
ρων, ἅτε ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μεγάλως καὶ Φιλίππου κκακωθέν-

i”

τες πρότερον. καθεῖλε the δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρος καὶ Κάσσανδρος
ὕστερον τὸ Ἑλληνικόν, ὥστε ἕκαστοι δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν οὐδὲν
3 N 3 , 3 A A ‘ ~ ~ 4
αἰσχρὸν ἐνόμιζον ἀπεῖνας τὸ κατὰ σφᾶς τῆς βοηθείας.
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ μάλιστα μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπειρήκεσαν μήκει
τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ πολέμου καὶ προσπταϊδύτες τὰ πολλὰ ἐν
ταῖς μάχαις, ἐξιέναι δὲ ὅμως ὥρμηντο ἐς τὰς Θερμοπύλας
σὺν τοῖς ἐθέλουσι τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἑλόμενοι σφίσι τὸν Καλ-
λιππον τοῦτον ἡγεῖσθαι. καϊαλάμβουζες δὲ ἡ στενώτατον ἦν,
τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα εἶργον τοὺς βαρβάρους:
ἀνευρόντες δὲ οἱ Κελτοὶ τὴν ἀτράπὸν ἣν καὶ Μήδοις ποτὲ
᾿Εφιάλτης ἡγήσατο ὁ Τραχίνιος καὶ βιασάμενοι Φωκέων τοὺς
Ld > 9 9 “~ , ‘ 9 e ,
τεταγμένους ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ λανθάνουσι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὑπερβαλόν-
‘ ¥ ¥ \ Pam νὴ , e A 5»
τες THY Οἴτην. ἔνθα δὴ πλείστου παρέσχοντο αὑτοὺς ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀξίους, ἀμφοτέρωθεν ὡς ἐκυκλώθησαν

greater length the irruption of the Gauls
into Greece. The fact that he gives two
detailed accounts of the same events is
an argument that portions of the work
were published separately. Cf. 7, 20, 6,
and Introduction, p. 8. --- 18. σύχα-
ἴον: frequently used as the antonym
of πολεμεῖν. Cf. 1, 18, 1 and 6, 25, 3;
2, 16, 5; 3, 9,2; 7,6; 4, 11, 8. Here
Pausanias states as the ground of the
hesitation of most of the Greeks the
exhaustion caused by their wars with
the Macedonians ; to the contrary, he
says in 4, 28, 3, that the Messenians,
and in 8, 6, 3, that the Arcadians, held

back through fear of an incursion by.

the Lacedaemonians; and in 7, 6, 7,
it is said of the Peloponnesians in gen-
eral that they did not take. part in the
expedition to Thermopylae, because
they imagined they could keep off the
Galatians by building a wall across the

᾿ Isthmus. —14. μεγάλως : a noteworthy

instance of hyperbaton. Pausanias
fancied that he attained a certain ele-
gance of expression by unusual word-
order. Cf. § 8 ναυσὶν ὑπό τε ὅπλων
βαρείαις καὶ ἀνδρῶν, ὃ 4 τὰ πολίσματα
ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι, 8,
9, 6 μετά γε τὸν ᾿Ξέρξον καὶ πρότερον
ἔτι ἐπὶ “Σκύθας Aapelov καὶ ἐπὶ Αθήνας
στρατόν.

9

THE GAULS 49

/ Ch. 4,5

30

35

40

ε ’ 2 N “~ “~
ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς βαρβάρους: οἱ δέ σφισιν ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν
μάλιστα ἐταλαιπώβουν ἅτε τοῦ κόλποὺ τοῦ ναμιανου τέλ-
αἴτιον δὲ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν

, 9% , Ν Ν 3 , > Ν , ,

τὸ ὕδωρ ταύτῃ τὸ θερμὸν ἐκρέον ἐς THY θάλασσαν. μείζονα

οὖν εἶχον οὗτοι πόνον: ἀναλαβόντες γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰ καταστρώ-
‘ ν : δ ε 4 9 ’ Ἁ

ματα τοὺς ἕλληνας ναυσὶν ὑπό τε ὅπλων βαρείαις καὶ

3 A 3 4 Ν ων a) “~

ἀνδρῶν ἐβιάζοντο κατὰ τοῦ πηλοῦ πλεῖν.

ματος πρὸς ταῖς Θερμοπύλαις ovros:

® \ \
οὗτοι μὲν δὴ
ν ”
τοὺς Ελληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, ot δὲ Γαλάται
Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ
λοιπὰ- ποιησάμένοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ διαρ-
, , > , , 3 , ‘
πάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε. Δελφοὶ
\ ? 3 ’ e Ν ’ Ἁ N
καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν oi Tas πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασ-
\ 3 ~ 3 ’ A ν. , > ~ Ν N
σὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν: τὸ γὰρ
ὡς
δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνήεσαν, ἐγταῦθα κεραννοΐ τε ἐφέροντο ἐς
τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ,

Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇῃ νεότητος τὸν Χρόνον τοῦτον.

45 δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις" τού-

50 a

των τοὺς μὲν ἐξ “Ὑπερβορέων λεγόυστν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον
καὶ αἱ ᾿Αμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέως:
ἐϑαγιζούσι. δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ,
πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν
ἀτιμίᾳ. Γαλατῶν δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν διαβάν-

“δα ἐν

τες τὰ παραθαλάσσια αὐτῆς ἐλεηλάτουν: χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον

oi Πέργαμον ἔχοντες, ἠάλαι δὲ Τευθρανίαν καλουμένην; ... ἐς
, , 3 , 95. Ν 4 ® \ ‘
ταύτην Γαλάτας ἐλαύνουσιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ

52. Πέργαμον. .. πάλαι δὲ Τευθρα- know from other sources that Teuthra-

See Xen.

᾿ψίαν καλουμένην : cf. 1, 11, 2, Πέργαμος

δὲ διαβὰς és τὴν ᾿Ασίαν “Apeov δυναστεύ-
οντα ἐν τῇ ἸΤευθρανίᾳ κτείνει μονομαχή-
σαντά οἱ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ τῇ πόλει τὸ
ὄνομα ἔδωκε τὸ νῦν ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Pausanias
apparently regarded Pergamus and
Teuthrania as the same town, but we

nia was entirely distinct.
Hell. 8, 1,6; Strabo, 12, p. 571; 13, p.
615; and Conze, ‘‘Teuthrania,”’? A.M.
XII (1887), 149-160. —és ταύτην Γα-
Adras ἐλαύνουσιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης : cf.
1, 8,1; 1,25, 2. <Attalus, prince of Per-
gamus, defeated the Gauls in a great

4

on

a κ

50

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 4, 6

Ἁ 3 Ν a ’ ¥ ¥ , ε ,
τὴν ἐκτὸς Σαγγαρίου χώραν ἔσχον Αγκυραν πόλιν €dovTes

55 Φρυγῶν, ἣν Μίδας ὁ Γορδίου πρότερον ᾧκισεν ---- ἄγκυρα δέ,

a e Mid 9 A εν »» VN 9 2» A 595 ε aA Ate δ
ΝΡ Ο toas ανέυρέν, HV €TL Και ἐς εμε εν ἰἱέρῳ tos Και

Ν
κρήνη Μίδου καλουμένη - ταύτην οἴνῳ κεράσαι Μίδαν φασὶν

ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν τοῦ Σειληνοῦ ----ταύτην τε δὴ τὴν Αγκυραν

Ὄ δ A »
εἷλον καὶ Πεσσινοῦντα ὑπὸ τὸ ὄρος... ..-.. τὴν Αγδιστιν, ἔνθα

60 καὶ τὸν “Arrnv τεθάφθαι λέγουσι. Περγαμηνοῖς δὲ ἔστι μὲν

--σκῦλα ἀπὸ Γαλατῶν, ἔστι δὲ γραφὴ τὸ ἔργον τὸ πρὸς Γαλά-

» ὼ Ν , ε ’, , ε ,
τας ἔχουσα. ἣν δὲ νέμονται οἱ Περγαμηνοί, Καβείρων ἱεράν

φασιν εἶναι τὸ ἀρχαῖον. αὐτοὶ δὲ ᾿Αρκάδες ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι

τῶν ὁμοῦ Τηλέφῳ διαβάντων ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν. πολέμων δὲ τῶν

\ ¥ b ’ 9 ’ > 3 9 ?
μὲν ἄλλων, εἰ δή τινας ἐπολέμησαν, οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας κεχώρη-

κεν ἡ φήμη. τρία δὲ γνωριμώτατα ἐξείργασταί σφισι, τῆς τε

> a, 3 N Ὁ ’ XN e -~ > 3 ϑ A > ’
Ασίας ἀρχὴ τῆς κάτω καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀναχώρησις
καὶ τὸ ἐς τοὺς σὺν ᾿Αγαμέμνονι Τηλέφου τόλμημα, ὅτε Ἕλλη-
e ’ 3 ,’ \ , 3 ’ N , ε A
ves ἁμαρτόντες Ἰλίου τὸ πεδίον ἐλεηλάτουν τὸ Μύσιον ws γὴν
70 Τρῳάδα. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅθεν ἐξέβην τοῦ λόγου.
Τοῦ βουλευτηρίον τῶν πεντακοσΐων πλησίον Θόλος ἐστὶ

’, Ν , , > ~ e , , Ξ ἃ
καλουμένη, καὶ θύουσί τε ἐνταῦθα οἵ πρυτάνεις καΐ τινα καὶ

battle at the springs of the Caicus
river, and after the victory assumed
the title of king, reigning as Atta-
lus I, King of Pergamus. The exact
date of the victory is uncertain. Nie-
buhr gives it as 230-229 B.c.; Droys-

sen, between 2388 and 235; Koepp,.

Rh. Mus., N.F., XL (1885), 114 ff,
in 240. — 57. κρήνη Μίδον καλουμένη:
cf. Xen. Anab. 1, 2,18, who locates
the fountain of Midas at Thymbrion
by the wayside ; the Macedonians, ac-
cording to Hdt. 3, 38, affirm that Sile-
nus was caught in Macedonia in the
gardens of Midas; Bion (Athen. 2,
p. 45c) places it at Inna, between Pae-
onia and the land of the Maedi.

68. τὸ és τοὺς σὺν ᾿Αγαμέμνονι Tyr€-
gov τόλμημα κτλ.: cf. 9, 5, 14. This
event is described in the epitome of
Apollodorus (epitoma Vaticana ex
Apollodori Bibliotheca, ed. R: Wag-
ner, Leipzig, 1891, p. 63; Apollodorus,
ed. R. Wagner, p. 198). On the com-
ing of Telephus into Asia, see Strabo,
12, p. 572; 13, p. 615; Diod. 4, 88;
Paus. 8, 4,9; 48, 7; 54, 6; 9, 31, 2.

5. The Tholus — The Eponymi —
Hadrian as a Patron.

1. Tot BovAevrnplov . . . πλησίον
Θόλος ἐστὶ καλουμένη : Θόλος signified
originally any round building with a
roof of cupola form; here it is used espe-
cially of the building where the sacred

μὰ

10

_- Ath. 48; Dem. 19, 190).

THE TEN TRIBES

Ch. 5, 2

51

ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἀγάλματα οὐ μεγάλα. ἀνωτέρω
9 , e 4 e , > > @ > ,’ ν
δὲ ἀνδριάντες ἑστήκασιν ἡρώων, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αθηναίοις υστερον

NX > , » € , 9g b 4 4
Ta ὀνόματα ἔσχον ai φυλαί: ὅστις δὲ κατεστήσατο δέκα

> N 4 Ν » N Ν 3 ,
ἀντὶ τεσσάρων φυλας εἶναι καὶ μετέθετο σφισι τὰ ὀνόματα

9 \ “A 3 , ε , Ν ἰω , 59 9 ? “~
αντι Τῶν αβχάαιων, Ηροδότῳ Καὶ Ταῦτα ἐστιν εὐρημενα. TWV

δὲ ἐπωνύμων ---- καλοῦσι γὰρ οὕτω σφᾶς --- ἔστι μὲν Ἵππο-
θόων Ποσειδῶνος καὶ ᾿Αλόπης θυγατρὸς Κερκυόνος, ἔστι δὲ
4 ζω. 4 ~ e v4 , 9 ’

Αντίοχος τῶν παίδων τῶν Ἡρακλέους, γενόμενος ἐκ Μήδας

fire was kept burning on the hearth
and where the presiding officers of the
Council of Five Hundred dined together
daily at the public expense, and offered
sacrifices and libations (Arist. Resp.
Another
name for the building, Skias or ‘‘ um-
brella,”’ is the official designation in in-
scriptions (C.I.A. III, 1048; 1051, 1.22).
The chairman (epistates) of the pry-
tanes, who kept the keys of the sanctu-
aries containing public treasures and
records, was conipelled to remain in the
Tholus during his twenty-four hours
of office, along with colleagues, chosen
by himself (Arist. Rep. Ath. 44). Soc-
rates here received a commission from
the Thirty Tyrants to go to Salamis and
arrest one Leon (Plat. Apol. 826, p);
here the standard weights and measures
were kept (C.1.A. II, 476, 1. 37 ff.). Cf.
Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, II, 315-
320. —3. ἀνωτέρω δὲ ἀνδριάντες ἑστή-
κασιν ἡρώων : the site of this group of
statues was doubtless on the slope of
the Areopagus above (ἀνωτέρω) and
not far away from the Buleuterium
and Tholus. Aristotle (Resp. Ath. 53)
says that the bronze tablet with the
list of ephebi was set up ‘‘in front of
the Council House beside the statues

Ἡρακλεῖ τῆς Φύλαντος, καὶ τρίτος Alas ὁ Τελαμῶνος, ἐκ δὲ

οὗ the eponymous heroes’’; here was
posted the list of men drawn for mili-
tary service (Ar. Pac. 1183). Copies
of proposed laws were here posted for
public inspection (Dem. 20, 94 ; 24, 23).
So too the names of men who deserved
well of the state (Isoc. 18, 61; C.I.A.
II, 569), and likewise the names of
traitors (Isoc. 5, 38). It was a high
distinction to have one’s statue erected
near the Kponymi (Lucian, Anachb.
17). Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen,
II, 387-390. — 5. ὅστις δὲ κατεστή-
σατο δέκα ἀντὶ τεσσάρων φνλάς xr). :
cf. Hdt. 5, 66, 69. In 1, 29, 6 Pausa-
nias names Cleisthenes as the founder
of the new tribal division. There were
originally four Attic tribes called Ge-
leontes, Hoplites, Aegicoreis, and Ar-
gadeis. Cleisthenes abolished these
and redivided the population into ten
tribes. The date (Arist. Resp. Ath. 21)
was in the archonship of Isagoras, 508-
507 s.c. The ten new tribes, in their
official order, were named as follows :.
Erechtheis, Aegeis, Pandionis, Leon-
tis, Acamantis, Oeneis, Cecropis, Hip-
pothontis, Aiantis and Antiochis. Cf.
Mommsen, Philologus, XLVII (1889),
449-486; W. 5. Ferguson, Cornell
Studies, VII (1898).

15

20

25

52 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS _

Ch. 5,3

᾿Αθηναίων Aews: δοῦναι δὲ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ λέγεται κοινῇ τὰς
“A a) 3 4 “A

θυγατέρας τοῦ θεοῦ χρήσαντος. ᾿Ἐρεχθεύς τέ ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς

. Ν
ἐπωνύμοις, ὃς ἐνίκησεν ᾿Ελευσινίους μάχῃ καὶ τὸν ἡγού-
3 , . 9 4 ὃ N 9 ’ > , f 3
μενον ἀπέκτεινεν Ippapadoy τὸν Εὐμόλπου- Αἰγεύς τέ ἐστι
. : \ ᾿ς ἡ
καὶ Οἰνεὺς Πανδίονος vids νόθος καὶ τῶν Θησέως παίδων
ἃ Υ \ ἃ
᾿Ακάμας. Κέκροπα δὲ καὶ Πανδίονα ---- εἶδον γὰρ καὶ τούτων

8

9 van) 9 , 9 ἢ 3 Τὸ ἃ Ψ 3 ~ ;
εν TOLS ETWMVUILOLS €LKOVaAS —— OUK OLOA OUS αγουσιν εν TULY) " ᾿

ld ’ Ν 4 ld a \ 3 ny ,
πρότερός Te yap ἦρξε Κέκροψ, ὃς τὴν ᾿Ακταίου θυγατέρα
¥ , 9” a \"° Ν ’ 9 » ϑ
ἔσχε; καὶ ὕστερος, ὃς δὴ καὶ μετῴκησεν ἐς Εύβοιαν, Ἔρε-
χθέως vids τοῦ Πανδίονος τοῦ ᾿Εριχθονίον. καὶ δὴ καὶ Παν-

’ > . ’ 9 9 , \ ε ’ A
δίων ἐβασίλευσεν ὅ τε “EptyOoviov καὶ ὁ Κέκροπος τοῦ
δευτέρου "τοῦτον Μητιονίδαι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξελαύνουσι, καί ot

όντι ἐς Μέγαρα ---- θυγατέρα γὰρ εἶχε Πύλα τοῦ βασιλεύ-
vy yep υγατέρα yap εἰχ

9 , 4 e “Ὁ Q
σαντος ev Meyapous — συνεκπιπτουσιν ot παῖδες. καὶ Παν-

δίονα μὲν αὐτοῦ λέγεται νοσήσαντα ἀποθανεῖν, καί οἱ πρὸς
θαλάσσῃ μνῆμά ἐστιν ἐν τῇ Μεγαρίδι ἐν ᾿Αθηνᾶς Αἰθυίας

12. Λεώς κτλ. : the legend is to the ef-
fect that once when Athens was afflicted
with famine and the Delphic oracle de-
clared a human sacrifice the only rem-
edy, Leos, son of Orpheus, voluntarily
surrendered for sacrifice his three
daughters, Eubule, Praxithea, and The-
ope; according to another version the
maidens of their own free will offered
themselves as victims. The sacrifice
was effectual, the famine left the land,
and the Athenians ever after worshiped
the heroic maidens in a shrine in the
Agora, called the Leocorium. This
became one of the famous places of
Athens (Strabo, 9, p. 396); beside it
fell Hipparchus when assassinated
(Thuc. 1, 20; 6, 57). It is frequently
mentioned by ancient writers (Milchh.
5.9. s.v.). Hence it is strange that

_Pausanias nowhere alludes to it. See

Curtius, Ges. Abh. I, 465.

19. πρότερος. . . ἦρξε Κέκροψ. ..
καὶ ὕστερος: Cleisthenes, in naming one
of his tribes after Cecrops, doubtless
had in mind the first Cecrops, re-
puted to be earth-born, half man and
half serpent (Ps.-Dem. 9, 30), not his
double, Cecrops II, said to be eldest son
and successor of Erechtheus (Paus. 7,
1, 2), who was ‘‘a mere genealogical
stop-gap’? (Frazer).— 21. Πανδίων ἐβα-

σίλευσεν κτλ.: cf. Apoll. 3, 14, 6-8; 15, -

5. Pandion I was the son of Erichtho-
nius, whom he succeeded, and a Naiad,
Praxithea; he married Zeuxippe and
was father of Procne and Philomela,
and of Erechtheus and Butes. Pan-
dion II was the son of Cecrops II and
Metiadusa; he succeeded his father, was

ATTIC KINGS
κεἴ 4

3 ΝᾺ a
κατιασι TE EK των Meya- 4

53

Ch. 8, 5 net { ;
id 4 e \ ~
καλουμένῳ σκοπέλῳ: οἱ δὲ παῖδες

ρων ἐκβαλόντες Μητιονίδας, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
‘ > Ν ’ a » , A 9 Ν 3 -~
30 Αἰγεὺς πρεσβύτατος wy ἔσχε. θυγατέρας δὲ οὐ σὺν ἀγαθῷ
ὃ , “0 € Il δί δέ ε Ν tO 9. 3 9. A
δαίμονι ἔθρεψεν ὁ Πανδίων, οὐδέ οἱ τιμωροὶ παῖδες ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν
ἐλείφθησαν" καίτοι δυνάμεώς γε εἵνεκ ὃς τὸν Θρᾷκα τὸ
| n μεώς ye εἵνεκα πρὸς τὸν Θρᾷκα τὸ
: 70 3 λλ᾽ "ὃ Ν , 3 δ 9 θ a
ὡς Κῆδος ἐποιήσατο. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδεὶς πόρος ἐστὶν ἀνθρώπῳ παρα-
ἤναι τὸ καθῆκον ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ: λέγουσιν ὡς Τηρεὺς συνοι-»" eds
~ ἮΝ
35 κῶν Πρόκνῃ Φιλομήλαν ἤσχυνεν, οὐ κατὰ νόμον δράσας
A e , : Ἁ A “~ ¥ ’ ζω, . »
Tov Ἑλλήνων, καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἔτι λωβησάμενος TH παιδὶ ἤγα-
9 9 ᾿ δί A ~ 4 \ , »¥
γεν ἐς ἀνάγκην δίκης Tas γυναῖκας. Πανδίονι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος
9 ’ > > 9 l4 ’ μέ
ἀνδριάς ἐστιν ἐν ἀκροπόλει θέας ἄξιος.
Oide μέν εἰσιν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπώνυμοι τῶν ἀρχαίων : ὕστερον δ
40 δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶνδε φυλὰς ἔχουσιν, ᾿Αττάλον τοῦ Μυσοῦ καὶ
’ A > , Q ; >? 9 δ » ’
Πτολεμαίον τοῦ Αἰγυπτίον καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ ἤδη βασιλέως
9 : ΄Ὰ A A ᾿ 7 >.. 7 he eis
Αδριανοῦ τῆς τε ἐς τὸ θεῖον τιμῆς ἐπὶ πχεῖστον ἐλθόντος καὶ
τῶν ἀρχομένων ἐς εὐδαιμονίαν τὰ μέγιστα ἑκάστοις παρα-
‘
σχομένον. καὶ ἐς μὲν πόλεμον οὐδένα ἑκούσιος κατέστη,

45 Ἑβραίους δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Σύρων ἐχειρώσατο ἀποστάντας.

expelled, and took refuge in Megara.
Ps.-Dein. (9, 28) regarded Pandion I
as the eponymous hero.

34. Typets συνοικῶν Πρόκνῃ Φιλο-
μήλαν ἤσχυνεν: see 1, 41, 8ff.; 10, 4, 8.
The myth of Tereus transformed into
a hoopoe, and of Procne and Philomela,
who became a nightingale and a swal-
low, is familiar from the Birds of Aris-
tophanes. Cf. Apoll.3, 14,8; Eustath.
on Od. 7, 518, p. 1875. According to
later writers, however, it was Procne
who became a swallow, and Philomela
a nightingale, whereas Tereus was
transformed into a hawk. So Verg.
Georg. 4, 15, 511; Ov. Met. 6, 424-475 ;
Hyg. Fab. 45.

40. φυλὰς... .᾿Αττάλον κτλ. : Pau-

sanias fails to mention two new tribes,
established in 307-306 n.c. in honor of
Demetrius and Antigonus (Plut. Dem.
10) — the Demetrias and the Antigo-
nis. They were later abolished, prob-
ably in 201 B.c. (Ferguson, The Priests
of Asklepios, p. 143). It is generally
accepted that the tribe Ptolemais was
named after Ptolemy Philadelphus be-
tween 285 and 247 B.c., the limits of
his reign; but Beloch (Fleckh. Jrb.
XXX, 481 ff.) argues that the Ptole-
mais was instituted after 229 B.c. in
honor of Ptolemy Euergetes. ‘The tribe
Attalis was created in 200 B.c., when
Attalus I visited Athens (Polyb. 16,
25; Paus. 1, 8, 1, etc.). The tribe
Hadrianis is mentioned frequently in

Φ

50
6

10

A es 2 A
TOV ETALN@V αμῦυναι.

δά THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 6,1
ὁπόσα δὲ θεῶν ἱερὰ τὰ μὲν φκοδόμησεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, τὰ δὲ
καὶ ἐπεκόσμησεν ἀναθήμασι καὶ κατασκευαῖς, καὶ δωρεαὶ
ἃς πόλεσων ἔδωκεν Ἑλληνίσι, τὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων
τοῖς δεηθεῖσιν, ἔστιν οἱ πάντα γεγραμμένα ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἐν
τῷ κοινῷ τῶν θεῶν i ἱερῷ.

Ta va ἐς Ἄτταλον καὶ Πτολεμαιον; ἡλικίᾳ τε ἦν ἀρχαιό-
τερα, ὡς μὴ μένειν ἔτι τὴν φήμην αὐτῶν; καὶ οἱ συγγενό-
ἱενοῖ τοῖς ᾿ἀσιλευσίνε ἐπὶ συγγραφῇ τῶν ἔργων καὶ πρότερον

ἔτι ἠμελήθησαν: τούτων ἕνεκά μοι καὶ τὰ τῶνδε ἐπῆλθε

δηλῶσαι ἔργα τε ὁποῖα ἔπραξαν καὶ ὡς ἐς τοὺς πατέρας.

αὐτῶν περιεχώρησεν Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἡ Μυσῶν. καὶ τῶν προσοί-
κων ἀρχή.
Πτολεμαῖον Μακεδόνες Φιλίππου παῖδα εἶναι τοῦ ᾿Αμύν-
; , δ , , \ , ε , »
του, λόγῳ δὲ Λάγον νομίζουσι: τὴν γάρ οἱ μητέρα ἔχουσαν
3 δ ~ “~ e Ν ? a ~
ἐν γαστρὶ δοθῆναι γυναῖκα ὑπὸ Φιλίππου Ady. Πτολεμαῖον
δὲ λέγουσιν ἄλλα τε ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ λαμπρὰ ἀποδείξασθαι καὶ
᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ κινδύνου ξυμβάντος ἐν ᾿Οξυδράκαις μάλιστά οἱ
τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῖς ἐς

inscriptions (C.I.A. III, 81-88, 1118, ξάνδρῳ. ... ἀμῦναι : this statement is

1114, 1120, 1121).

6. Pausanias interrupts his itinerary
to recount at considerable length (6, 1—
7, 3) the history of the first two Ptole-
mies; 8, 1 is similarly devoted to Atta-
lus; then, after the itinerary is resumed
(8, 2-6), the mention of the statue of
Ptolemaeus Philometor occasions a brief
digression on his history (9, 1-8).

4. por... ἐπῆλθε δηλῶσαι: ‘it oc-
curred to me’’—a favorite phrase of
Pausanias. Cf. 1, 12,2; 29,10; 2, 16,
8; 5,4,6; 7, 10,6; 26,3; 8,17, 4.

9. ἔχονσαν ἐν γαστρί: used by Pau-
sanias more frequently than κύειν ; e.g.
2, 22,6; 26,4; 28,5; 3,3,9; 4,9,8;
33,3; 8, 24,2; 36,2; 58, 1.—12. ᾿᾽Αλε-

.- 138. τοῖς ἐς ᾿Αριδαῖον..

expressly denied by Arrian (Anab. 6,
11, 3-8), who says that the incident
occurred not in the territory of the
Oxydracians, but at the city of an inde-
pendent Indian tribe called the Malli;
so Plut. Alex. 63. He also asserts that
there is no truth in the statement that
on this occasion Ptolemy won the title
of Soter, as Ptolemy himself in his pub-
lished memoirs denied being present at
the action. According to Q. Curtius,
9, 5, 21, the false statement origin-
ated with Clitarchus and Timagenes.
. ἄγουσιν ἀρ-
χὴν ἀντιστάς : cf. Justin, 13, 2, 11 ff.,
who gives the speech Ptoiemy made
on this occasion.

—

15

20

30

35

HISTORY OF PTOLEMY I δ8

th. 6,
A διδαῖον τὸ , ee eee 2 ys .
Αριδαιον τὸν Φιλίππον τὴν πᾶσαν ἀγουσιν ἀρχὴν ἀντιστὰς

3A 7 > “2 9 \ , ¥ . »¥
αὐτὸς μᾶλιστα ἐγένετο ἐς τὰς βασιλείας αἴτιος τὰ ἔθνη
νεμηθῆναι. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον διαβὰς Κλεομένην τε
3 4 ἃ 4 > » , > ,
ἀπέκτεινεν, Ov σατραπεύειν Αἰγύπτου κατέστησεν ᾿Αλέξαν-
ὃ δί ἢ , » \ ὃ > 9 A 3 Q € A
pos, Περδίκκᾳ νομίζων εὔνουν καὶ dt αὐτὸ ov πιστὸν αὑτῷ,

\ , ‘ ‘4 N > 4, Ν 3
καὶ Μακεδόνων τοὺς ταχθέντας τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου νεκρὸν ἐς
Αἰγὰς κομίζειν ἀνέπεισεν αὑτῷ παραδοῦναι- καὶ. τὸν μὲν
νόμῳ τῷ Μακεδόνων ἔθαπτεν ἐν Μέμφει, οἷα δὲ ἐπιστάμενος
πολεμήσοντα Περδίκκαν Αἴγυπτον εἶχεν ἐν φυλακῇ. Περδίκ-

\ 3 \ Ν 3 N A , > 92 9 A
kas δὲ ἐς μὲν TO εὐπρεπὲς τῆς στρατείας ἐπήγετο ᾿Αριδαῖον.

τὸν Φιλίππου καὶ παῖδα ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐκ Ῥωξάνης τῆς ᾿Οξυάρ-

Tov γεγονότα καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, τῷ δὲ ἔργῳ Πτολεμαῖον ἐπε-

Bovdevey ἀφελέσθαι τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλείαν: ἐξωσθεὶς
\ > ., \ \ 9 , » 3 ε , θ a
δὲ Αἰγύπτου καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἔτι οὐχ ὁμοίως θαυμᾳζό-
ν» Ὁ
μενος, διαβεβλημένος δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ἐς τοὺς Μακεδόνας,
3 id ε N ~ . ἢ “A \ } ee
ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων. Πτολεμαῖον δὲ αὐτίκα
ἐς τὰ πράγματα ὃ Περδίκκου θάνατος ἐπέστησε" καὶ τοῦτο
A , Ν , we A V2 , e nuns?
μὲν Σύρους καὶ Φοινίκην εἷλε, τοῦτο δὲ ἐκπεσόντα ὑπὸ ᾽Αντι-
ld Ἁ ’ ε ld ’ Ν ? , ἃ
γόνου καὶ φεύγοντα ὑπεδέξατο Σέλευκον τὸν ᾿Αντιόχου, καὶ
αὐτὸς παρεσκευάζετο ὡς ἀμυνούμενος ᾿Αντίγονον. καὶ Kao-
Ν, > , N ? , >
σανδρον τὸν ᾿Αντιπάτρουν καὶ Λυσίμαχον βασιλεύοντα ἐν
Θράκῃ μετασχεῖν ἔπεισε τοῦ πολέμον, φυγὴν λέγων τὴν Σε-
λεύκου καὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον φοβερόν σφισιν εἶναι πᾶσιν αὐξη-
, 9 , \ , \ 4 3 A ,
θέντα. ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ τέως μὲν ἦν ἐν παρασκευῇ πολέμου

19. τὸν᾿Αλεξάνδρον νεκρόν: after hav-
ing been brought with much pomp from
Babylon to Memphis, the remains of
Alexander were finally brought to Alex-
andria and laid in a magnificent tomb,
where funeral games were celebrated
in his honor and he was afterwards
worshiped as a hero. Paus. 1, 7, 1,
says this was under Ptolemy Philadel-

phus, but Diod. 18, 28, and Strabo,
17, p. 794, date it under Lagus. Here,
up to the Christian era, the body re-
posed in a crystal coffin which replaced
the golden one that had been stolen.
Nothing is known of its final disap-
pearance.

35. φυγὴν λέγων... εἶναι : the same
construction in 1, 32, 6.

ie)

40

50

55

06 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ά a 4 3 a 3 ’ 9 Ἁ 4 9 Ch. 6,6
καὶ TOV κίνδυνον οὐ παντάπασιν ἐθάρρει: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς Λιβύην
2 » , a» , Pt oer
ἐπύθετο στρατεύειν Πτολεμαῖον ἀφεστηκότων Κυρηναίων,

> 9 ὶ , \ , we 9 9 A : \
αὐτίκα Σύρους καὶ Φοίνικας εἷλεν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς, παραδοὺς

A a La) Si. ε , . v4 A δὲ +o
δὲ Δημητρίῳ τῷ παιδί, ἡλικίαν μὲν νέῳ φρονεῖν δὲ ἤδη.

w~ ia > Ἁ + Y ε ia A er,’
δοκοῦντι, καταβαίνει ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. πρὶν δὲ ἢ δια-
βῆναι πάλιν ἦγεν ὀπίσω τὴν στρατιάν, Δημήτριον ἀκούων
εκ» , , A , ; Y Ψ
ὑπὸ “Πτολεμαίου μάχῃ κεκρατῆσθαι" Δημήτριος δὲ οὔτε
παντάπασιν ἐξειστήκει Πτολεμαίῳ τῆς χώρας kai τινας τῶν
Αἰγυπτίων λοχήσας διέφθειρεν οὐ πολλούς. τότε δὲ ἥκοντα
9 ᾽ 9 e , A 9 , 3 Ψ
Αντίγονον οὐχ ὑπομείνας ΤΠΙτολεμαῖος ἀνεχώρησεν ἐς Atyv-
πτον. διελθόντος δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος Δημήτριος πλεύσας ἐς 6
Κύπρον Μενέλαον σατράπην Πτολεμαίου vavuayia καὶ αὖθι

p ράπην Πτολεμ μαχίᾳ καὶ αὖθις

9 4, ~ 3 o 9 ’ o Q 9 Q
αὐτὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐπιδιαβάντα ἐνίκησε: φυγόντα δὲ αὐτὸν
9 » 9 v4 ld i Ἁ La) Ἁ Ἁ 9 9 ’
ἐς Αἴγυπτον ᾿Αντίγονός τε κατὰ γὴν καὶ ναυσὶν apa ἐπολιόρ-

Ά ,ἢ : ~~ A > “~ 9 ᾿ Oo
κει Kat Δημήτριος. Πτολεμαῖος δὲ ἐς πᾶν ἀφικόμενος κιν-
δύνον διέσωσεν ὅμως τὴν ἀρχὴν στρατιᾷ τε ἀντικαθήμενος
‘ [2 A
ἐπὶ Πηλουσίῳ καὶ τριήρεσιν ἀμυνόμενος apa ἐκ τοῦ ποτα-
μοῦ.
οὐδεμίαν ἔτι εἶχεν ἐλπίδα, Δημήτριον δὲ ἐπὶ Ῥοδίους στρα-

> , ὯΝ ¥ A ε΄», 9 A ,
Αντίγονος δὲ Αἰγνπτον μέν αἱρήσειν ἐκ τῶν παρόντων

τιᾷ πολλῇ καὶ ὶν ἔστειλεν, ὡς εἴ οἱ VI

ἃ πολλῇ καὶ ναυσὶν ἔστειλεν, WS EL OL προσγένοιτο ἡ νῆσος
€ ’ , ΑΝ Ἁ > ,’ 9 ’ὔ 9 \
ὁρμητηρίῳ χρήσεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐλπίζων - ἀλλὰ
αὐτοί τε οἵ Ῥόδιοι τολμήματα καὶ ἐπιτεχνήσεις παρέσχοντο

40. παραδοὺς δὲ Δημητρίῳ τῷ παιδί: cf.
Diod. 19, 80-84, Plut. Dem. 5, etc., and
Droysen, Gesch. ἃ. Hell. II, 2, 40 ff.
Demetrius was at this time twenty-two
years old. He gave battle to Ptolemy
at Gaza and was defeated in 312 B.c. |

48. Δημήτριος πλεύσας és Κύπρον
κτλ.: not however in 311, after an in-
terval of a year, but in 306 did Deme-
trius sail to Cyprus, and not at sea but
in a land battle was this signal victory.
Thus Pausanias makes two mistakes.

Cf. Diod. 20, 47-53; Plut. Dem. 15-
17, etc., and Droysen, II, 2, 125-
137.— 51. “Avrlyovos . . . ἐπολιόρκει
καὶ Δημήτριος κτλ. : this successful ex-
pedition against Egypt occurred in
306 B.c. and the memorable siege of
Rhodes 305-804 s.c. The Rhodians
gave Ptolemy the title Soter in recog-
nition of the assistance he gave them
at this time. Cf. Diod. 20, 73-96;
Plut. Dem. 19-24; Droysen, II, 2,
146-174.

Ν

HISTORY OF PTOLEMY I oT

Ch. 6, 8

60 ἐς TOUS πολιορκοῦντας Kat Πτολεμαῖός σφισιν ἐς ὅσον δυνά-

8 “ 3 Ν , 9 ΄ ν Cy 7
μεως ἧκε συνήρατο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον. ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ Ῥόδου τε

€ Ἁ Ν 3 [4 ’ 9 gies , ν
ἀμαρτῶν καὶ Αἰγύπτου πρότερον, οὐ πολλῳ τούτων ὕστερον

ἀντιτάξασθαι Λυσιμάχῳ τολμήσας καὶ Κασσάνδρῳ τε καὶ

A , A A , 9 , \ δ \
τῇ Σελεύκον στρατιᾷ, τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπώλεσε TO πολὺ Kal

9. oN 9 ’ id , ~ ’ ἴω “
65 αὐτὸς ἀπέθανε ταλαιπωρήσας μάλιστα τῷ μήκει τοῦ πρὸς

Εὐμένη πολέμον. τῶν δὲ βασιλέων τῶν καθελόντων *Avti-

γονον ἀνοσιώτατον κρίνω γενέσθαι Κάσσανδρον, ὃς du ᾿Αν-

᾿ , ᾿ ’ 3 Ν 3 , 4
τιγόνου τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχὴν ἀνασωσάμενος πολεμήσων

ἦλθεν ἐπ᾽ avdpa εὐεργέτην.

ἀποθανόντος δὲ ᾿Αντιγόνον

70 Πτολεμαῖος Σύρους τε αὖθις καὶ Κύπρον εἷλε, κατήγαγε δὲ

καὶ Πύρρον ἐς τὴν Θεσπρωτίδα ἤπειρον: Κυρήνης δὲ ἀπο-

, , 4 eN ’ ld ,
στάσης Mayas Βερενίκης vios Πτολεμαίῳ τότε συνοικούσης

» 9 Ν ‘ 9 ’ @ 4 3 ΝΛ ε
ἔτει πέμπτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν εἷλε Κυρήνην. ---- εἰ δὲ ὁ

Πτολεμαῖος οὗτος ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ Φιλίππου τοῦ ᾿Αμύντου παῖς

> ¥ A
ἦν, ἴστω TO ἐπιμανὲς ES TAS γυναῖκας κατὰ τὸν πατέρα KE

κ έ a Ei, δὶ A Ἂ , A ¥ ε
THPEVOS, OS Ὡυρβνυοικῇ TY VULTIATPOV συνοικὼν OVTGV OL

παίδων Βερενίκης ἐς ἔρωτα ἦλθεν, ἣν ᾿Αντίπατρος Εὐρυδίκῃ

’ 3 »
συνέπεμψεν ἐς Αιἰγνπτον.

61. ᾿Αντίγονος.... ἀντιτάξασθαι Λυ-
σιμάχῳ τολμήσας : the reference here
is to the momentous battle fought at
Ipsus in Phrygia in 301 n.c. Antigo-
nus was killed, his kingdom went to
pieces, and the result of the battle was
the four independent kingdoms of Cas-
sander in Macedonia, Lysimachus in
Thrace, Seleucus in Syria, and Ptol-
emy in Egypt. The kingdom of Ly-
simachus, after a brief existence, was
wiped out by the incursions of the
Gauls. Cf. Diod. 20, 112; 21,1; Plut.
Dem. 28 ff., etc., and Droysen, II, 2,
215-219.

75. ἴστω: cf. Ilerod. 4, 76, εἰ ὧν ταύτης

ταύτης. τῆς γυναικὸς ἐρασθεὶς

ἣν τῆς οἰκίης ὁ ᾿Ανάχαρσις, ἴστω ἀποθα-
νών. Paus. 1, 29, 14; 2, 35, 8; 3, 27,
7; 5, 12,3; 6, 18, 10; 15, 7; 16, 8.—
76. Bipuilky .. . Βερενίκης κτλ.: it is
not known when Ptolemy’s marriage
with Eurydice, daughter of Antipater,
occurred. Berenice (Schol. Theocr. 17,
34) was a grand-niece of Antipater.
Her children by her first husband, Phi-
lip, were Magas and Antigone, the wife
of Pyrrhus (Plut. Pyrr. 4); her chil-
dren by Ptolemy were Arsinoe, born
not later than 316, and Ptolemy, born
probably in 309 or 308. Ptolemy Phila-
delphus ascended the throne in 285;
Lagus lived until 283.

~]

8

80

7

10

15

20

58 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

A > ΦΨΦ UA 9 ’ N € > e 4 ε oh ΤῈ
παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐποιήσατο, καὶ ὡς ἣν οἵ πλησίον ἡ τελευτή,
Πτολεμαῖον ἀπέλιπεν Αἰγύπτου βασιλεύειν, ad οὗ καὶ ᾿Αθη-

, 9 N ε 4 , > , 9 > 9 9
ναίοις ἐστὶν ἡ φυλή, γεγονότα ἐκ Βεβενικῆς ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ
τῆς ᾿Αντιπάτρου θυγατρός.

Οὗτος ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ᾿Αρσινόης ἀδελφῆς ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἐ ἐρα-
σθεὶς ἔγημεν αὐτήν, Μακεδόσιν οὐδαμῶς ποιῶν νομιζόμενα,
Αἰγυπτίοις μέντοι ὧν ἦρχε.
᾿Αργαῖον ἐπιβουλεύοντα, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου

δεύτερα δὲ ἀδελφὸν ἀπέκτεινεν

νεκρὸν οὗτος ὁ καταγαγὼν ἣν ἐκ Μέμφιδος : ἀπέκτεινε δὲ
καὶ ἄλλον ἀδελφὸν γεγονότα ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης, Κυπρίους ἀφι- ᾿
Μάγας δὲ ἀδελφὸς ὁμομήτριος Τ|τολε-
μαίου παρὰ Βερενίκης τῆς μητρὸς ἀξιωθεὶς ἐπιτροπεύειν
Κυρήνην ---- ἐγεγόνει δὲ ἐκ Φιλίππου τῇ Βερενίκῃ Μακεδόνος

4 9 ,
στάντα αἰσθόμενος.

, ¥ ν΄ 9 , NV εν A , , \
μέν, ἄλλως δὲ ἀγνώστου καὶ ἑνὸς τοῦ δήμου --- τότε δὴ
Ὄ ε ’ 9 4 , , ¥
οὗτος 6 Mayas ἀποστήσας Itodenatov Κυρηναίους niavvev
kat Πτολεμαῖος μὲν τὴν ἐσβολὴν φραξά-
ε 4 > ’ , , A 3 4
μενος ὑπέμενεν ἐπιόντας Κυρηναίους, Maya δὲ ἀπαγγέλλε-

9. 95 »
ἐπ Αἰγνπτον.

ται καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀφεστηκέναι Mappapidas: εἰσὶ δὲ Λιβύων οἱ

καὶ τότε μὲν ἐς Κυρήνην ἀπηλ-
ἴω A e ld a > » id

Πτολεμαῖον δὲ ὡρμημένον διώκειν αἰτία τοιάδε

Μαρμαρίδαι τῶν νομάδων.
λάσσετο'
3 ‘4 ε ’ , 3 ’ 9 , ,
ἐπέσχεν. ἡνίκα παρεσκευάζετο ἐπιόντα ἀμύνεσθαι Μάγαν,
ξένους ἐπηγάγετο καὶ ἄλλους καὶ Γαλάτας ἐς τετρακισχι-
, , Ν 3 , A ¥
λίους - τούτους λαβὼν ἐπιβουλεύοντας κατασχεῖν Αἴγυπτον,

3 , “A ϑ “Ὁ g, ὃ Ν. οὶ A Ἁ ε ἣ
avnyaye σφᾶς ἐς νῆσον ἔρημον Ova TOU ποταμοῦ." καὶ οἵ μὲν

7. Ptolemy Philadelphus and Arsi-
noe.

1. Πτολεμαῖος ᾿Αρσινόης ἀδελφῆς
κτλ.: Arsinoe was first married some
time after the battle of Ipsus to Lysi-
machus (Droysen, II, 2, 236). After
the battle of Corupedion, in which
Lysimachus fell, she married her half-
brother, Ptolemy Ceraunus. The date

of her marriage with her full brother,
Ptolemy Philadelphus, is not definitely
known, but an Egyptian inscription
shows they were already married 273-
272 s.c. Cf. A. Wiedemann, Philol.
XLVIT (1889), 84. Pausanias’ state-
ment that the marriage of brother and
sister was customary among the Egyp-
tians is confirmed by Diod. 1, 27, 1,

HISTORY OF PTOLEMY II 59

Ch.8,1

ἐνταῦθα ἀπώλοντο ὑπό τε ἀλλήλων καὶ TOD λιμοῦ: Mayas δὲ 3

ἤδη γυναῖκα ἔχων ᾿Απάμην ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ Σελεύκου θυγατέρα,
» 3 , , ὰ ε , ε , 9 ,
ἔπεισεν ᾿Αντίοχον παραβαντα as ὃ πατήρ οἱ Σέλευκος ἐποιή-

, Ν “Ὁ 3 ’ 5. 95 ¥
σατο συνθήκας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἐλαύνειν ἐπ’ Αἴγυπτον.
ε ’ \ 3 ’ , “Ὁ ’
ὡρμημένον δὲ ᾿Αντιόχον στρατεύειν, Πτολεμαῖος διέπεμψεν
ἐς ἅπαντας ὧν ἦρχεν ᾿Αντίοχος, τοῖς μὲν ἀσθενεστέροις λῃ-
στὰς κατατρέχειν τὴν γῆν, οἱ δὲ ἦσαν δυνατώτεροι στρα-
A ~ ν >

τιᾷ κατεῖργεν, ὥστε AVTLOX® μήποτε ἐγγενέσθαι στρατεύειν
ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον. οὗτος ὁ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ πρότερον εἴρηταί μοι

25

80 ὡς ναυτικὸν ἔστειλεν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων συμμαχίαν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντί-
N ὃ ’ > N Ν 9. 9 9 “A sQV\ 4
yovov καὶ Μακεδόνας! ἀλλὰ yap am αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν μέγα
> ’ 9 ? 9 ’ ε , e A 9 ᾽ >
ἐγένετο ἐς σωτηρίαν ᾿Αθηναίοις. οἱ δέ οἱ παῖδες ἐγένοντο ἐξ
᾿Αρσινόης, οὐ τῆς ἀδελφῆς, Λυσιμάχον δὲ θυγατρός: τὴν δέ
e ’ 9 Ά , 4 4 3 ἴω
οἱ συνοικήσασαν ἀδελφὴν κατέλαβεν ἔτι πρότερον ἀποθανεῖν
35 ἄπαιδα, καὶ νομός ἐστιν am αὐτῆς ᾿Αρσινοΐτης Αἰγυπτίοις.
8 ᾿Απαιτεῖ δὲ ὁ λόγος δηλῶσαι καὶ τὰ ἐς ΓΑτταλον ἔχοντα, ὅτι

iy

ἃ Φ A ἃ 9
καὶ οὗτος τῶν ἐπωνύμων ἐστὶν ᾿Αθηναίοις. ἀνὴρ Μακεδὼν

Philo Jud. de Special. Leg. Mang.
2, 303, ete.

34. ἀδελφὴν κατέλαβεν... . ἀποθανεῖν
ἄπαιδα : κατέλαβεν ἀποθανεῖν, a frequent
expression, e.g. 1, 29, 6; 2,6, 8; 3, 10,
5; 9,5, 14; 10,1. The formula is Hero-
dotean, cf. Hdt. 3, 118; 6, 88. Simi-
larly, we find ἡ τελευτή, τὸ χρεών, ἡ
πεπρωμένη, aS subject οὗ καταλαμβάνειν.
So 1, 11, 4; 18, 5; 20, 7; 8, 18. Still
more frequently are such words sub-
ject of ἐπιλαμβάνειν. Cf. 1, 9, 3; 2, 9,
4; 20,6; 22,2; 30,7; 34, 5.

8. Attalus — Statues: Amphiaraus,
Eirene, Lycurgus, Callias, Demosthe-
nes — Sanctuary of Ares with statues
adjacent— Harmodius and Aristogiton
— The Odeum.

1. ᾿Απαιτεῖ δὲ ὁ Adyos: cf. 6, 1, 2,

ἐκέλευσεν ὁ λόγος ; 1, 39, 8, ἀπέκρινεν ὁ

᾿λόγος. --- τὰ ἐς "Arradov ἔχοντα: ἃ fa-

vorite phrase borrowed from Herodo-
tus. Cf. 1, 11, 6; 20, 7; 32, 3, with
Hdt. 2, 53; 8, 16, 82, 126, ete. The
fortunes of the Attalids were founded
by Philetaerus, a eunuch of Bithynia,
who was left by Lysimachus in charge
of his treasury on the Acropolis of Per-
gamus. Philetaerus later went over to
Seleucus when the latter defeated and
killed Lysimachus in 281 B.c., and
after the murder of Seleucus in 280 he
succeeded in continuing master of the
fortress and its treasures. When he
died in 263 he left his nephew Eumenes
in possession of Pergamus. Eumenes
was succeeded in 241 Β.6. by his cous-
in Attalus, who, after defeating the

60 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS
ὶ Ch. 8, 2
» Ν 9 , 4 “\
Δόκιμος ὄνομα, στρατηγὸς ᾿Αντιγόνον, Λυσιμάχῳ παραδοὺς
9 ean Ν Ἁ 7 bi id ,
ὕστερον αὑτὸν Kal τὰ χρήματα, Φιλέταιρον Παφλαγόνα
5 εἶχεν εὐνοῦχον. ὅσα μὲν δὴ Φιλεταίρῳ πεπραγμένα ἐς τὴν
ἀπόστασίν ἐστι τὴν ἀπὸ Λυσιμάχον καὶ ὡς Σέλευκον ἐπη-
; , » A 9 ᾽ θ ’ὔ ε δὲ »
yayero, ἔσται μοι τῶν ἐς Λυσίμαχον παρενθήκη " ὁ δὲ Αττα-
λος ᾿Αττάλου μὲν παῖς ὦν, ἀδελφιδοῦς δὲ Φιλεταίρον, τὴν
9 ᾿ 9 ld , 4 9 “ ’ ld
ἀρχὴν Εὐμένους παραδόντος ἔσχεν ἀνεψιοῦ. μέγιστον δέ
10 ἐστίν οἱ τῶν ἔργων: Γαλάτας γὰρ ἐς τὴν γὴν ἣν ἔτι καὶ
νῦν ἔχουσιν ἀναφυγεῖν ἠνάγκασεν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης.
yl . Qa cs > » AY , > \ os » A
Mera δὲ τὰς εἰκόνας τῶν ἐπωνύμων ἐστὶν ἀγάλματα θεῶν,

ΤΆΣ ΓΑμφιάραος καὶ Εἰρήνη φέρουσα Πλοῦτον παῖδα. ἐνταῦθα

Gauls, assumed the title of king and
reigned as Attalus I.

13. ᾿Αμφιάραος : Amphiaraus is one
of the tragic heroes of Greek mythol-
ogy. Cf. Od. 0, 243, νυ, 352; Aesch.
Sept. 587 ff.; Eur. Supp. 925, etc.
He was one of the ‘‘Seven against
Thebes,’? the hero whom the earth
swallowed up with his four-horse char-
iot and the gods made immortal. The
place was afterwards called Harma,
i.e. the chariot, and is one of the fa-
mous sites of Greece, on the road from
Potniae to Thebes (Paus. 1, 34; 9, 8,
3). Consult, on thecult of Amphiaraus,
Harrison, Ancient Athens, pp. 62-65.
— Βιρήνη φέρουσα Πλοῦτον παῖδα:
this group was by Cephisodotus (9, 6,
2), the father or elder brother of the
great Praxiteles. It was probably set
up after Timotheus’s great victory at
Leucas and the conclusion of peace
between Athens and Spartain 374 B.c.,
as from that date Peace (Εἰρήνη) was
worshiped as a goddess (Isoc. 15,
109; Nepos, Timoth. 2). It is now

generally accepted that the so-called

Leucothea group in the Glyptothek at
Munich is a copy of this work of
Cephisodotus. It represents a woman
clad in a long robe, bearing ou her left
arm a little naked boy. There are
frequent copies of the group on Attic
coins. Cf. Imhoof-Gardner, Numism.
Comm. on Paus. p. 147, and plates.
-- ἐνταῦθα Λυκοῦργός τε κεῖται χαλ-
κοῦς : according to Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or.
p. 852.4, a bronze statue to Lycurgus,
the finance minister and orator, was
set up ἐν ἀγορᾷ, in recognition of his
services to the state, by a decree of Stra-
tocles passed 307-306 B.c. Two frag-
ments of an inscription containing the
decree have been found. See Harrison,
Ancient Athens, pp. 70-72, who also
tells of the fragments of the pedestal
found in 1888, with the inscription:
Λυκοῦργος Aux ]|éppovos Βο[υτάδης. Ly-
curgus deserved well of his country
for his public works as well as for
his financial administration. He com-
pleted the Dionysiac theatre, leveled
and walled in the Panathenaic sta-
dium, and built the gymnasium of the

20

STATUE OF DEMOSTHENES 61

Aunougyes TE κεῖται χαλκοῦς ὁ Λυκόφρονος καὶ Καλλίας, ὃς
πρὸς ᾿Αρταξέρξην τὸν Ἐέρξου τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ὡς ᾿Αθηναίων
οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν, ἔπραξε τὴν εἰρήνην: ἔστι δὲ καὶ Δημο-
σθένης, ὃν ἐς Καλαυρείαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὴν πρὸ Τροιζῆνος
νῆσον ἠνάγκασαν ἀποχωρῆσαι, δεξάμενοι δὲ ὕστερον διώ-
κουσιν αὖθις μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λαμίᾳ πλήγήνὰ Δημοσθένης δὲ ὡς
τὸ δεύτερον ἔφυγε, περαιοῦται καὶ τότε ἐς τὴν Καλαυρείαν,
ἔνθα δὴ πιὼν φάρμακον ἐτελεύτησε' φυγάδα, τε [Ἕλληνα
μόνον τοῦτον Ἀντιπάτρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν οὐκ ἀνήγαγεν" Αρ-
χίας. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρχίας οὗτος Θούριος ὧν ἔργον ἤρατο ἀνόσιον.

ὅσοι Μακεδόσιν ἔπραξαν" ἑναγτία π ἦ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὸ

πταῖσμα (τὸ) ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ γενέσθάι, τούτους ἦγεν ᾿Αρχίας

Lyceum ; under his administration the δὲ καὶ Δημοσθένης : this statue was

arsenal of Philo was built, and all the
docksand arsenals were putin excellent
condition. — 14. Κ αλλίας κτλ. : Callias
was the reputed author of the so-called
Peace of Cimon which, according to a
tradition of the fourth century and
later, was concluded with Persia in
445 3.c., whereby Artaxerxes pledged
himself to send no warships into the
Aegean sea, and to forbid his troops to
approach within three days’ march or
one day’s ride of the sea. Cf. Dem. 19,
273; Diod. 12, 4; Plut. Cimon, 18,
etc. Herodotus (7, 151) testifies that
Callias was sent to Persia, but neither
he nor Thucydides mentions such a
treaty. It is intrinsically improbable
that it should have been made, and
if made it was repeatedly broken.

. 1800. 4, 118-120, is the first writer to

allude to it (c. 380 B.c.). Theopompus
considered a copy of thetreaty extant in
the fourth century a forgery (Harp. s.v.
Artixots γράμμασιν»). Even Pausanias
speaks doubtfully about it. —16. ἔστι

erected 280-279 B.c. on a decree moved
by Demochares, nephew of the orator
(Ps.-Plut. vit.x Or. pp. 847 p and 850c).
The sculptor was Polyeuctus. The
statue was of bronze, and represented
the orator standing with his hands
locked in each other. The site was
πλησίον τοῦ περισχοινίσματος καὶ τοῦ
βωμοῦ τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν. Plut. Dem. 81
says ἃ large plane-tree stood near.
The well-known marble statue in the
Vatican is supposed to be acopy, with
some variations, of thisstatue. Cf. P.
Hartung, ‘Zur Statue des Dem.,” Verh.
d. k. deutsch. Instituts, X VITI (1903),
Heft 1, 25. The altar of the Twelve
Gods mentioned as near the statue,
though not noticed by Pausanias, was
an important spot, as distances were
reckoned from it. It was set up by
Pisistratus and enlarged by the de-
mocracy. Cf. Thuc. 6, 54, 6; Hdt. 2,
7; 6, 108; C.I.A. IT, 1078, etc., and
Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, 11, 434-
436.

30

35

62 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 8, 4
᾿Αντιπάτρῳ δώσοντας δίκην. Δημοσθένει μὲν ἡ πρὸς ᾿Αθη-
ναίους ἄγαν εὔνοια, fs τοῦτο ἐχώρησεν: εὖ δέ μοι λελέχθαι

« “ &
δοκεῖ ἄνδρα ἀφειδῶς "ἐκπεσόντα és πολιτείαν καὶ πιστὰ ἡγη-
σάμενον τὰ τοῦ δήμου μήποτε καλῶς τελευτῆσαι
Τῆς δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους εἰκόνας πλησίον “Apeds ἐστιν
e ’ » 3 4 , Ἁ 9 4 “~ Q \ ΝΆ
ἱερόν, ἔνθα ἀγάλματα δύο μὲν ᾿Αφροδίτης κεῖται, τὸ δὲ τοῦ

"Apews ἐποίησεν ᾿Αλκαμένη ς; τὴν δὲ ᾿Αθηνᾶν ἀνὴρ Πάριος,

A ἴω rug C

ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῷ Λόκρος. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Evuovs ἀγαλμά ἐστιν,
9 , \ e “~ e , ἃ A Ν, Ν
ἐποίησαν δὲ οἵ παῖδες οἱ Πραξιτέλους. περὶ δὲ τὸν vagy
ἑστᾶσιν Ἡρακλῆς καὶ Θησεὺς καὶ ᾿Απόλλων ἀναδούμενος
ταινίᾳ τὴν κό ἱνδριάντες δὲ Καλάδης ᾿Αθηναί )

L τὴν κόμην, ἀνδριάντες ns ᾿Αθηναίοις, ὡς
λέγεται, νόμους γράψας, καὶ Πίνδαρος ἄλλα τε εὑρόμενος

. 9 , QA > » 9 A 9 , 4
παρα Αθηναίων καὶ τὴν εἰκόνα, OTL σφᾶς ἔπῃνεσεν ᾳσμα

80. "Αρεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν : the shrine of
Ares is not elsewhere mentioned ex-
cept in inscriptions bearing on the cult
of Ares (cf. S.Q. XV, 23). The site is
not known with exactness. It probably
lay on the south side of the Agora,
along the north slope of the Areopagus.
Various sites have been conjectured,
but none convincingly. It was cer-
tainly not far (οὐ πόρρω) from the stat-
ues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and
on, or adjacent to, the Areopagus. —
31. τὸ δὲ rod “Apews ἐποίησεν ᾿Αλκα-
μένης: Ευγινδηρίοῦ (Meisterw. pp.
121-128) argues that the Borghese
Ares, now in the Louvre, is a replica
of Alcamenes’s image of Ares. Since
there are numerous other copies of the
original of the Borghese statue, it
must have been a famous work, as that
of Alcamenes was bound to be. Cf.
Roscher, Lexicon, I, 489; Friederichs-
Wolters, Gips-Abgiisse, 1298. Pausa-
nias groups four statues within or near

the sanctuary of Ares —two images
of Aphrodite, an Athena of Locrus
of Paros, otherwise unknown, and a
statue of Enyo, by the sons of Praxi-
teles (cf. 8, 30, 10; 9, 12, 4). — 34. περὶ
δὲ τὸν ναὸν ἑστᾶσιν Ἡρακλῆς κτλ.:
round the temple Pausanias mentions
five statues, one a god, Apollo, two
heroes, Heracles and Theseus, and two
mortals, Calades and Pindar. Few par-
ticulars are given. Of Calades nothing
further is known. The poet Pindar
was represented καθήμενος ἐν ἐνδύματι
καὶ λύρᾳ διάδημα ἔχων καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν γο-
γάτων ἀνειλεγμένον βιβλίον (Ps.-Aesch.
Epist. 4,3). The date of the statue was
probably long after the poet’s death,
as Isoc. 15, 166 does not allude to it in
reciting the honors heaped on Pindar
because of his eulogium of the city.
He had addressed Athens as “" O bright
and glorious Athens, pillar of Greece’’
(Frag. δά, ed. Bergk). Cf. Wachs-
muth, Stadt Athen, II, 402, 407.

45

50

HARMODILUS AND ARISTOGITON

Ch. 8, 6

63

’ 3 ’ \ ε “A e , Ν >
ποιήσας. ov πόρρω δὲ ἑστᾶσιν ᾿Αρμόδιος καὶ ᾽Αριστο- 5
ν 9
40 γείτων οἱ κτείναντες Ἵππαρχον. αἰτία δὲ ἥτις ἐγένετο καὶ

\ » 9 , » ε», > \ 9 ,
TO ἔργον ὄντινα τρόπον ἔπραξαν, ἑτέροις ἐστὶν εἰρημένα.

~ \ 3 , e i > ’ ’ A \ 9 ’

τῶν δὲ ἀνδριάντων οἱ μέν εἰσι Κριτίον τέχνη, τοὺς δὲ apyai-

ous ἐποΐησεν ᾿Αντήνωρ:" Ἐξέρξου δέ, ὡς εἷλεν ᾿Αθήνας ἐκλι-
AC at Baie

πόντος τὸ ἄστυ ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀπαγαγομἕνον καὶ τούτους ἅτε

λάφυρ ;

κατέπεμψεν ὕστερον ᾿Αθηναίοις ᾿Αντίοχος.

Τοῦ θεάτρου δὲ ὃ καλοῦσιν ᾿Ωιδεῖον ἀνδριάντες πρὸ τῆς

4 , ’ ϑ \ 3 , 9 , A “\ ‘\
ἐσόδου βασιλέων εἰσὶν Αἰγυπτίων. ὀνόματα μέν δὴ κατα

τὰ αὐτὰ Πτολεμαῖοί σφισιν, ἄλλη δὲ ἐπίκλησις ἄλλῳ: καὶ

γὰρ Φιλομήτορα καλοῦσι καὶ Φιλάδελφον ἕτερον, τὸν δὲ
τοῦ Λάγου Σωτῆρα παραδόντων Ῥοδίων τὸ ὄνομα. τῶν δὲ

39. οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἑστᾶσιν ᾿Αρμόδιος
καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων κτλ.: it has been
already noticed that the famous group
of Harmodius and Aristogiton stood
about opposite the Metroum, on the
way up to the Acropolis. Other evi-
dence is to the effect that they stood
in a conspicuous place used for festi-
vals known as the ‘orchestra’ (Tim.
Lex. Plat. and Phot. Lex. s.v. ὀρχή-
στρα). Ar. Lys. 088 and Eccles. 682
speak of them as being in the Agora.
The ‘' orchestra’’ was doubtless some-
where off from the northwest slope of
the Areopagus, on the opposite side of
the road. The statues were of bronze,
fashioned by the sculptor Antenor
(Arrian, Anab. 3, 16, 7; 7, 19, 2, etc.)
shortly after the expulsion of Hippias,
510 n.c. They were carried off by
Xerxes 480 8.0. and were finally sent
back to Athens by Alexander the Great
(Arr. Anab. 3, 16, 8; Pliny, N. H. 34,
70) or by Seleucus (Val. Max. 2, 10)
or by Antiochus (Paus. 1, 8, 5). In the
mean time, in 477 they were replaced

by a new group fashioned by Critius
and Nesiotes (Par. Chron. 1. 370; Lu-
cian, Philops. 18). After the restora-
tion of the Antenor statues, the two
groups stood side by side. The finest
reproduction of the group is the famous
pair of marble statues in the Naples
Museum. It is still a moot question
whether the Naples statues reproduce
the group of Antenor or that of Cri-
tius and Nesiotes. For the discussion
of this, see Frazer, II, 93-99.

46. Tod Ocdrpov δὲ ὃ καλοῦσιν ᾽Ωιδεῖ-
ov: this passage brings up three impor-
tant questions in Athenian topography
—the number of Odeums in Athens,
the identification of the one here men-
tioned, and its site. Pausanias names
three,—(1) the above, also mentioned 1,
14, 1; (2) one built by Pericles, 1, 20, 4;
and (3) the Odeum of Herodes Atticus,
7,20,6. As the question of the iden-
tity and site of the structure here men-
tioned is involved with the considera-
tion of the objects and places mentioned
in c. 14, the discussion is reserved.

10

15

64 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTAS

Ch.9, 1
ἄλλων ὁ μὲν Φιλάδελφός ἐστιν ov καὶ πρότερον μνήμην ἐν
τοῖς ἐπωνύμοις ἐποιησάμην, πλησίον δέ οἱ καὶ ᾿Αρσινόης
τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἐστιν εἰκών. ὃ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ καλούμενος ὄγδοος
f 3 9 , ; λ , φ , Ἁ δὲ 5. » λ
μέν ἐστιν ἀπόγονος Πτολεμαίον τοῦ Λάγου, τὴν δὲ ἐπίκλησιν
ἔσχεν ἐπὶ χλευασμῷ. οὐ γάρ τινα τῶν βασιλέων μισηθέντα
ἴσμεν ἐς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ μητρός, ὃν πρεσβύτερον ὄντα τῶν
(ὃ ε , > ¥ λ A 2 N Ἁ 3 , , de
παίδων ἡ μήτηρ οὐκ εἴα καλεῖν ἐπὶ THY ἀρχήν, πρότερον δὲ
9 ’ € δ “~ N Ὁ ‘+ ~ \ 3
és Κύπρον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πεμφθῆναι πράξασα- τῆς δὲ ἐς
Υ A A , ? , ¥ “9 »
τὸν παῖδα TH Κλεοπάτρᾳ δυσνοίας λέγουσιν ἄλλας τε αἰτίας
N 4 3 4 ὃ NX 4 ~ 5 (ὃ 4
καὶ ὅτι ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν νεώτερον τῶν παίδων KaTHKOOV
ἔσεσθαι μᾶλλον ἠλπιζέ. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἑλέσθαι βασιλέα
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἔπειθεν Αἰγυπτίους: ἐναντιουμένου δέ οἱ τοῦ
πλήθους, δεύτερα ἐς τὴν Κύπρον ἔστειλεν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, στρα-
“ ee “ 4 A δὲ ¥ ὃ 3 9 “A Ne , θέ
τηγὸν μὲν τῷ λόγῳ, τῷ OE ἔργῳ Ov αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίῳ θέ-
λουσα εἶναι φοβερωτέρα. τέλος δὲ κατατρώσασα οὖς μάλιστα
κι ᾿ ¥ A va
τῶν εὐνούχων ἐνόμιζεν εὔνους, ἐπήγετο σφᾶς ἐς TO TANOOS
ε > » 9 A εν , Α δ 3 ,
ὡς αὐτή τε ἐπιβουλευθεῖσα ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου Kat τοὺς εὐνού-
aA e > 3 » 66 ε δὲ 3 λ ' ὃ A
χους τοιαῦτα ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου παθόντας. ot δὲ “AdeEavdpets
ὥρμησαν μὲν ὡς ἀποκτενοῦντες τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὡς δὲ σφᾶς
ἔφθασεν ἐπιβὰς νεώς, ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἥκοντα ἐκ Κύπρου ποι-
ovvrat βασιλέα. Κλεοπάτραν δὲ περιῆλθεν ἡ δίκη τῆς 8

9. Ptolemy Philometor and his mother
Cleopatra — Statues of Philip, Alez-

Μητρόφιλος would rather meet Pausa-
nias’s idea. But his explanation is a

ander, and Lysimachus — Lysimachus
and his Contest with the Thracians —
Hieronymus of Cardia.

1. ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ: Ptolemy X Soter
II Philometor II, with the nickname
Lathyrus (Plut. Cor. 11) was the eld-
est son of Ptolemy IX Euergetes II,
and succeeded his father in the 208th
year of the Lagidae = 117-116 B.c.
He reigned 117-108 and 89-81 B.c. —
3. ἐπὶ χλευασμῷ: added by Pausanias
to explain the surname Φιλομήτωρ.

mistake, aS Φιλομήτωρ was an Official
title and could not be a nickname. —
5. οὐκ εἴα. . . πρότερον δὲ. . . πρά-
faoa: it is a frequent occurrence in
Pausanias in coérdinate clauses with
pev — δέ, τε --- καί, οὔτε ---- οὔτε, εἴτε ----
εἴτε, to have in the first clause the par-
ticiple, in the second the finite verb ;
but to have the reverse of this, as here,
is extremely rare. Cf. 1, 12,1; 2, 18,
3; 10, 1 (without μέν); 8, 3,3; 7, 10;
7, 19, 6; 10, 32, 7.

20

25

HISTORY OF LYSIMACHUS 65
Ch.95 .
~ A e AN ’ > AN
Πτολεμαίου φυγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, ὃν αὐτὴ
ar J ¥ ᾿ 3 ’ ~ ΝΥ » . ‘4
βασιλεύειν ἔπραξεν Αἰγυπτίων. τοῦ δὲ ἔργον φωραθέντος
καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρον φόβῳ τῶν πολιτῶν φεύγοντος, οὕτω Πτο-
λεμαῖος κατῆλθε καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔσχεν Αἴγυπτον: καὶ
Θηβαίοις ἐπολέμησεν ἀποστᾶσι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ἔτει
τρίτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἐκάκωσεν, ὡς μηδὲ ὑπόμνημα
λειφθῆναι Θηβαίοις τῆς ποτε εὐδαιμονίας προελθούσης ἐς
ἴω ε ε , 4 “N ε ,
τοσοῦτον ὡς ὑπερβαλέσθαι πλούτῳ τοὺς Ἑλλήνων πολυχρη-
’ ’ [1 “ N 3 “A \ 3 4
μάτους, TO τε ἱερὸν TO ἐν Δελφοῖς καὶ Opyopevious. Πτολε-
μαῖον μὲν οὖν ὀλίγῳ τούτων ὕστερον ἐπέλαβε μοῖρα ἡ
καθήκουσα: ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παθόντες εὖ πολλά τε
Ἁ 3 ¥ 3 ’ ΜᾺ Ἁ 9. ἃ Ἁ ’
καὶ οὐκ ἄξια ἐξηγήσεως χαλκοῦν καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ Βερενίκην

> “ a , , ec κα , 5
ἀνέθηκαν, ἣ μόνη γνησία οἱ τῶν παΐδων ἦν.

35

40

45

Mera δὲ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους Φίλιππός τε καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ
Φιλίππον κεῖνται" τούτοις μείζονα ὑπῆρχέ πως ἢ ἄλλου
πάρεργα εἶναι λόγον. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου τιμῇ τε
3 A Ν 3 , 4 ’ ε , ’
ἀληθεῖ καὶ εὐεργέταις οὖσι γεγόνασιν ai δωρεαί, Φιλίππῳ
δὲ καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ κολακείᾳ μᾶλλον ἐς αὐτοὺς τοῦ πλήθους,
ἐπεὶ καὶ Λυσίμαχον οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τοσοῦτον ὡς ἐς τὰ παρόντα
χρήσιμον νομίζοντες ἀνέθηκαν.

Ὁ δὲ Λυσίμαχος οὗτος γένος τε ἦν Μακεδὼν καὶ ᾿Αλεξάν-
ὃρον δορυφόρος, ὃν ᾿Αλέξανδρός ποτε ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς λέοντι ὁμοῦ
καθείρξας ἐς οἴκημα κεκρατηκότα εὗρε τοῦ θηρίου: τά τε
οὖν ἄλλα ἤδη διετέλει θαυμάζων καὶ Μακεδόνων ὁμοίως τοῖς
9 4 4 3 a , . » ,
ἀρίστοις ἦγεν ἐν τιμῇ. τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Θρᾳ-

“ 9 4 € ’ “~ ’ ’
κῶν ἐβασίλευεν ὁ Λυσίμαχος τῶν προσοίκων Μακεδόσιν,
ὅσων ἦρχεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Φίλιππος εἶεν

40. Ὁ δὲ Λυσίμαχος κτλ.: this story is based on an actual occurrence to the
is told at length by Justin, 15, 8, and effect that once, while hunting in Syria,
referred to by Plut. Dem. 27, Pliny, Lysimachus had killed single-handed a

N.H. 8, 54, etc. Q. Curtius, 8, 1,17, gigantic lion; which, thought Curtius,
calls the story a fable, but thinks it might be the origin of Pausanias’ story.

50

55

60

65

70

66 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 9, 6
δ᾽ dv οὗτοι τοῦ Θρᾳκίου μοῖρα ov μεγάλη. Θρᾳκῶν δὲ τῶν
, "9 2 , > NA > ΄ ν ‘ ‘
πάντων οὐδένες πλείους εἰαὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ Κελτοὶ
N ¥ » ὡ 3 : , . τ ν᾿ “A 3 ’,
πρὸς ἄλλο ἔθνος ἕν ἀντεξετάζοντι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐδείς
, a e+: 4 “ ε ,
πω πρότερος Θρᾷκας Ῥωμαίων κατεστρέψατο αθρόους᾽
ε , A 4 [οὐ a3 € a “N [οἱ
Ῥωμαίοις δὲ Θρᾷάκη τε πᾶσά ἐστιν ὑποχείριος, καὶ Κελτῶν
ν A 3 “Ὁ [4 , e , ἴω N
ὅσον μὲν ἀχρεῖον νομίζουσι διά τε ὑπερβάλλον ψῦχος καὶ
αὶ ’ ε ’ ων ’ A \ 9 ,
γῆς φαυλότητα, ἑκουσίως παρῶπταί σφισι, τὰ δὲ ἀξιόκτητα
ἔχουσι καὶ τούτων. τότε δὲ ὁ Λυσίμαχος πρώτοις τῶν περιοί-
᾿ , 3 , , NA 9. Ν s Ν
κων ἐπολέμησεν Ὀδρύσαις, δεύτερα δὲ ἐπὶ Δρομιχαΐτην καὶ
Γέτας ἐστράτευσεν. οἷα δὲ ἀνδράσι συμβαλὼν οὐκ ἀπείροις
᾿ ’ 9 “Ὁ A ἃ ‘N ε ’ > oN ‘
πολέμων, ἀριθμῷ δὲ Kat πολὺ ὑπερβεβληκόσιν, αὐτὸς μὲν
3 N » 9 A 4 4 ε , ε “A 3
ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον ἐλθὼν κινδύνου διέφυγεν, ὁ δέ οἱ παῖς ᾿Αγα-
θοκλῆς συστρατενυόμενος τότε πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν. Γετῶν ἑάλω.
Λυσίμαχος δὲ καὶ ὕστερον προσπταίσας μάχαις καὶ τὴν
ἅλωσιν τοῦ παιδὸς οὐκ ἐν παρέργῳ ποιούμενος συνέθετο
πρὸς Δρομιχαίτην εἰρήνην, τῆς τε ἀρχῆς τῆς αὑτοῦ τὰ
πέραν Ἴστρου παρεὶς τῷ Γέτῃ καὶ θυγατέρα συνοικίσας
ἀνάγκῃ τὸ πλέον- οἵ δὲ οὐκ ᾿Αγαθοκλέα, Λυσίμαχον δὲ
> AN aya , 9 ~ \ 3 ’ Ν
αὐτὸν ἁλῶναι λέγουσιν, ἀνασωθῆναι δὲ ᾿Αγαθοκλέους τὰ
νὴ N 4 ε A 9 -~ , ε Ἁ 3 ~
πρὸς τὸν Γέτην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πράξαντος. ws δὲ ἐπανῆλθεν,
᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ Λυσάνδραν γυναῖκα ἠγάγετο, Πτολεμαίου τε
A , δ 3 , > , ‘ δ ‘ 2 N
tov Λάγου καὶ Ἐὐρυδίκης οὖσαν. διέβη δὲ καὶ ναυσὶν ἐπὶ
᾿ 3 ,’ Ἁ Ἁ > “N “N 3 ‘4 Ὁ
τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ᾿Αντιγόνου συγκαθεῖλε.
4 A \ 93 4 ¥ 4 Ἁ “ 4
συνῴκισε δὲ καὶ ᾿Εφεσίων ἄχρι θαλάσσης τὴν viv πόλιν,

68. διέβη. .. ἐπὶ τὴν᾿Ασίαν : in 802
B.c. Lysimachus entered into the alli-
ance with Cassander, Seleucus, and
Ptolemy against Antigonus, and in
301 took part in the momentous battle
of Ipsus, in which Antigonus was over-
thrown. —70. συνῴκισε.
... τὴν viv πόλιν: the refounding of
Ephesus by Lysimachus took place be-

.. Ἐφεσίων ᾿

tween 287 and 2818.c. Cf. Droysen, IT,
2, 258, rem. 1. From Croesus to Alex-
ander the Great the city had clustered
about the temple of Artemis. Lysi-
machus built the city on a new site ᾿
nearer the mountains and by flooding
the old city compelled the inhabitants
of the former site to move into it. He
called the new city Arsinoe after his

75

80

85

=

HISTORY OF LYSIMACHUS 67

ee , 3 3 ‘ 4 3 , Ἁ
ἐπαγαγόμενος ἐς αὐτὴν Λεβεδίους τε οἰκήτορας καὶ Κολο-
’ Ν A 3 , 3 A a, € ’ 3.9
φωνίους, τὰς δὲ ἐκείνων ἀνελὼν" πόλεις, ὡς Φοίνικα ἰάμβων
ποιητὴν Κολοφωνίων θρηνῆσαι τὴν ἅλωσιν. Ἑ ρμησιάναξ δὲ
ὁ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα γράψας οὐκέτι ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν περιῆν - πάντως γάρ

Ν 2 _N a 9. Ν ε: , aA 290 7 ,
πον Kat αὐτὸς ἂν ἐπὶ adovon Κολοφῶνι wdvparo. Avat-
\ \ 2 wr Ν , | , ‘ >
payos δὲ καὶ ἐς πόλεμον πρὸς Πύρρον κατέστη τὸν Αἰακί-
Sov: φυλάξας δὲ ἐξ Ἠπείρου ἀπιόντα, οἷα δὴ τὰ πολλὰ
2 κα 3 A , » 3 , ; » N
ἐκεῖνος ἐπλανᾶτο, THY τε ἄλλην ἐλεηλάτησεν Ἤπειρον καὶ
ἐπὶ τὰς θήκας ἦλθε τῶν βασιλέων. τὰ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν ἐμοί ἐστιν 8
9 ,» ε ’ \, » ‘N 4 Ν
οὐ πιστά, Ἱερώνυμος δὲ ἔγραψε Καρδιανὸς Λυσίμαχον τὰς
θήκας τῶν νεκρῶν ἀνελόντα τὰ ὀστᾶ ἐκρῖψαι. ὁ δὲ Ἱερώνυ-
® » \ \ » , Ν > 9 ,
μος οὗτος ἔχει μὲν Kal ἄλλως δόξαν πρὸς ἀπέχθειαν γράψαι
“A ’ N > 4 4, A > 4 [4
τῶν βασιλέων πλὴν ᾿Αντιγόνον, τούτῳ δὲ οὐ δικαίως yapi-
N XY 3 A ~ 4 A 9 A ’ ’
ζεσθαι- τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς τάφοις τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν παντάπασίν
᾿ ‘ gv! ty , » , ,
ἐστι φανερὸς ἐπηρείᾳ συνθείς, ἄνδρα Μακεδόνα θήκας ve-
κρῶν ἀνελεῖν. χωρὶς δὲ ἠπίστατο δή που καὶ Λυσίμαχος οὐ
Πύρρον σφᾶς προγόνους μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοὺς
> “ 4 »” Ἁ ἈΝ > 4 3 ’
αὐτοὺς τούτους ὄντας" καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Ἠπειρώτης τε
> ‘ ω > A N Ν, , 4 Ὁ ,
ἦν καὶ τῶν Αἰακιδῶν τὰ πρὸς μητρός, ἢ TE ὕστερον Πύρρον
NX 4 ’ “~ N , > 4
πρὸς Λυσίμαχον συμμαχία δηλοῖ καὶ πολεμήσασιν ἀδιάλ-
‘4 9 A ‘ > 4 ’ , ~ κε
λακτόν γε οὐδὲν πρὸς ἀλλήλους γενέσθαι σφίσι. τῷ δὲ Ἵερω-
\ , , \ » > 3 , 3 ,
νύμῳ τάχα μέν πον καὶ ἀλλα ἣν ἐς Λυσίμαχον ἐγκλήματα,
’, λνο Ἁ “Ὁ ’ > A ,
μέγιστον δὲ ὅτι τὴν Καρδιανῶν πόλιν ἀνελὼν Λυσιμάχειαν
ἀντ᾽ αὐτῆς ᾧκισεν ἐπὶ τῷ ἰσθμῷ τῆς Θρᾳκίας χερρονήσον.

wife, but the old name finally prevailed.
—72. Φοίνικα: verses of the iambic
poet Phoenix are quoted by Athen. 8,
p. 859r; 10, p. 421 p; 11, p.495p, E;
12, p. 580%. Cf. Susemihl, Gesch. d.
gr. Lit. in d. Alex.-Zeit, I, 229.

80. Ἱερώνυμος. . . Καρδιανός : Hie-
ronymus the Cardian composed a his-
tory of Alexander’s successors. He

took a prominent part in the politics
of the age. In 320 B.c. he headed an
embassy sent by Eumenes to Antipater,
and in 319 an embassy from Antigonus
to Eumenes. He lived certainly as late
as 272 5.6... for he tells of the death of
Pyrrhus, which occurred in that year.
Lucian (Macrob. 22) says he reached
the age of 104. Susemihl, I, 560 ff.

68 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 10, 1
, ΔΙ.» δ A. 29 , 4 C9
10 Λυσιμάχῳ δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν Αριδαίον βασιλεύοντος καὶ ὕστερον 1
~ 4
Κασσάνδρου καὶ τῶν παίδων φιλία διέμεινε πρὸς Μακε-
δόνας περιελθούσης δὲ ἐς Δημήτριον τὸν ᾿Αντιγόνου τῆς
9 A 3 A » , : , ¥ εν
ἀρχῆς; ἐνταῦθα ἤδη Λυσίμαχος πολεμήσεσθαι ἤλπιζεν ὑπὸ
5 Δημητρίον καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρχειν ἠξίου πολέμου, πατρῷον ἐπι-
, aA ’ , > 4 52 2

σταμευος Ὃν Snr pte προσπεριβάλλεσθαι (aei> τι ἐθέλειν
καὶ ἅμα ὁρῶν αὐτὸν παρελθόντα ἐς Μακεδονίαν μετάπεμ-
πτον ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Κασσάνδρου, ὦ ὡς δὲ ἀφίκετο, αὐτόν
τε ᾿Αλέξανδρον φονεύσαντα καὶ ἔχοντα ἀντ᾽ ἐκείγον τὴν

10 Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν. τούτων ἕνεκα Δημητρίῳ συμβαλὼν πρὸς 2
᾿Αμφιπόλει παρ᾽ ὀλίγον. μὲν ἦχθεν ἐκπεσεῖν Θράκης, ἀμύ-
ναντος δέ οἱ Πύρρον τήν τε Θράκην κατέσχε καὶ ὕστερον
ἐπῆρξε Νεστίων [καὶ Μακεδόνων τὸ δὲ πολὺ Μακεδονίας
28 , : aA “ . 5 5 , \ we
αὐτὸς Πύρρος κατεῖχε, δυνάμει τε ἥκων ἐξ Ἠπείρου καὶ πρὸς
15 Λυσίμαχον ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἔχων ἐπιτηδείως. Δημητρίου δὲ
διαβάντος. ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ Σελεύκῳ πολεμοῦντος, ὅσον μὲν

10. Contests of Lysimachus with De- 11. wap ὀλίγον μὲν ἦλθεν: cf. 1, 13,
metrius and Pyrrhus— Murder of Aga- 4, wap ὀλίγον ὅμως ἥκοντι. 1, 18, 6,
thocles by Arsinoe and its Consequences ὀλίγου μὲν ἦλθεν ἑλεῖν. . . τὴν πόλιν.

in the Family of Lysimachus — His
Death in the Struggle against Seleucus.

2. τῶν παίδων: the three sons of
Cassander, king of Macedon, who suc-
ceeded him one after the other on the
throne, were Philip, Antipater, and
Alexander. — 3. περιελθούσης. . .
ἀρχῆς : Demetrius son of Antigonus,
who bore the surname Poliorcetes, or
the Besieger, because of the famous
siege of Rhodes, became master of
Macedonia, October, 294. Alexander,
then king of Macedonia, had intended
to assassinate Demetrius, but Deme-
trius anticipated him. Cf. Plut. Dem.
36 ff.; id. Pyrrhus, 6 ff.; Justin, 16, 1;
Droysen, II, 2, 268 ff.

2,7, 1, σεισμὸς ὀλίγου τὴν πόλιν ἐποίησεν
ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον. --- ἀμύναντος δέ οἱ Πύρ-
ρου κτλ.: in 288 B.c. a joint attack was
made on Demetrius by Lysimachus
from the east and Pyrrhus from the
west. Demetrius’s army deserted to
Pyrrhus and he had to flee in dis-
guise. The conquerors then divided
Macedonia between them, the lion’s
share falling to Pyrrhus. Cf. Plut.
Dem. 44; id. Pyrrhus, 11; Droysen,
II, 2, 296-298. In 2868.c. Demetrius
was defeated by Seleucus, and surren-
dered to him. He died in captivity.
Lysimachus compelled Pyrrhusto with-
draw from Macedonia after he had held
it only seven months. Cf. Plut. Dem.

20

30

HISTORY OF LYSIMACHUS 69

ΟΣ ΟΝ ba ie) A , ’ e N
χρόνον ἀντεῖχε TA Δημητρίου, διέμεινεν ἡ Πυρρου καὶ Avot
, , ld , 39 AN 4 a
μάχου συμμαχία: γενομένου δὲ ἐπὶ Σελεύκῳ Δημητρίου Av-
, Ν ll , ὃ hv ε λέ N , 3
σιμάχῳ καὶ Πύρρῳ ὀιελύθη ἡ φιλία, καὶ καταστάντων és
’ , > ’ ~ A
πόλεμον Λυσίμαχος ᾿Αντιγόνῳ te τῷ Anpytpiov καὶ αὐτῷ
’ ’ .9 ’
Πύρρῳ πολεμήσας ἐκράτησε παρὰ πολὺ καὶ Μακεδονίαν
ἔσχεν, ἀναχωρῆσαι Πύρρον βιασάμενος ἐς τὴν Ἤπειρον.
εἰώθασι δὲ ἀνθρώποις φύεσθαι δι᾽ ἔρωτα πολλαὶ συμφοραί.
Lees 2 ᾿ ἐπ Wise ee ρου μὰν .-ν aes --- ..- ΤΩΣ Nata then an αν a” te β hs Be
Λυσίμαχος yap ἡλικίᾳ Te ἤδη προήκων Kal ἐς TOUS παῖδας
9 » , 3 , \ 2 A , ‘¥
αὐτός τε νομιζόμενος εὐδαίμων καὶ ᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ παίδων ὄντων
ἐκ Λυσάνδρας ᾿Αρσινόην ἔγημεν ἀδελφὴν Λυσάνδρας. ταύ-
“N 3 4 id > A A ὃ ’ 4 4
τὴν τὴν Apowonv φοβουμένην ἐπὶ τοῖς παισί, μὴ Λυσιμά-
χου τελευτήσαντος ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ γένωνται, τούτων ἕνεκα
᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγεται. ἤδη δὲ ἔγραψαν καὶ ὡς
aN 6 χὰ 5.17 3 ¥ e By , 9 ,
γαθοκλέους ἀφίκοιτο ἐς ἔρωτα ἡ ᾿Αρσινόη, ἀποτυγχά-
νουσα δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ... βουλεῦσαι λέγουσιν ᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ θάνατον.
λέγουσι δὲ καὶ ὡς Λυσίμαχος αἴσθοιτο ὕστερον τὰ τολμη-
θέ € y a , 3 δὲ ὦ ε , 3
έντα ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικός, εἶναι δὲ οὐδὲν ETL OF πλέον ἡρημω-
? ’ 3 Ἁ » ε Ἁ 07 ’ ε ’
μένῳ φίλων ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τότε ὁ Λυσίμαχος
ἀνελεῖν τὰν ᾿Αγαθοκλέα ᾿Αρσινόῃ παρῆκε, Λυσάνδρα παρὰ
Σέλευκον ἐκδιδράσκει τούς τε παῖδας apa ἀγομένη καὶ τοὺς
9 \ A ec oaA @ δ A 9 κι
ἀδελφοὺς τοὺς αὑτῆς, ... οἷ περιελθὸν τοῦτο ἐς Πτολεμαῖον
καταφεύγουσι. τούτοις ἐκδιδράσκουσι παρὰ Σέλευκον καὶ

49-52; id. Pyrrhus, 12; Droysen, II,
2, 307-312.

23. Sv ἔρωτα πολλαὶ συμφοραί: for
similar commonplaces upon love, cf. 7,
19,3, μέτεστιν ἔρωτι καὶ ἀνθρώπων σνγχέαι
νόμιμα καὶ ἀνατρέψαι θεῶν τιμάς, and 7,
28, 3, where, says our author, if the
waters of Selemnus actually bring for-
getfulness of love, more precious than
great riches to mankind are the waters
of Selemnus.— 30. ἡ ᾿Αρσινόη. . . Bov-
λεῦσαι. .. ᾿Αγαθοκλεῖ κτλ. : the murder

of Agathocles seems to have been per-
petrated in 284 or 283 B.c. Justin (17,
1, 4) says that. Arsinoe poisoned him ;
Strabo (13, 623) that Lysimachus was
compelled to slay him because of do-
mestic troubles; Memnon (Frag. Hist.
Gr. III, 582, ed. Miller) that Lysima-
chus, deceived by Arsinoe, first at-
tempted to poison Agathocles, and then
cast him into prison, where Arsinoe’s
brother Ptolemy Ceraunus murdered
him. See Droysen, II, 2, 321 ff.

10 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS
- Ch. 10, 5
9 4 4 A 4
Αλέξανδρος ἠκολούθησεν, vids μὲν Λυσιμάχου, γεγονὼς δὲ
40 ἐξ ᾿δρυσιάδος γυναικός. οὗτοί τε οὖν ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἀνα-
4 ε ’, ’ 9 ’ Ν ’
βεβηκότες ἱκέτενον Σέλευκον ἐς πόλεμον πρὸς Λυσίμαχον
καταστῆναι: καὶ Φιλέταιρος ἅμα, ᾧ. τὰ χρήματα ἐπετέτρα-
4 ~ 9 ’ “ “A ,
ato Λυσιμάχου, τῇ τε᾿Αγαθοκλέους τελευτῇ χαλεπῶς φέρων
καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῆς ᾿Αρσινόης ὕποπτα ἡγούμενος καταλαμβάνει
, ν εν oh , \ , a, ,
45 Πέργαμον τὴν ὑπὲρ Καΐκου, πέμψας δὲ κήρυκα τά τε χρή-
N e oan IQ 7 4 ’ A “ a
ματα καὶ αὑτὸν ἐδίδον Σελεύκῳ. Λυσίμαχος δὲ ταῦτα πάντα
4 » νι 3 Ἁ > ’ , » 22 N
πυνθανόμενος ἔφθη διαβὰς ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ ἄρξας αὐτὸς
’ ’ ’ Ν ’ 9 ’ Ἁ
πολέμου συμβαλών τε Σελεύκῳ παρὰ πολύ τε ἐκρατήθη καὶ
αὐτὸς ἀπέθανεν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δέ, ὃς ἐκ τῆς γυναικὸς ᾿Οδρυ-
’ 9 4 ε δ , ’ 9
σίδος ἐγεγόνει οἷ, πολλὰ Λυσάνδραν παραιτησάμενος ἀναι-
ρεῖταί τε καὶ ὕστερον τούτων ἐς Χερρόνησον κομίσας ἔθαψεν,
¥ Δ 'y NA 9 , e . ε , , δ
ἔνθα ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐστίν οἱ φανερὸς ὁ τάφος Καρδίας τε μεταξὺ
κώμης καὶ Πακτύης.

ΠΥ

~ >
ae Ta μὲν οὖν Λυσιμάχου τοιαῦτα ἐγένετο: ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ

-.ο.......

εἰκών ἐστι καὶ Πύρρον. οὗτος ὁ Πύρρος ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ προ-
"ὃ

Me,

σῆκεν οὐδέν, εἰ μὴ ὅσα κατὰ yévos: Αἰακίδου γὰρ τοῦ
᾿Αρύββον Πύρρος ἦν, ᾿Ολυμπιάδος δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος τῆς
5 Νεοπτολέμου, Νεοπτολέμῳ δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρύββᾳ πατὴρ ἦν ᾿Αλκέ
τας 6 Θαρύπον. ἀπὸ δὲ Θαρύπον ἐς Πύρρον τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέως

μι

48. συμβαλών τε Σελεύκῳ. .. ἀπέ-
θανεν : Lysimachus was defeated and
killed in the battle of Corypedion in
281 s.c. Appian (Syr. 64) gives two
accounts about the finding and care of
his body, one that it was found and
buried by Thorax, a Pharsalian, the
other the account here given by Pau-
sanias.

11. Pyrrhus: his Statue and his
Ancestry — The Kingdom of the Epi-
rotes — Pyrrhus’s Campaigns.

2. εἰκών... Πύρρου: this stood, in
all probability, among the statues

named in c. 8, before the Odeum. —
5. ᾿Αρύββᾳ: Justin (7, 6, 11; 8, 6) says
that Arybbas was expelled from his
kingdom and died in exile. According
to C.I.A. IT, 115, he retired to Athens,
where he was placed under public pro-
tection. —6. @aptwov: Tharypas is
mentioned Thuc. 2, 80, 6, as being still
a child (429 s.c.) under the guardian-
ship of the regent Sabylinthus. He was
educated at Athens and was the first
to introduce Greek laws and customs
among his people (Justin, 17, 3, 9-13;
Plut. Pyrrhus, 1).

10

15

20

25

30

HISTORY OF PYRRHUS 11

ee 3 “A N , > AN , “A \ 4) ®
πέντε ἀνδρῶν καὶ δέκα εἰσὶ yeveai: πρῶτος yap δὴ οὗτος
ε ,’ 3 id “ A 3 ’ ἐ ~ 9 ,
ἁλούσης Ἰλίου τὴν μὲν ἐς Θεσσαλίαν ὑπερεῖδεν ἀναχώρησιν,
3 A Ἁ ¥ , ϑ A 3 “ ε ,
és δὲ τὴν Ἤπειρον κατάρας ἐνταῦθα ἐκ τῶν Ἑλένου χρη-
σμῶν ᾧκησε. Kai οἱ παῖς ἐκ μὲν Ἑρμιόνης ἐγένετο οὐδείς,
ἐξ ᾿Ανδρομάχης δὲ Μολοσσὸς καὶ Πίελος καὶ νεώτατος ὃ
Πέργαμος. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ Ἑλένῳ Κεστρῖνος" τούτῳ γὰρ
9 , ᾿ , 3 , 3 A 4
Ανδρομάχη συνῴκησεν ἀποθανόντος ἐν Δελφοῖς Πύρρον.
ε , ε A “A
Ἑλένου δὲ ws ἐτελεύτα Μολοσσῷ τῷ Πύρρον παραδόντος
Ἁ 9 A -~ A “N ~ 3 4 3 ~
τὴν ἀρχὴν Keorpivos μὲν σὺν τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ᾿πειρωτῶν
᾿ ε A , \ 4 4 , A
τὴν ὑπὲρ Θύαμιν ποταμὸν χώραν ἔσχε, Πέργαμος δὲ δια-
Ν 9 A > 4 » 4 3 ~ 4
Bas és τὴν ᾿Ασίαν “Apeov δυναστεύοντα ἐν τῇ TevOpavia
κτείνει μονομαχήσαντά ol περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῇ πόλει τὸ
” ¥ N ~ 9 9 ε “ ΝΛ» 4 9 ,
ὄνομα ἔδωκε τὸ νῦν ἀφ᾽ αὑτοῦ" καὶ ᾿Ανδρομάχη. --- ἠκολούθει
4 ε ." ΜᾺ 9 ε “~ 3 “Ὁ ’ ’ A > ~
yap οἵ ---- καὶ νῦν ἐστιν ἡρῷον ἐν τῇ πόλει. Πίελος δὲ αὐτοῦ
κατέμεινεν ἐν ᾿πείρῳ, καὶ ἐς πρόγονον τοῦτον ἀνέβαινε
Πύρρος τε ὁ Αἰακίδον καὶ οἱ πατέρες, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐς Μολοσ-
σόν. ἦν δὲ ἄχρι μὲν ᾿Αλκέτον τοῦ Θαρύπου ἐφ᾽ ἑνὶ βασιλεῖ
N a 3 ΜᾺ e , 3 4 “A "ὦ ’
καὶ τὰ Ἠπειρωτῶν. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλκέτου παῖδες, ὥς σφισι στασιά-
σασι μετέδοξεν ἐπ᾽ ἴσης ἄρχειν, αὐτοί τε πιστῶς ἔχοντες
διέμειναν ἐς ἀλλήλους καὶ ὕστερον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Neo-
’ , 3 a) 3 ’ A “\
πτολέμου τελευτήσαντος ἐν Λευκανοῖς, Ὀλυμπιάδος δὲ διὰ
τὸν ᾿Αντιπάτρου φόβον ἐπανελθούσης ἐς Ἤπειρον, Αἰακίδης
ὁ ᾿Αρύββον τά τε ἄλλα διετέλει κατήκοος ὧν Ὀλυμπιάδι
N , , > 4 N ‘4
καὶ συνεστράτευσε πολεμήσων ᾿Αριδαίῳ Kat Μακεδόσιν,

27. "Odupmidbos . . . ἐπανελθούσης ἐς
"Ἤπειρον : straightway after the death
of Alexander, Olympias, in obedience
to the wishes of her son, did not inter-
fere with the plans of Antipater, but
retired to Epirus to her brother’s court.
She was restored to Macedonia in 317
B.C. by the joint efforts of Polysperchon
and Aeacides. Eurydice, the wife of

Philip Aridaeus the king, attempted
to give battle, but her troops deserted
to Olympias. Both Philip and Eury-
dice and a large number of Macedonian
nobles were put to death by Olympias.
Hence her death at the hands of Cas-
sander was deemed a just retribution.
Cf. Diod. 19, 11, 50; Justin, 14, 5;
Droysen, II, 1, 288 ff.

2

9

12 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTAS
Ch. 11, 4

οὐις ἐθελόντων ἕπεσθαι τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν. ᾿Ολυμπιάδος δὲ ws 4
ἐπεκράτησεν ἀνόσια μὲν ἐργασαμένης καὶ ἐς τὸν ᾿Αριδαίου
, a . » 3 , 3 ¥ , ;
θάνατον, πολλῷ δὲ ἔτι ἀνοσιώτερα ἐς ἄνδρας Μακεδόνας,
ν Ν A 3 > Ἢ 9 e A , “A
καὶ διὰ ταῦτα οὐκ ἀνάξια ὕστερον ὑπὸ Κασσάνδρου παθεῖν
4 > 4 3 9 δ A 9 9 9 Ἁ δ Ν
35 νομισθείσης, Αἰακίδην κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ διὰ τὸ
ὈὌλν (ὃ » θ δέ Ἢ ων e »,’ δὲ > Ν᾿
μπιάδος ἔχθος ἐδέχοντο ᾿ἪἬπειρῶται, εὑρομένον δὲ ava
χρόνον παρὰ τούτων συγγνώμην δεύτερα ἠναντιοῦτο Κάσ-
᾿ A > » 4 \ ,
σανδρος μὴ κατελθεῖν ἐς Ἤπειρον. γενομένης δὲ Φιλίππου
τε ἀδελφοῦ Κασσάνδρου καὶ Αἰακίδον μάχης πρὸς Οἰνιά-
40 dats, Αἰακίδην μὲν τρωθέντα κατέλαβε. per οὐ πολὺ τὸ
χρεών- Ἠπειρῶται. δὲ ᾿Αλκέταν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ κατεδέξαντο, 5
᾿Αρύββου μὲν παῖδα καὶ ἀδελφὸν Αἰακίδου πρεσβύτερον,
> ~ \ » A ‘N > > N 3 ’ e A la)
ἀκρατῆ δὲ ἄλλως θυμοῦ καὶ du αὐτὸ ἐξελασθέντα ὑπὸ τοῦ
’ ἃ ’ 9 3 c 3 ‘ 3 “ > ,
πατρός. καὶ τότε ἥκων ἐξεμαίνετο εὐθὺς ἐς τοὺς Ἠπειρώτας,
40 ἐς ὃ νύκτωρ αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐπαναστάντες ἔκτει-
3 ’ A A 4 N\ 3 ’ ,
ναν. ἀποκτείναντες δὲ τοῦτον Πύρρον τὸν Αἰακίδον κατά-
"4 \ 29s 3 ,΄.- , ,
γουσιν" ἥκοντι δὲ εὐθὺς ἐπεστράτενε Κάσσανδρος, νέῳ τε
ε ’ »” Ἁ “N 9 ᾿ 9 ld 4
ἡλικίᾳ ὄντι καὶ THY ἀρχὴν ov κατεσκενασμένῳ βεβαίως.
4 λῚ 3 ‘4 ’ 3 ¥ ‘N
Πύρρος δὲ ἐπιόντων Μακεδόνων ἐς Αἴγυπτον παρὰ Πτο-
50 λεμαῖον ἀναβαίνει τὸν Λάγον: καί οἱ Πτολεμαῖος γυναῖκά
3 3 Ἁ ε 4 “ € ~ 4 N ’
T ἔδωκεν ἀδελφὴν ὁμομητρίαν τῶν αὑτοῦ παίδων καὶ στόλῳ
κατήγαγεν Αἰγυπτίων.
Πύρρος δὲ βασιλεύσας πρώτοις ἐπέθετο “Ἑλλήνων Κορκυ- 6
ραίοις, κειμένην τε ὁρῶν τὴν νῆσον πρὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ χώρας
55 καὶ ἄλλοις ὁρμητήριον ἐφ᾽ αὑτὸν οὐκ ἐθέλων εἶναι. μετὰ δὲ
ε eN 4 9 A , lé ¥
ἁλοῦσαν Κόρκυραν ὅσα μὲν Λυσιμάχῳ πολεμήσας ἔπαθε
καὶ ὡς Δημήτριον ἐκβαλὼν Μακεδονίας ἦρξεν ἐς ὃ αὖθις
3 4 ε NX ’ a A ~ 4 ? 3
ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ Λυσιμάχου, τάδε μὲν τοῦ Πύρρου μέγιστα ἐς
3 ~ N N 4 » δ 9 ’
ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν δεδήλωκεν ἤδη μοι τὰ ἐς Λυσίμαχον

“1

60 ἔχοντα: Ῥωμαίοις δὲ οὐδένα Πύρρου πρότερον ᾿πολεμή-
σαντα ἴσμεν Ἕλληνα. Διομήδει μὲν γὰρ καὶ ᾿Αργείων τοῖς

12

10

HISTORY OF PYRRHUS 18

πε τοι : 3 ἰδ 9 ’, ¥ 4 ‘\ > 4 , a
σὺν αὐτῷ οὐδεμίαν ἔτι γενέσθαι πρὸς Αἰνείαν λέγεται payny
᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐλπίσασι καὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν πᾶσαν
4 A 9 a 4 ~ 3 A 3 ’
καταστρέψασθαι τὸ ἐν Συρακούσαις πταῖσμα ἐμποδὼν éye-
νετο μὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίων λαβεῖν πεῖραν: ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ
Νεοπτολέμου, γένους τε ὧν Πύρρῳ τοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ
’ 9 Ἁ 9 ~ » \ 9 A
πρεσβύτερος, ἀποθανὼν ἐν Λευκανοῖς ἔφθη πρὶν ἐς χεῖρας
3 ~ ε di ῳ ' 4 3 Ἁ ε ~ 3 “ €
ἐλθεῖν Ῥωμαΐοις. οὕτω Πύρρος ἐστὶν 6 πρῶτος ἐκ τῆς ED-
λάδος τῆς πέραν ᾿Ἰονίον διαβὰς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους. διέβη δὲ
καὶ οὗτος ἐπαγαγομένων Ταραντίνων. τούτοις γὰρ πρότε-
ρον ἔτι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνειστήκει πόλεμος - ἀδύνατοι δὲ
κατὰ σφᾶς ὄντες ἀντισχεῖν, προὐπαρχούσης μὲν ἐς αὐτὸν

"9 ’ ν e “~ N NX 4 J
εὐεργεσίας ὅτι οἱ πολεμοῦντι τὸν πρὸς Κόρκυραν πόλεμον
ναυσὶ συνήραντο, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Ταραντίνων

9 ’ἤ’ J 4 a 3 ’ 4 e 9
ἀνέπεισαν τὸν Πύρρον, τήν τε Ἰταλίαν διδάσκοντες ὡς εὐδαι-
, 9 >. A , ¥ Ae , Ne 9 9
μονίας εἵνεκα ἀντὶ πάσης εἴη τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ ws οὐχ ὅσιον
αὐτῷ παραπέμψαι σφᾶς φίλους τε καὶ ἱκέτας ἐν τῷ παρόντι
ἥκοντας. ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν πρέσβεων μνήμη τὸν Πύρρον

ia € , > A ‘al 3 , ’ ε Ν >A ¥
τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐσῆλθε τῆς Ἰλίου, Kai ot κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἡλπιζε
63. ᾿Αθηναίοις. .. ἐλπίσασι... 1; Droysen, III, 1, 127 ff.— 4. ἀδύνα-

Ἰταλίαν πᾶσαν καταστρέψασθαι : Plu-
tarch (Alcib. 17) says that it was the
dream of Alcibiades that the conquest
of Sicily should be merely a step to-
ward the conquest of Carthage, Africa,

' Italy, and Peloponnesus. Again he

tells us (Pericles, 20) that in the age
of Pericles many Athenians looked
forward to the conquest of Etruria and
Carthage.

12. Pyrrhus’s War against the Ro-
mans — Elephants and Ivory — War
against the Carthaginians.

-1. Πύρρος. . . ἐπὶ Ρωμαίους : Pyr-
rhus’s expedition to aid the Tarentines
against the Romans occurred 280 B.c.
Cf. Plut. Pyrrhus, 13-16; Justin, 18,

τοι δὲ kara σφᾶς ὄντες ἀντισχεῖν κτλ.:
this sentence presents a decidedly bad
case of anacoluthon. Ταραντῖνοι is nat-
urally to be understood with ὄντες, and
below one would naturally expect μά-
Nora δὲ of Ταραντῖνοι διὰ τῶν πρέσβεων
ἀνέπεισαν instead .οὗ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Τα-
ραντίνων ἀνέπεισαν. On the οοὐγαϊπδ-
tion of the participle, προὐπαρχούσης
μὲν, and the finite verb, μάλιστα δὲ ---
ἀνέπεισαν, Cf. c. 9, 1, note. —6. οἱ πο-
λεμοῦντι. . . πόλεμον. . . συνήραντο:
πόλεμον here is object of πολεμοῦντι (cf.
1, 4, 6; 29, 14; 4, 10, 7). Pausanias
also uses ἄρασθαι πόλεμον, e.g. 3, 2, 3;
9, 10, but συνάρασθαί rim és τὸν πόλεμον
(1, 6, 6).

"»"ὶ

15

" 20

25

30

14 THE ATTICA ΟΕ PAUSANIAS

Ch. 12, 2
χωρήσειν πολεμοῦντι: στρατεύειν γὰρ ἐπὶ Τρώων ἀποίκους
3 4 aA 3 4 ε fe “A » ’
Αχιλλέως ὧν ἀπόγονος. ὡς δέ οἱ ταῦτα ἤρεσκε --- διέμελλε

Ν > 3» 9 \ 5 ν 33 9 A 3 4 bs)
yap ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ ὧν ἕλοιτο --- αὐτίκα ναῦς τε ἐπλήρου μακρὰς
Ἁ “A 4, > , ν , » ε 4,
καὶ πλοῖα στρογγύλα εὐτρέπιζεν ἵππους καὶ ἄνδρας ὁπλίτας

» » \ 3 4 a, 9 > ees 3
ἄγειν. ἔστι δὲ ἀνδράσι βιβλία οὐκ ἐπιφανέσιν ἐς σνυγγρα-
φήν, ἔχοντα ἐπίγραμμα ἔργων ὑπομνήματα εἶναι. ταῦτα
3 4 4 9 ~ 4 , ’
ἐπιλεγομένῳ μοι μάλιστα ἐπῆλθε θαυμάσαι Πύρρον τόλμαν
τε, ἣν μαχόμενος αὐτὸς [τε] παρείχετο, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀεὶ
μέλλουσιν ἀγῶσι πρόνοιαν " ὃς καὶ τότε περαιούμενος ναυσὶν
ἐς Ἰταλίαν Ῥωμαίους ἐλελήθει καὶ ἥκων οὐκ εὐθὺς ἦν σφισι
’ ’ ve 4 “\ ’ “
φανερός, γινομένης δὲ Ῥωμαίων πρὸς Ταραντίνους συμβολῆς
τότε δὴ πρῶτον ἐπιφαίνεται σὺν τῷ στρατῷ καὶ Tap ἐλπίδα
’ , ε Ν > »9, > 7s 9 \ »
σφίσι προσπεσών, ws τὸ εἰκός, ἐτάραξεν. ἅτε δὲ ἄριστα
ἐπιστάμενος ὡς οὐκ ἀξιόμαχος εἴη πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, παρε-
4 € “N 3 ’ 9 ’ ’ 3 4
σκευάζετο ws τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐπαφήσων σφίσιν. ἐλέφαντας
A “Ὁ A “Ὁ 3 ~ 3 ’ 3 ld > 4
δὲ πρῶτος μὲν τῶν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐκτήσατο
Πῶρον καὶ τὴν δύναμιν καθελὼν τὴν Ἰνδῶν, ἀποθανόντος
δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν βασιλέων καὶ πλείστους ἔσχεν
9 ? A 3 ἊΝ ld 3 ’ i
Avtiyovos, Πύρρῳ δὲ ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἐγεγόνει τῆς πρὸς
’ N ld 9 4 4 \ 93 , 9 ~
Δημήτριον τὰ θηρία αἰχμάλωτα: τότε δὲ ἐπιφανέντων αὐτῶν

18. ἔργων ὑπομνήματα : this state-
ment has occasioned much conjecture,
some writers taking it as referring to
memoirs of Pyrrhus, prepared prob-
ably by himself or under his orders.
It is apparent that in the phrase ἀνδρά-
σιν οὐκ ἐπιφανέσιν és συγγραφήν Pyrrhus
is not meant; and that for a history
of Pyrrhus the general title ἔργων ὑπο-
μνήματα Would not be chosen. It was,
doubtless, a general work of biography,
perhaps like the Factorum et Dictorum
Memorabilium Libri IX of Valerius
Maximus, in which the exploits of

a number of eminent commanders,
among them Pyrrhus, were recounted.
-- εἶναι : seems superfluous from the
English point of view, but the Greek
regularly uses this (to us) redundant
εἶναι with words of naming and calling.
Cf. 8, 81,7, Ἥλιος ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχων σωτήρ
τε εἶναι καὶ Ἡρακλῆς. See ποῖθ on 1, 5,1.
— 23. γινομένης. . . Ῥωμαίων πρὸς
Ταραντίνους συμβολῆς : Pyrrhus’s first
battle with the Romans was fought near
Heraclea in Lucania in 280 8.c. See
Plut. Pyrrhus, 16; Justin, 18, 1, etc.;
Droysen, III, 1, 140 f.

3

HISTORY OF PYRRHUS τὸ

Ch. 12, δ :
δεῖμα ἔλαβε Ῥωμαίους ἄλλο τι καὶ ov ζῷα εἶναι νομίσαντας.
3 4 , 4 A 9 » Ἁ 9 “A “~ 9 Ἁ
ἐλέφαντα γάρ, ὅσος μὲν ἐς ἔργα καὶ ἀνδρῶν χεῖρας, εἰσὶν 4
3 ΜᾺ “A 4 > 4 3 ἃ N ν᾽ 4 N
85 ἐκ παλαιοῦ δῆλοι πάντες εἰδότες: αὐτὰ δὲ τὰ θηρία, πρὶν
A ὃ ἱρὰ ὃ , 3. ᾿ 3 , δὲ ε
ἡ διαβηναι Μακεδόνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, οὐδὲ ἑωράκεσαν
9 N ‘ 3 “A 9. A N 4 \, gY ’
ἀρχὴν πλὴν ᾿Ινδῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ Λιβύων καὶ ὅσοι πλησιό-
, a \9 aA “A , Ν
χωροι τούτοις. δηλοῖ δὲ Ὅμηρος, ὃς βασιλεῦσι κλίνας μὲν
καὶ οἰκίας τοῖς εὐδαιμονεστέροις αὐτῶν ἐλέφαντι ἐποίησε
= 4 4 \. 3 , ’ 3 ’ 3 ,
κεκοσμημένας, θηρίον δὲ ἐλέφαντος μνήμην οὐδεμίαν ἐποιή-
gato: θεασάμενος δὲ ἢ πεπυσμένος ἐμνημόνευσεν av πολύ

40

’ 3 Ἁ “A A id 3 “Ὁ N 4
γε πρότερον ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἢ Πυγμαίων τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ γεράνων
, , δὲ 3 i >" “2 ,
μάχης. Πύρρον δὲ ἐς Σικελίαν ἀπήγαγε πρεσβεία Συρα- 5
κουσίων: Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ διαβάντες τὰς Ἑλληνίδας τῶν
’ 9 ’ 3 , 4) A 4. ’ 4
45 πόλεων ἐποίουν ἀναστάτους. ἣ δὲ ἦν λοιπή, Συρακούσαις
πολιορκοῦντες προσεκάθηντος. ἃ τῶν πρέσβεων Πύρρος
ἀκούων Τάραντα μὲν εἴα καὶ τοὺς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἔχοντας ᾽τα-
λιωτῶν, ἐς δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν διαβὰς Καρχηδονίους ἠνάγκα-
σεν ἀπαναστῆναι Συρακουσῶν. φρονήσας δὲ ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ
50 Καρχηδονίων, ot θαλάσσης τῶν τότε βαρβάρων μάλιστα
εἶχον ἐμπείρως Τύριοι Φοίνικες τὸ ἀρχαῖον ὄντες, τούτων
ἐναντία ἐπήρθη ναυμαχῆσαι τοῖς ᾿Ηπειρώταις χρώμενος,
οἱ μηδὲ ἁλούσης Ἰλίου θάλασσαν of πολλοὶ μηδὲ ἀλσὶν

88. Ὅμηρος: see Od. ὃ, 72 ff.; 7, 55;
y, 199. Pausanias is right in his state-
ment that Homer nowhere mentions the
elephant, although ivory is spoken of
several times. — 39. atrév: pleonastic
repetition ofa precedingsubject through
the oblique cases of αὐτός is very fre-
quent; usually, as here, when the gen-
eral nature of the preceding plural is
qualified by a following adjective. Cf.
1,7, 2 and 6.— 42. Πυγμαίων re ἀνδρῶν
Kal γεράνων μάχης: cf. Il. 1, 3-5 κλαγγὴ

γεράνων... at κλαγγῇ ταί ye πέτονται

ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ωκεανοῖο ῥοάων, ἀνδράσι Πυγμαίοισι
φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέρουσαι. The war be-
tween the Pygmies and the cranes is
often mentioned in ancient writers as
a martial episode of curious interest.
Note especially Athen. 9, p. 3908; Ae-
lian, Nat. Anim. 15, 29; Ovid, Met. 6,
90 ff.; Pliny, N.H. 7, 26.

43. Πύρρον δὲ és Σικελίαν ἀπήγαγε:
this occurred in the year 278. On this
expedition of Pyrrhus to Sicily, cf.
Plut. Pyrrhus, 22 ff.; Diod. 22, 7 ff.;
Droysen III, 1, 162 ff.; A. Holm,

55 ἔπος ἐν ᾿δυσσείᾳ- ΧΙ,

16

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 13, 1

ἠπίσταντό πω χρῆσθαι. μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι καὶ Ὁμήρου

115 -- ΜῈ 3

a

’
οἱ οὐκ ἴσασι θάλασσαν

ἀνέρες, οὐδέ θ᾽ ἄλεσσι μεμιγμένον εἶδαρ ἔδουσιν.

18 τότε δὲ ὁ Πύρρος, ὡς ἡττήθη, ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐς Τάραντα avy-
γετο ταῖς λοιπαῖς: ἐνταῦθα προσέπταισε μεγάλως καὶ τὴν
ἀναχώρησυ ---- οὐ γὰρ ἀμαχεὶ Ῥωμαίους ἠπίστατο ἀφήσον-

4 ’ A ε 3 4 3 > Ni
Tas — πορίζεται τρόπον τοῦτον. [ws ἐπανήκων ἐκ Σικελίας

6 ἡττήθη,] πρῶτον διέπεμψε γράμματα ἔς τε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ

10

18

Ν >A , ‘ δ b) “A λ , ‘ de
πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον, Tous μὲν στρατιὰν τῶν βασιλέων, τοὺς €

΄’ 3 , A N > 4 9. A 3 ’
χρήματα, ᾿Αντίγονον δὲ καὶ ἀμφότερα αἰτῶν: ἀφικομένων

δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων, ws οἵ γράμματα ἀπεδόθη, συναγαγὼν τοὺς

3 , A 96? , N a / δ \ >
ἐν τέλει τῶν τε ἐξ Ηπείρον καὶ τῶν Ταραντίνων, wv μὲν εἶχε

τὰ βιβλία ἀνεγίνωσκεν οὐδέν, ὁ δὲ ἥξειν συμμαχίαν ἔλεγεν

ταχὺ δὲ καὶ ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἦλθε φήμη Μακεδόνας καὶ
ἄλλα ἔθνη περαιοῦσθαι τῶν ᾿Ασιανῶν ἐς τὴν Πύρρου βοή-

θειαν- Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἀκούοντες ἡσύχαζον, Πύρρος

A e Ν N la) A A δ » ~
δὲ πὕυπὸο Τήν ἐπιοῦσαν πεέεβαιόονται νύκτα προς Τα akpa TWV

9... Ἃ bd , 3 ,
ὀρῶν a Κεραύνια ovopalovor.

Gesch. Sicil. II, 277 ff. — 54. ‘Ophpov
ἔπος : see Od. A, 122 ff.

13. Pyrrhus leaves Italy — Conquers
Antigonus — Makes expedition against
the Lacedaemonians — His death at Ar-
gos — Sintilar end of the three Aeacids.

2. 'προσέπταισε μεγάλως : at the bat-
tle of Beneventum in 275 s.c., whither
he had marched to attack the Romans.
This expression, repeated 13, 6, is He-
rodotean. Cf. Hdt. 1,16; 5,62; 6,95;
7, 170, 210. 2, 161, προσέπταισε peya-
Awotl.— 5. ἔς τε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ πρὸς
᾿Αντίγονον : cf. Justin, 25, 3, 1-4. The
position of re after the preposition is the
more frequent, e.g. 1, 1,3; 1, 4, 1 and

Ν

8; 2,9,2; 10,5; 8,8, 8; 8,581, 8. Yet
τε now and then stands after the sub-
stantive. Cf. 10, 12, 5, és Δηλόν τε καὶ
és Δελφούς. So 2, 7, 5; 19, 5; 9, 6, 4.
—9. ὧν μὲν... ὁ δέ: after a negative
sentence with μέν, the following clause
is frequently introduced after the man-
ner of the poets and Herodotus with
ὁ δέ, as if a new subject were opposed
to that of the preceding sentence, while
the contrast lies much more in the verb
or object. Cf. Hdt. 1, 17, and Paus. 1,
14, 5; 2, 18,6; 3, 6, 8, etc. —10. dve-
γίνωσκεν : exceptionally used instead
of the more usual ἐπιλέγεσθαι. Cf. 1,
19,3; 22,7; 37, 4, etc.

fom,

HISTORY OF PYRRHUS

Ch. 13, 4

Mera δὲ τὴν ἐν ᾿Ιταλί πληγὴν ἀναπαύσας τὴν δύναμιν
προεῖπεν ᾿Αντιγόνῳ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα
N , ~ 3 3 ld 4 ,
καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν βοηθείας διαμαρτίαν.

17

κρατή-

ἢ 4 9 ’ Ἁ 3 [4 A N > 9 ~
σας δὲ THY TE ἰδίαν παρασκενὴν ᾿Αντιγόνον καὶ τὸ Tap αὐτῷ

20 Γαλατῶν ξενικὸν ἐδίωξεν ἐς τὰς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλεις, αὐτὸς

δὲ Μακεδονίας τε τῆς ἄνω καὶ Θεσσαλῶν ἐπεκράτησε. δη-

hot δὲ μάλιστα τὸ μέγεθος τῆς μάχης καὶ τὴν Πύρρου νίκην,

ε Ν “ , Ν 9 , 4 A A 9
ὡς παρὰ πολὺ γένοιτο, τὰ ἀνατεθέντα ὅπλα τῶν Κελτῶν ἐς

τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Ιτωνίας Φερῶν μεταξὺ καὶ Λαρίσης

ἃ 3 A
25 Kal TO ἐπίγραμμα TO ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς

Τοὺς θυρεοὺς 6 Μολοσσὸς Ἰτωνίδι δῶρον ᾿Αθάνᾳ

Πύρρος ἀπὸ θρασέων ἐκρέμασεν Γαλατᾶν,

4 “ 3 ’ A ’ 9 ’ ~
πάντα τὸν ᾿Αντιγόνου καθελὼν στρατόν. ov μέγα θαῦμα-

> N N la) ἃ ’ > 4
αἰχματαὶ καὶ νῦν καὶ πάρος Αἰακίδαι.

80 τούτους μὲν δὴ ἐνταῦθα, τῷ δὲ ἐν Δωδώνῃ Διὲ Μακεδόνων

9 ’, 9. “ἡ Q 9 ’, 9 , Q ἃ 4
ἀνέθηκεν αὐυτων TAS ἀσπίδας. ἐπιγέεέγβαπται δὲ και TAUTQALS °

᾿

Aide ποτ᾽ ᾿Ασίδα γαῖαν ἐπόρθησαν πολύχρυσον,

9
αἵδε Kat Ἕλλασιν δουλοσύναν ἔπορον.

κι Ά \ A δ ’ 9 N A
νῦν δὲ Διὸς ναῶ ποτὶ κίονας ὀρφανὰ κεῖται

τᾶς μεγαλαυχήτω σκῦλα Μακηδονίας.

- Πύρρῳ δὲ Μακεδόνας ἐς ἅπαν μὴ καταστρέψασθαι παρ᾽ ὀλί-

9 τ 2 2 Κλ , ¥ ε ΄ Ν
γον OPWS Ἤκοντι eycveTo EWVUILOS ALTLOS, ETOLLLOTEP@ Και

ἄλλως ὄντι ἑλέσθαι τὰ ἐν χερσί. Κλεώνυμος δὲ οὗτος, ὁ τὸν

18. κρατήσας... τήν τε ἰδίαν παρα-
σκενὴν ᾿Αντιγόνου : see Plut. Pyrrhus,
26; Droysen, III, 1, 20, on this vic-
tory of Pyrrhus over Antigonus and
his Gallic mercenaries (274 RB.c.).—
23. τὰ ἀνατεθέντα ὅπλα : cf. Plut. Pyr-
rhus, 26; Diod. Exc. Vat. 1, 22,3. In
both passages the first epigram is cited,

also in Anthol. Pal. 6, 130. In the
Anthol. note τοῦ αὐτοῦ, i.e. of Leoni-
das. Against this assignment nothing
can be urged. Cf. Susemihl, 11, 535,
rem. 81. The second epigram, occur-
ring only in Pausanias, Susemihl like-
wise ascribes to Leonidas, but on insuf-
ficient grounds.

2

40

45

50

55

60

65

18 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 13, 5
Ν 4
Πύρρον ἀπολιπόντα τὰ Μακεδόνων πείσας ἐς Πελοπόννησον

ἐλθεῖν, Λακεδαιμόνιος ὧν Λακεδαιμονίοις στρατὸν ἐς τὴν
χώραν πολέμιον ἐπῆγε Sv αἰτίαν ἣν ἐγὼ τοῦ γένους ὕστερον
τοῦ Κλεωνύμον δηλώσω. Παυσανίου τοῦ περὶ Πλάταιαν
“A 9 e 4 , en 9 ld a)
τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἡγησαμένου Πλειστοάναξ vids ἐγένετο, Tov
δὲ Παυσανίας, τοῦ δὲ Κλεόμβροτος, ὃς ἐναντία Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ
καὶ Θηβαίοις μαχόμενος ἀπέθανεν ἐν Λεύκτροις: Κλεομβρό-
tov δὲ ᾿Αγησίπολις ἦν καὶ Κλεομένης, ᾿Αγησιπόλιδος δὲ
4 ’ 4 Ἁ ’ »
ἄπαιδος τελευτήσαντος Κλεομένης τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχε.
4 Ν A 4 , 3 ’
Κλεομένει δὲ παῖδες γίνονται πρεσβύτερος μὲν ᾿Ακρότατος,
, Ν , 3 \ Φ , ,
νεώτερος δὲ Κλεώνυμος. ᾿Ακρότατον μὲν οὖν πρότερον κατέ.
λαβεν ἡ τελευτή- Κλεομένους δὲ ἀποθανόντος ὕστερον ἐς
ἀμφισβήτησιν κατέστη περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ᾿Αρεὺς ὁ ᾽Ακρο-
, Ν , ν ‘ , ‘ 3 ,
τάτου, καὶ Κλεώνυμος ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ μετελθὼν ἐπάγει
Πύρρον ἐς τὴν χώραν. Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ πρὸ μὲν τῆς ἐν
Λεύκτροις (μάχης; οὐδὲν ἐγεγόνει πταῖσμα, ὥστε οὐδὲ συνε-
χώρουν ἀγῶνί πω κεκρατῆσθαι πεζῷ: Λεωνίδᾳ μὲν γὰρ νι-
A 9 ¥ Xe , ς.»ὃ . , 3 , \
K@VTL οὐκ ἔφασαν τοὺς ἑπομένους ἐς τελέαν ἐξαρκέσαι φθορὰν
“A ’ ν \ 3 ’ Ἁ », » ἣν
τῶν Μήδων, τὸ δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ Δημοσθένους ἔργον πρὸς
~ , 4 N > ’ Ν 9 ’
TH νήσῳ Σφακτηρίᾳ κλοπὴν εἶναι πολέμου καὶ οὐ νίκην.
πρώτης δὲ γενομένης σφίσι συμφορᾶς ἐν Βοιωτοῖς, ὕστερον
᾿Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσι μεγάλως προσέπταισαν: τρίτος
δὲ ὁ Δημητρίον πόλεμος κακὸν ἀνέλπιστον ἦλθεν ἐς τὴν
~ 4 A 3 ’ ’ ‘\ ’ Ἅ
γῆν. Πύρρου δὲ ἐσβαλόντος τέταρτον δὴ τότε στρατὸν
ὁρῶντες πολέμιον αὐτοί τε παρετάσσοντο καὶ ᾿Αργείων ἥκον-
τες καὶ Μεσσηνίων σύμμαχοι: Πύρρος δὲ ὡς ἐπεκράτησεν,
9 ’ \ > e A 3 N N 4, 4 A “N
ὀλίγου μὲν ἦλθεν ἑλεῖν αὐτοβοεὶ THY πόλιν, δῃώσας δὲ THY
60. ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσι μεγά- were utterly routed by Antipater. King
Aws προσέπταισαν : the battle referred Agis was among the slain. Note use
to is that of Megalopolis, in 330 B.c., of dat.’Avrierdrpy. The usual construc-

when the Peloponnesians took uparms tion is προσπταίειν πρός τινα. So Hat.
against the Macedonian supremacy and 1, 65; 6, 465.

6

70

15

80

90

HISTORY OF PYRRHUS 79
Ch. 13, 9

~ ἃ ’ 9 , Ἁ ε , e \ 9 ’
γὴν καὶ λείαν ἐλάσας μικρὸν ἡσύχαζεν. οἱ δὲ ἐς πολιορκίαν
εὐτρεπίζοντο, πρότερον ἔτι τῆς Σπάρτης ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου
τοῦ πρὸς Δημήτριον τάφροις τε βαθείαις καὶ σταυροῖς τετει-
χισμένης ἰσχυροῖς, τὰ δὲ ἐπιμαχώτατα καὶ οἰκοδομήμασιν.
ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον καὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμον τοῦ Λακωνι-

“A ‘ 3 ’ ἃ ’ Ὁ ’᾽ 3 a,
κοῦ τριβὴν ᾿Αντίγονος τὰς πόλεις τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνασωσά-
μενος ἠπείγετο ἐς Πελοπόννησον οἷα ἐπιστάμενος Πύρρον,
ἣν Λακεδαίμονα καταστρέψηται καὶ Πελοποννήσου τὰ πολλά,

9 > »¥ 9 9. 39 », . , 4 \ δ 9. A
οὐκ ἐς Ἤπειρον ἀλλ᾽ ἐπί τὲ Μακεδονίαν αὖθις καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ

a, 9 , Ν 3 ’ \ AN 3
πόλεμον ἥξοντα: μέλλοντος δὲ ᾿Αντιγόνου τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ

“Apyous ἐς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἄγειν, αὐτὸς ἐς τὸ ΓἼΑργος ἐληλύ-

θει Πύρρος. κρατῶν δὲ καὶ τότε συνεσπίπτει τοῖς φεύγουσιν
3 ‘N , 4 e ’ Ν Ν > AN e a,
és THY πόλιν Kai οἱ διαλύεται κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἡ τάξις: μαχο-
μένων δὲ πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἤδη καὶ οἰκίαις καὶ κατὰ τοὺς στενω-
Ἁ N 3 » » “A ’ 3 A e >
mous Kat κατ᾽ ἄλλο ἄλλων τῆς πόλεως, ἐνταῦθα ὁ Πύρρος
3 ’ Ἁ ’ ᾽ν , , \
ἐμονώθη καὶ τιτρώσκεται THY κεφαλήν. κεράμῳ δὲ βλη-
θέντα ὑπὸ γυναικὸς τεθνάναι φασὶ Πύρρον: ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ οὐ
γυναῖκα τὴν ἀποκτείνασαν, Δήμητρα δέ φασιν εἶναι γυναικὶ
εἰκασμένην. ταῦτα ἐς τὴν Πύρρον τελευτὴν αὐτοὶ λέγουσιν
3 ~ ἃ e ~ > [4 3 Ἁ , 3 »
Αργεῖοι καὶ ὁ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐξηγητὴς Λυκέας ἐν ἔπεσιν
ν ’ » A lad ’ » e ,
εἴρηκε: Kat σφισιν ἔστι τοῦ θεοῦ χρήσαντος, ἔνθα ὁ Πύρρος
3 λ ’ e ‘N A ’ : 3 δὲ 9 Ὁ Ἁ ε Il ’
ἐτελεύτησεν, ἱερὸν Δήμητρος: ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ Πύρρος
τέθαπται: θαῦμα δὴ ποιοῦμαι τῶν καλουμένων Αἰακιδῶν
τρισὶ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ συμβῆναι τὴν τελευτήν, εἴ
γε ᾿Αχιλλέα μὲν Ὅμηρος ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φησὶ τοῦ Πριά-
μον καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἀπολέσθαι, Πύρρον δὲ τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέως
ἡ Πυθία προσέταξεν ἀποκτεῖναι Δελφοῖς, τῷ δὲ Αἰακίδου
: , . 9 N N 2 9 “,ι. , \
συνέβη τὰ ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν οἷα Apyetot Te λέγουσι Kat
81. On Pyrrhus’s Peloponnesianex- 1, etc. Also Droysen, III, 1, 209-219.

pedition and hisdeath (272 Β.0.) cf. Plut. 90. ᾿Αχιλλέα μὲν “Ὅμηρος κτλ.: see
Pyrrhus, 26-34; Justin, 25,4,6—65, 1]. X, 359 ff.

~]

9

80 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS
, νον 3 Ν Ν t A 1:
’ ’ ~ ,
Λυκέας ἐποίησε. διάφορα δὲ ὅμως ἐστὶ καὶ ταῦτα ὧν ἹἹερώ-
ε oe: ¥ 3 \ N A ,
95 νυμος ὁ Καρδιανὸς ἔγραψεν: ἀνδρὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖ συνόντα
ἀνάγκη πᾶσα ἐς χάριν συγγράφειν. εἰ δὲ καὶ Φίλιστος
9 9 ’ Ψ 3 ,ὔ Ἁ 3 4 ld
αἰτίαν δικαίαν εἴληφεν, ἐπελπίζων τὴν ἐν Συρακούσαις κἄθο-
δον, ἀποκρύψασθαι τῶν Διονυσίου τὰ ἀνοσιώτατα, ἧ που
’ e , ’ Ν 3 e \ 3 a
πολλή ye Ἱερωνύμῳ συγγνώμη ta és ἡδονὴν ᾿Αντιγόνου
100 γράφειν.“ ὍΝ
rr ar) A 3 \ , 3 A )o VA
14 Ἡ μὲν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἀκμὴ κατέστρεψεν ἐς τοῦτο ' és δὲ τὸ
aie > : κι A “A
ea ταν "AOnvnow ἐσελθοῦσιν ᾿Ωιδεῖον ἄλλα τε καὶ Διόνυσος κεῖται
θέας ἄξιος. πλησίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν
> 4 9 “A e ν 4 ‘4
Evvedkpovvov, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου: φρέ.
δ ατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὕτη
μόνη. ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ὁ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται

14. Odeum — Enneacrunus — Tem-
ples of Demeter and Persephone, and of
Triptolemus — Epimenides and Thales
—Temple of Eucleia —Temple of He-
. phaestus— Temple of AphroditeUrania.

2. ᾽Ωιδεῖον κτλ.: see Excursus III.
—3. κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν ᾿Εἰννεά-
κρουνον : for the question as to the
site of this fountain and adjacent mon-
uments, and the discussion of what.is
known as ‘‘ the Enneacrunus Episode,”’
see Excursus III.—5. πηγὴ δὲ αὕτη
μόνη: Pausanias speaks of the foun-
tain (κρήνη) Enneacrunus as being the
only ‘‘spring’’ (πηγή), while there are
wells (φρέατα) διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεως.
Yet he 16 0]10}81. 21,4, the κρήνη at the
Asclepieum and 1, 28, 4, the πηγή which
is known under the name Ἀλεψύδρα.
Leake (I, 131) explains the inconsis-
tency by saying that Pausanias meant
only such springs as were desirable
for drinking-water; for according to
Vitruv. 8, 3, 6, most of the spring water
in Athens was bad and used for wash-

ing merely, while the well water served
for drinking purposes. πηγὴ signifies
a natural spring (2, 7,4; 4, 34, 4, etc.);
κρήνη is an artificially constructed foun-
tain (1, 40,1; 2, 2, 8, etc.) usually fed
by a natural spring; ¢péara are wells,
the water of which must be drawn
(Hdt. 6, 19).—6. ναοὶ... “EAevot-
viov: the sanctuary Eleusinium doubt-
less included the two temples mentioned
above, the one of Demeter and Perse-
phone, the other of Triptolemus. Plu-
tarch (de exilio, 17) mentions the Eleu-
sinium along with the Parthenon as
one of the preéminently sacred places
of Athens. It wasa precinct that could
be securely clused (Thuc. 2, 17). On
the day after the celebration of the
Eleusinian mysteries a sacred assem-
bly of the Council of the 500 met in
the Eleusinium (Andoc. 1,3; C.I.A. II,
4,31; III, 2). Decrees relating to the
Mysteries were here set up (C.I.A. II,
315; III, 5). On the site of the Eleu-
sinium, see Excursus III.

10

15

20

25

30

TRIPTOLEMUS 81
Ch. 14, 4 |
‘ ’ 3 ‘ ~ a , ’ 3 »
καὶ Κόρης, ἐν δὲ τῷ Τριπτολέμου κείμενόν ἐστιν ἄγαλμα:
τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ὁποῖα λέγεται γράψω, παρεὶς ὁπόσον ἐς

Δηιόπην ἔχει τοῦ λόγον. Ἑλλήνων ot μάλιστα ἀμφισβη-

σι 3 : yo gg , \ ga tN A
τοῦντες ᾿Αθηναίοις és ἀρχαιότητα καὶ δῶρα, <a> παρὰ θεῶν
» > \ 9 A , , N
φασιν ἔχειν, εἰσὶν ᾿Αργεῖοι, καθάπερ βαρβάρων Φρυξὶν
Αἰγύπτιοι. λέγεται οὖν ὡς Δήμητρα ἐς “Apyos ἐλθοῦσαν
Πελασγὸς δέξαιτο οἴκῳ καὶ ὡς Χρυσανθὶς τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ἐπι-
σταμένη τῆς Κόρης διηγήσαιτο- ὕστερον δὲ Τροχίλον ἱερο-
’ ’ 3 »ν : A » 3 ld 3 Ὁ
φάντην φυγόντα ἐξ ΓΑργους κατὰ ἔχθος ᾿Αγήνόρος ἐλθεῖν
φασιν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ γυναῖκά τε ἐξ ᾿Ελευσῖνος γῆμαι
καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ παῖδας EvBovdéa καὶ Τριπτόλεμον. ὅδε
N 3 , 9 \ > 9 A \ \, gy δ a,
μὲν ᾿Αργείων ἐστὶ λόγος: ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ ὅσοι παρὰ Tov-
τοις ἴσασι... . Τριπτόλεμον τὸν Κελεοῦ. πρῶτον σπεῖραι καρ-
ον ν » , » ,’ ld > ‘ ,’
Tov ἥμερον. ἔπη δὲ aderat Μουσαίου μέν, εἰ δὴ Μουσαίου
\ A , A 9 A δ A 5
kat ταῦτα, Τριπτόλεμον παῖδα ᾽Ωκεανοῦ καὶ Γῆς εἶναι,
Ὀῤφέως δέ, οὐδὲ ταῦτα Ὀρφέως ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ὄντα, Εὐβουλεῖ
‘ , , , 9 , A 9
καὶ Τριπτολέμῳ Δυσαύλην πατέρα εἶναι, unvioage δέ σφισι
περὶ τῆς παιδὸς δοθῆναι παρὰ Δήμητρος σπεῖραι τοὺς καρ-
πούς - Χοιρίλῳ δὲ ᾿Αθηναίῳ δρᾶμα ποιήσαντι ᾿Αλόπην ἔστιν
9 , ’ CY \ , 9 , A
εἰρημένα Κερκνόνα εἶναι καὶ Τριπτόλεμον ἀδελφούς, τεκεῖν
δὲ σφᾶς θυγατέρα ᾿Αμφικτύονος, εἶναι δὲ πατέρα Τριπτο-
λέμῳ μὲν Ῥᾶρον, Κερκυόνι δὲ Ποσειδῶνα. πρόσω δὲ ἰέναι
με. ὡρμημένον τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου καὶ ὁπόσα ἐξήγησιν᾽. . . ἔχει
τὸ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἱερόν; καλούμενον δὲ ᾿Ελευσίνιον, ἐπέσχεν ὄψις
ὀνείρατος: ἃ δὲ ἐς πάντας ὅσιον γράφειν, ἐς ταῦτα ἀποτρέ-
ψομαι. πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦδε, ἔνθα καὶ τοῦ Τριπτολέμου τὸ
»y » ΓΩ “A κω 9 ’ 9 ’ ’,
ἄγαλμα, ἔστι βοῦς χαλκοῦς οἷα ἐς θυσίαν ἀγόμενος, πεποίη-
A , 3 ’ ’ ἃ 3 ’ 9
ται δὲ καθήμενος ᾿Επιμενίδης Κνώσσιος, ὃν ἐλθόντα ἐς

34. "Empev(Sns Κνώσσιος: Epime- hero Bouzyges, the first driver of oxen
nides, mentioned in connection with (Hesych.s.v. βουζύγης; Serv. ad Georg.
Triptolemus and the bronze steer, was 1,19). The mythical form of this first
originally identical with the Attic ox tamer was, in the consciousness of

oe =

3

35

40

45

50

82 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 14, 5
ἀγρὸν κοιμᾶσθαι λεγοῦσιν ἐσελθόντα ἐς σπήλαιον" ὃ δὲ

ὕπνος οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκεν αὐτὸν πρὶν ἡ οἱ τεσσαρακοστὸν
ἔτος γενέσθαι καθεύδοντι, καὶ ὕστερον ἔπη τε ἐποίει καὶ
πόλεις ἐκάθηρεν ἄλλας τε καὶ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων. Θάλης δὲ ὁ
Aaxedarpoviors τὴν νόσον παύσας οὔτε ἄλλως προσήκων
οὔτε πόλεως ἦ τ Ἐπιμενίδῃ τῆς αὐτῆς. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν Κνώσσιος,
Θάλητα δὲ εἶναί φησι Γορτύνιον πολύμνάστος Κολοφώνιος
ἔπη “Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐς αὐτὸν ποιήσας. -- ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω
ναὸς Εὐκλείας, ἀνάθημα καὶ τοῦτο ἀπὸ Μήδων, οἱ τῆς χώρας
Μαραθῶνι ἔσχον. φρονῆσαι “δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ
ταύτῃ μάλιστα εἰκάζω: καὶ δὴ καὶ Αἰσχύλος, ws οἱ τοῦ βίου
προσεδοκᾶτο ἡ τελευτή, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐμνημόνευσεν οὐδε-
vos, δόξης ἐς τοσοῦτον ἥκων ἐπὶ ποιήσει καὶ πρὸς ᾽Αρτε-
μισίῳ καὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχήσας: ὁ δὲ τό τε ὄνομα
πατρόθεν καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔγραψε καὶ ὡς τῆς ἀνδρίας μάρτυρας
ἔχοι τὸ Μαραθῶνι ἄλσος καὶ Μήδων τοὺς ἐς αὐτὸ ἀποβάντας.

a later time, blended with that of the
Cretan priest Epimenides, about whom
two traditions were extant—one that
he had freed Athens froin the Cylonian
ἄγος (Ar. Resp. Ath. 1; Plut. Solon 12,
etc.), the other that, coming to Athens
ten years before the Persian War, he
engaged in certain religious rites and
prophesied the war (Plat. Legg. 1, 642 p).
On the story of Epimenides, the Greek
Rip Van Winkle, cf. Theopompus, frag.
69, in Fr. Hist. Gr. I, 288 ; Diog. Laert.
1,10, 109; Pliny, N.H. 7, 175.— 38. @4-
Ans. . . τὴν νόσον παύσας: Thales or
Thaletas, in obedience to the Delphic
oracle, is said to have stopped by his
music the plague at Sparta (Plut. de
Mus, 42; Aelian, Var. Hist. 12, 50).
Lycurgus is said to have studied music
under him (Plut. Lyc. 4).

ναὸς Εἰὐκλείας : the question of
the identity of Eucleia with Artemis is
closely bound up with the discussion
of the site of this temple, and is there-
forereserved for Excursus III.—45. Αἱ-
σχύλος.... vaupaxfoas: the current
tradition regarding the death of Aeschy-

lus was that he was killed near Gelain -

Sicily by a tortoise which was dropped
on his bald head by an eagle, which mis-
took it forastone. Cf. Biogr. Gr., ed.
Westermann, p.120; Aelian, Nat. An.
7, 16; Pauly-Wissowa, I, 1068. His
Zpituph was as follows:

Big NUNOY Εὐφορίωνον᾽ Αθηναῖον τόδε κεύθει
, μνῆμα καταφθίμενοόν' πυροφόροιο Γέλας.
ἀλκὴν, δ᾽ εὐδόκιμόν Μαραθώνιον ἄλσος ἃν
εἴποι or
καὶ βαθυχαιτήεις "Μῆδος ἀεισ ἀἠενδὲι
— Poet. Lyr. Gr., ed. Bergk, IT, 571.

--
ν

55

TEMPLE OF HEPHAESTUS

Ch. 14, 7

83

€ N \ Ἁ A ἃ ‘ Ἁ ld ’
Ὑπὲρ δὲ τὸν Κεραμεικὸν καὶ στοὰν τὴν καλουμένην βασί- 6
λειον ναός ἐστιν Ἡφαίστον. καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἀγαλμά οἱ παρέ-
3 A 2Q\ A 3 , Ν 2 AX 9 ’
στηκεν ᾿Αθηνᾶς, οὐδὲν θαῦμα ἐποιούμην τὸν ἐπὶ Ἐριχθονίῳ
3 ’ , Ν , » ε (oe ~ 3 “A
ἐπιστάμενος λόγον: τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα ὁρῶν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς yhav-
Ἁ » Ἁ 9 Ἁ ’ A ~ » ν
κοὺς ἔχον τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς Λιβύων τὸν μῦθον ὄντα EvpioKov
τούτοις γάρ ἐστιν εἰρημένον Ποσειδῶνος καὶ λίμνης Τριτω-
vidos θυγατέρα εἶναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γλανκοὺς εἶναι ὥσπερ
N ἰδὲ ~ “\ > , 4 Ve 4 9
καὶ τῷ Ποσειδῶνι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. πλησίον δὲ ἱερόν ἐστιν
᾿Αφροδίτης Οὐρανίας. πρώτοις δὲ ἀνθρώπων ᾿Ασσυρίοις

52. ναός... Ἡφαίστου: for ἃ dis-
cussion of the identity of the temple
of Hephaestus with the so-called The-
seum, and a description of the tem-
ple, see Excursus IV. — ὅτι μὲν ἄγαλμά
οἱ παρέστηκεν ᾿Αθηνᾶς κτλ.: the joint
worship of Hephaestus and Athena
was very ancient in Attica (Plat. Cri-
tias, p. 109c); their temple is also
mentioned by Augustine (Civ. Dei, 18,
12). Pausanias refers to the Erichtho-
nius legend as the link between He-
phaestus and Athena (Apollod. 3, 14,
6; Schol. Hom. 1]. B, 547; Aug. l.c.),
while others hold that the link was not
Erichthonius but Apollo the Paternal,

_ who was said to be a son of Hephaes-

tus and Athena (Cic. de Nat. Deor. 1,
22, δῦ; 28, 57; Clem. Alex. Protrept.
2, 28, p. 24, ed. Potter). — 54. τὸ δὲ
ἄγαλμα... τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς γλαυκοὺς ἔχον
τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς : this remark about the
γλαυκοὶ ὀφθαλμοί suggests that the eyes
of ancient statues were set in, or that
they were painted. JIIlomer’s favorite
epithet of Athena is γλαυκῶπις, ‘‘ blue-
eyed.’ Dr. Schliemann (Troy, p. 54,
112 ff.) would translate the epithet
‘‘owl-faced,’’ deriving the word from
γλαῦξ ‘owl’? and by ‘‘face,’’ supposing

the goddess was originally represented
with the faceof anowl. R. Hildebrandt,
Philol. XLVI (1888), 201 ff., derives
it from γλαυκός *‘ bright’? or ‘‘ blue”?
and a root vop, ‘‘ water,’’ making the
compound designate a goddess of the
bright blue sea. Pausanias’ statement
indicates that the Greeks understood
‘‘blue-eyed ’’ by the term, which hy-
pothesis is confirmed by Cicero (de Nat.
Deor. 1, 80, 83), who says the color of
Minerva’s eyes was bluish-gray, and of
Neptune’s sky-blue.

58. πλησίον δὲ ἱερόν ἐστιν ᾿Αφροδί-
τῆς Οὐρανίας: as this sanctuary was
near the temple of Hephaestus, it prob-
ably stood on the Colonus Agoraeus or
Market Hill. The worship of the god-
dess whom the Greeks called Aphro-
dite Urania was derived from the
Semitic peoples of Asia, being the
counterpart of the Baals of the vari-
ous cities, and known as Baalat or
Astarte. Like the male deity, Astarte
was regarded as the giver of fertility
to plants, animals, and men, and as
the goddess of heaven. Jeremiah (7,
18; 44, 18) calls her ‘‘the queen of
heaven.’’ In her double aspect as god-
dess of love and of heaven, the Greeks

84 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 15, 1

60 κατέστη σέβεσθαι τὴν Οὐρανίαν, μετὰ δὲ ᾿Ασσυρίους Κυ-

’ 4 \ , A 9 ’ὔ » 9 A
πρίων Παφίοις καὶ Φοινίκων τοῖς Ασκάλωνα ἔχουσιν ἐν TH
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σιν.

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παῖδας νομίζων ---- οὐ γάρ πω τότε ἦσων --- καὶ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς

, ‘N Ν 3 , “Ὁ. 9 ’
65 γενέσθαι τὴν συμφορὰν ἐκ μηνίματος τῆς Οὐρανίας.

τὸ δὲ

ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔτι ἄγαλμα λίθον Ilapiov καὶ ἔργον Perdiov:
δῆμος δέ ἐστιν ᾿Αθηναίοις ᾿Αθμονέων, ot Πορφυρίωνα ἔτι
πρότερον ᾿Ακταίου βασιλεύσαντα τῆς Οὐρανίας φασὶ 70
Tapa. σφίσιν ἱερὸν ἱδρύσάσθαι. λέγουσι δὲ ἀνὰ τοὺς δή-
70 μους καὶ ἄλλα οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ οἱ τὴν πόλιν ἔχοντες.

9 ΄Ἂ N “N ᾿ N νὴ ἃ a 9 ’ 3 Ν
Ιοῦσι δὲ πρὸς τὴν στοὰν ἣν Ποικίλην ὀνομάζουσιν ἀπὸ

represented her as the Heavenly Aph-
rodite. See Roscher, Lex. s.v. Aph-
rodite Urania; Preller-Robert, I, 349,
rem. 6,

15. The Stoa Poikile ind its Paint-
ings.

1. στοὰν... Ποικίλην... Ἑρμῆς

. ᾿Αγοραῖος καὶ πύλη πλησίον : after
describing in c. 14, 6-7, the temples etc.
on the Market Hill to the west of the
Agora, Pausanias now describes some
objects of especial interest within the
market-place, notably the Painted Col-
onnade, the Hermes of the Market, and
a market-gate. As the site of the three
isadisputed question, the consideration
of it is reserved for Excursus II. The
Stoa Poikile or Painted Colonnade was
originally named Πεισιανάκτειος στοά
after its founder Peisianax, son-in-law
of Cimon (Plut. Cim. 4; Diog. Laert.
7, 5). It wags built probably after 457
B.c. Just as its site is not definitely
known, so also its form is uncertain.
Since it was intended to serve as a
Lesche, i.e. as a lounging-place for the

public, we may ascribe to it the custo-
mary form for Leschae, a long rectan-
gular hall inclosed on three sides and
open on one long side fronted with col-
umns. Here Zeno met hisdisciples, who
thus acquired the name of Stoics or
‘‘men of the Stoa’’ (Diog. Laert.7, 1, 5).
Lucian (Jupp. Trag. 16; Icarom. 34;
Dial. Meretr. 10, 1; Pisc. 18) and Alei-
phron (Ep. 1,3; 3, 53, 64) tell of philos-
ophers and their followers discoursing
and wrangling within or before the Col-
onnade. — ἀπὸ τῶν γραφῶν : the Colon-
nade was embellished with paintings
by Polygnotus and his associates Mi-
con and Panaerus (Plut. Cim. 4; Pliny
25, 58; Harpocr.s.v. TloAvyv@ros). Itis
a mooted question whether the paint-
ings were on the wall itself or on
wooden tablets. Since Synesius (Ep. 54
and 135) toward the end of the fourth
century uses the expression σανίδες in
stating that paintings had been re-
moved from the colonnade by a Roman
proconsul, some have regarded them
as easel paintings, but the evidence

THE PAINTED COLONNADE 85

Ch. 15, 1

τῶν γραφῶν ἔστιν Ἑρμῆς χαλκοῦς καλούμενος ᾿Αγοραῖος

καὶ πύλη πλησίον ἔπεστι δέ οἱ τρόπαιον ᾿Αθηναίων ἵἱππομα-
, eo , a: a a 9 ,

χίᾳ κρατησάντων Πλείσταρχον, ὃς τῆς ἵππον Κασσάνδρον

καὶ τοῦ ξενικοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδελφὸς. ὧν ἐπετέτραπτο. αὕτη

δὲ ε Ἁ a) ,° 93 , » , 3 > »
€ 1) OTOA TPWTA μεν Αθηναίους EXEL τεταγμένους ἐν Οἰνοῃ

that Polygnotus and his contempo-
raries painted generally on walls is so
convincing that there is but little doubt
that they were fresco paintings (cf.
Pliny N.H. 35, 59, 123; Paus. 6, 26, 3
and Frazer’s note).— 2. “Eppfis xaA-
κοῦς καλούμενος Ayopatos: the statue
of Hermes Agoraeus or Hermes of the
Market stood in the Agora beside the
Painted Colonnade(Lucian, Jupp. Trag.
33 and schol.). It is known to have
dated from before the Persian War
(Hesych. 8.v. ἀγοραῖος Ἑρμῆς), and Lu-
cian (l.c.) states that it was of archaic
style —evypaupos, εὐπερίγραπτος, ἀρχαῖος
τὴν ἀνάδεσιν τῆς κόμης. Some have con-
jectured that the statue seen by Pau-
sanias was acopy of the bronze original.
Whether the original or a copy, the
statue was a mucli-admired specimen
of archaic art, and artists (Lucian l.c.)
were continually making casts of it, so
that it was never quite free from pitch.
This Hermes was a very popular deity.
The Aristophanic sausage-seller swears
νὴ τὴν Ἑρμῆν τὸν ᾿ΑγὙοραῖον (Eq. 397).
Lucian (l.c.) represents him rushing
up among the gods to tell them of the
impious things that were said in the
Agora. — 6. πρῶτα pev.. . ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ
τῶν τοίχων: Pausanias describes at

length four paintings in the Colon--

nade, the battles of Oenoe, of Mara-
thon, of the Amazons, and of the
Sack of Troy. As to the disposition
of the paintings, it seems likely from

Pausanias’ statcment that the first two
were on the two short walls and the
last two on the long back wall. There
were other pictures in the Colonnade,
as e.g. a portrait of Sophocles with his
lyre (Biog. Gr., ed. Westermann, p. 127)
and a picture by Pamphilus or Apollo-
dorus of the Heracleids seeking the
protection of the Athenians (Schol.
Ar. Plutus, 385). The paintings were
still in existence up to the fourth cen-
tury, for Himerius (Or. 10, 2) speaks
of the painting of the battle of Mara-
thon as still extant in his time (a.p.
315-386), and Synesius’ statements
(ll.cc.) show that in 402 a.p. their re-
moval had but recently taken place. —
᾿Αθηναίους. .. τεταγμένους ἐν Οἰνόῃ
κτλ.: the subject of this painting has
occasioned discussion. The battle of
Oenoe, in which Athenians defeated
Spartans, is mentioned again by Pau-
sanias, 10, 10, 4, but by no other writer.
Pausanias states (l.c.) that a group of
statuary executed by the artists Hypa-
todorus and Aristogiton was set up
by the Argives in honor of the joint
victory gained by Argives and Athe-
nians against the Spartans at Oenoe in
Argolis. From a Delphic inscription
(C.I.G. 25), it is clear that these artists
belong to the first half of the fifth cen-
tury B.c. This gives an approximate
date for the battle. The Athenian-
Argive alliance was formed 463 B.c.,
after the breach with Sparta at Ithome

10

15

20

86 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

“Ὁ > ’ 3 . ’ ‘4 \ τ 1.9
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a, 3 A ἰδὲ , ων , 3 ΝᾺ ἃ Ἁ
ὄντες. ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ τῶν τοίχων Αθηναῖοι καὶ Θησεὺς 2
᾿Αμαζόσι μάχονται. μόναις δὲ a ἄρα (ταύταις) ταῖς γυναιξὶν
οὐκ ἀφήρει τὰ πταίσματα τὸ ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους adetdes, | εἴ
γε Θεμισκύρας τε ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους καὶ ὕστερον φθα-

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ρείσης σφίσι τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἣν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἔστειλαν, ὅμως

3 , .- 9 , 2 κα , δ A
és Τροίαν ἦλθον ᾿Αθηναίοις τε αὐτοῖς μαχούμεναι καὶ τοῖς
πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν. ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς ᾿Αμαζόσιν Ἕλληνές εἶσιν ἡρη-

’ »ν ἃ e ἴω 3 , δ Ν » 3
κότες Ἴλιον καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἠθροισμένοι διὰ τὸ Αἴαντος ἐς
Κασσάνδραν τόλμημα: καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ γραφὴ τὸν Αἴαντα ἔχει
καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἄλλας τε καὶ Κασσάνδραν.
τελευταῖον δὲ τῆς γραφῆς εἰσιν οἱ μαχεσάμενοι Μαραθῶνι-

(Thuc. 1, 102). The final victory of
the Spartans over the allies occurred
at Tanagra 458 n.c. Hence the battle
of Oenoe doubtless occurred between
these dates.

10. ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ Θησεὺς ᾿Αμαζόσι
μάχονται : from other sources we know
this painting was by Micon (Arr. Anab.
7, 18, 10), and that the Amazons were
depicted fighting on horseback (Ar.
Lys. 678 and Schol.). Pausanias al-
ludes to all three battles in which
Amazons were engaged: (1) fight of
Heracles with the Amazons in their
own country (1, 2, 1); fight of Athe-
nians against the Amazons at Athens
(Plut. Thes. 26); and fight of Achilles
with the Amazons before Troy. —
16. “Ἑλληνές εἶσιν ἡΠρηκότες Ἴλιον: Plu-
tarch (Cim. 4) mentions the current
report that Polygnotus introduced the
likeness of Cimon’s sister Elpinice
into the painting as Laodice, who also

appeared in Polygnotus’s great picture
of the capture of Ilium in the Lesche
at Delphi (10, 26, 7).

20. τελευταῖον δὲ τῆς γραφῆς εἰσιν οἱ
μαχεσάμενοι Μαραθῶνι : this painting
seems to have been the joint work of
Micon and Panaenus (cf. Paus, 5, 11, 6;
Arr. Anab. 7, 18, 10). From Pausa-
nias’s description, the action fell into
three scenes: (1) The Greeks and Per-
sians in conflict; (2) the flight of the
Persians ; (3) the attempted embarka-
tion of the Persians. Pausanias men-
tions by name seven figures — Athena
and Heracles, Theseus, Marathon and
Kchetlus, Callimachus and Miltiades.
Pliny (N.H. 35, 57), who argues that
the portraits of the leaders were real
likenesses, adds the names of one Ath-
enian, Cynegirus (Hdt. 6, 14), and
two Persians, Datis and Artaphernes.
Many fancied they saw the phantom
of Theseus charging the Persians

25

30

35

16

THE PAINTED COLONNADE 87

Ch. 16,1
A \ , 1.9 - 9 . »
Βοιωτῶν δὲ οἱ Πλάταιαν ἔχοντες καὶ ὅσον ἦν ᾿Αττικὸν ἴασιν

4 A A ’ὔ Ἁ , , 9 » Ἀ
ἐς χείρας τοῖς BapBapous. καὶ ταύτῃ μέν ἐστιν toa (τα)

3 9 ’ 9 Ν » ‘N δ » ~ ld ,
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, 9 ε , V9 x "GR. 5 3 ,
γοντές εἰσιν οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔλος ὠθουντές ἀλλήλους,
ἔσχαται δὲ τῆς γραφῆς νὴῆές τε αἱ Φοίνισσαι καὶ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων τοὺς ἐσπίπτοντας ἐς ταύτας φονεύοντες οἱ Ἕλληνες.
9 κι δ ‘ , 9 \ 9 979 ® A
ἐνταῦθα καὶ Μαραθὼν γεγραμμένος ἐστὶν npws, ἀφ᾽ ov τὸ
πεδίον ὠνόμασται, καὶ Θησεὺς ἀνιόντι ἐκ γῆς εἰκασμένος
᾿Αθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἡρακλῆς: Μαραθωνίοις γάρ, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγου-
σιν, Ἡρακλῆς ἐνομίσθη θεὸς πρώτοις. τῶν μαχομένων δὲ
δῆλοι μάλιστά εἰσιν ἐν τῇ γραφῇ Καλλίμαχός τε, ὃς ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις πολεμαρχεῖν ἤρητο, καὶ Μιλτιάδης τῶν στρατηγούν-
των, ἥρως Te Ἔχετλος καλούμενος, οὗ καὶ ὕστερον ποιήσομαι
μέν
3 > “ 2 8 ἫΝ Va 3 , ΓΝ
ἐστιν ἐπίγραμμα ἀπὸ Σκιωναίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων εἶναι,

oS A
ras δὲ ἐπαληλιμμένας πίδσῃ, μὴ σφᾶς 6 τε χρόνος λυμήνη-
—-.. Ve BOON. ὃ ,ὕ > he aA NG 3
Tai καὶ ὁ ἰὸς, Λακεδαιμονίων εἶναι λέγεται τῶν αλόντων ἐν
τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ νήσῳ.
"A ὃ Ud de A ~ Ν \ ~ ”~ 4
popiavres O€ χαλκοῖ κεῖνται πρὸ μὲν τῆς στοᾶς Σόλων

“A ~ “Ὁ. ἃ a
μνήμην. ἐνταῦθα ἀσπίδες κεῖνται χαλκαῖ, καὶ ταῖς

ened

(Plut. Thes. 35). Miltiades was rep-
resented in front of all the other Athe-

Painted Colonnade. — 37. Aaxedacpo-
νίων. .. τῶν ἁλόντων ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ

nian generals, extending his hand
toward the enemy and cheering on
his forces (Aeschin. 3, 186 and schol.;
Aristid. Or. 46, p. 232).

84, ἀσπίδες... χαλκαῖ... ἀπὸ Σκιω-
ναίων κτλ.: the successful revolt of
Scione from Athens occurred 423 B.c.,
but two years later the Athenians re-
captured it, slaughtered the men, and
sold into slavery women and children
(Thuc. 4, 120; 5, 182). Thucydides (4,
131) recounts the part their allies took
in the fate of the unfortunatecity. The
captured shields were preserved in the

νήσῳ: the capture of the two hundred
and ninety-two Lacedaemonians on
the island of Sphacteria occurred 425
B.c. (Thuc. 4, 38). Their shields, to-
gether with the sword of Mardonius,
were regarded as among the most glo-
rious trophies of Athens (Dio. Chrys. 2,
p.27); probably here too was the shield
of Brasidas lost at Pylus (Thuc. 4, 12 ;
Diod. 12, 6, 2).

16. Digression on Seleucus.

1. ᾿Ανδριάντες δὲ χαλκοῖ κτλ.: the
bronze statue of Solon is mentioned
also by Dem. 26, 24 and Aelian, Var.

10

88 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

h.
ὁ τοὺς νόμους ᾿Αθηναίοις γράψας, ὀλίγον δὲ ἀπωτέρω Σέλευ.
κος, ᾧ καὶ πρότερον ἐγένετο ἐς τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τὴν μέλ- |
λουσαν σημεῖα οὐκ ἀφανῆ. Σελεύκῳ γάρ, ὡς ὡρμᾶτο ἐκ
Μακεδονίας σὺν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ, θύοντι ἐν Πέλλῃ τῷ Διὶ τὰ
ξύλα ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ κείμενα προύβη τε αὐτόματα πρὸς τὸ
ἄγαλμα καὶ ἄνευ πυρὸς ἤφθη. τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάν-
Spov Σέλευκος ᾿Αντίγονον ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἀφικόμενον δείσας
καὶ παρὰ Πτολεμαῖον φυγὼν τὸν Λάγου κατῆλθεν αὖθις ἐς.
Βαβυλῶνα, κατελθὼν δὲ ἐκράτησε μὲν τῆς ᾿Αντιγόνου στρα-

~ N 9. ἃ 3 ’ 3 ld Ὧν Ν 3 4
TWAS καὶ αὑτὸν ἀπέκτεινεν AvTiyovov, etre δὲ ἐπιστρατεῦύ-

15

20

e , e “~
ως δέ Ol Ταῦτα
εἶ sc si

προκεχωρήκει καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον τὰ Λυσιμάχον κατείργαστο,

ν 4 x. .93 4
σαντα ὕστερον ΔἸ ΜΉΤΡΙοΥ τὸν rade γόνου.

τὴν μὲν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασΐᾳ πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν παρέδωκεν ᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ
παιδί, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς ‘Maxedoviay ἠπείγετο.
Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων ἦν παρὰ Σελεύκφ᾽ Ππολεμᾶϊος δὲ
ἀδελφὸς μὲν Λυσάνδρας καὶ Tapa Avowpdxou rap αὐτὸν

πεφευγώς, ἄλλως δὲ τολμῆσαι πρόχειρος καὶ δι᾿ αὐτὸ Kepav-

στρατιὰ μὲν καὶ

νὸς καλουμευός; οὗτος ὁ Πτολεμαῖος, ὡς προσιὼν ὃ Σελεύ-

κου στρατὸς ἐγένετο κατὰ Λυσιμάχειαν, λαθὼν Σέλευκον
arlgrer

κτείνει, διαρπάσαι δὲ ἐπιτρέψας. τὰ χρήματα τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν
ἐβασίλευσε Μακεδονίας, ἐς ὃ ᾿ Γαλάταις πρῶτος ὧν ἴσμεν
Lie AL

βασιλέων ἀντιτάξασθαι τολμήσας ἀναιρεῖται ὑπὸ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων- τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ᾿Αντίγονος ἀνεσώσατο ὁ Δημητρίον.

Hist. 8, 16. --- 8. Σέλευκος. .. παρὰ Syr. 62 ff.; Justin, 17, 23; Droysen,

Πτολεμαῖον φυγών: this occurred in
316 B.c. Consult Diod. 19, 55; Ap-
pian, Syr. 53; Droysen, Gesch. d.
Hell. II, 1, 312. — 10. ἐκράτησε. . .
‘Avriyovov: in the battle of Ipsus, cf.
1, 6, 7, note.

19. οὗτος ὁ Πτολεμαῖος. . . λαθὼν
Σέλευκον κτείνει : cf. 10, 19, 7. The
assassination of Seleucus by Ptolemy
Ceraunus occurred 281 B.c. Cf. App.

II, 2, 329 ff. —21. rots βασιλεῦσιν :
here the guards are meant, ‘‘the Kings’’
being a complimentary title given to
the Life Guards or palace troops (see
Kayser, Ztsch. ἢ. ἃ. Alt.-Wiss. VI(1848),
499). — 23. ἀναιρεῖται ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβά-
ρων: Ptolemy Ceraunus was defeated
and slain by the Gauls in 280 B.c. Cf.
Justin, 24, 5, 17; Polyb. 9, 35, 4;
Droysen, II, 2, 848 ff.

HISTORY OF SELEUCUS

Ch. 17,1

89

25 Σέλευκον δὲ βασιλέων ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα πείθομαι καὶ ἄλλως 8

γενέσθαι δίκαιον καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβῆ.

τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ

Σελευκός ἐστιν ὁ Μιλησίοις τὸν χάλκουν καταπέμψας ᾿Απόλ-
λωνα ἐς Βραγχίδας. ἀνακομισθέντα ἐς ἐκβάτανα τὰ Μηδικὰ
ὑπὸ Ἐέρξον: τοῦτο δὲ Σελεύκειαν οἰκίσας ἐπὶ Τίγρητι πο-

80 Taya καὶ Βαβυλωνίους οὗτος ἐπαγόμενος ἐς αὐτὴν συνοί-

17

κους ὑπελίπετο μὲν τὸ τεῖχος Βαβυλῶνος, ὑπελίπετο δὲ τοῦ

‘ ἃ “Ἢ
Βὴλ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸ τοὺς Χαλδαίους οἰκεῖν.

᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ! καὶ ἄλλα ἐστὶν οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας 1

ἐπίσημα καὶ ᾿λέοῦ βωμός, ᾧ μάλιστα θεῶν ἐς ἀνθρώπινον
βίον καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγμάτων ὄντι ὠφελίμῳ μόνοι τιμὰς

27. τὸν χαλκοῦν... . ᾿Απόλλωνα ἐς
Βραγχίδας : on the bronze Apollo of
Branchidae, cf. Paus. 2, 10, 5; 7, 5, 4;
8, 46, 3; 9, 10, 2, and Frazer’s notes.
-- 29. Σελεύκειαν οἰκίσας ἐπὶ Τίγρητι
ποταμῷ : the foundation of Seleucia as
the seat of government of the dynasty
led to the rapid decline of Babylon.
Strabo (16, p. 738) speaks of it as
larger than Babylon, whole sections of
which lay desolate. Pliny (N. H. 6,
122) puts the population of Seleucia at
600,000. About the beginning of the
Christian era, its inhabitants were
mostly Greeks, with many Macedo-
nians and Syrians (Joseph. 18, 9, 8).
It was still a powerful city in Tacitus’ 8
time (Ann. 6, 42).

17. Altar of Eleos— Altars of
Aidos, of Pheme, and of Horme —
Gymnasium of Ptolemy and statues
therein—Temple of Theseus and its
Paintings — Minos and Theseus —
Various Traditions about the End

of Theseus.
1. οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας ἐπίσημα : cf. 1,
27, 3, οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας γνώριμα; 1, 4, 6,

᾿Αθηναῖοι:

οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας κεχώρηκεν ἡ φήμη; 5, 18,
4, δῆλα ἐς ἅπαντας. --- 2. ᾿Ελέον βωμός:
Wilamowitz (Aus Kydathen, p. 201,
rem. 4) conjectures that the altar of
Mercy is identical with the altar of the
Twelve Gods, not mentioned by Pau-
sanias. Tlis conjecture is adopted by
Miss Harrison, pp. 141-142. The al-
tar of Mercy is frequently mentioned,
because it served as a place of refuge.
Statius (Theb. 12, 481 ff.) describes it
as standing in a grove of laurel and
olives. Adrastus, after the War of
the Seven against Thebes, is said to
have fled to Athens and taken refuge
at the altar of Mercy (Apoll. 3, 7, 1).
Likewise the children of Heracles,
when persecuted by Eurystheus, fled
to this altar (Apoll. 2, 8, 1; Schol.
Ar. Eq. 1151). Cf. Wachsmuth, Stadt
Athen, 11, 486-440.—3. μόνοι. . .
this statement is not pre-
cisely true. Diodorus (13, 22, 7) says
the Athenians were the first to set up
an altar of Mercy; and Wachsmuth,
II, 436 cites an ᾿Ελέον βωμός found in
the precinct of Asclepius at Epidaurus,

10

90 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Cae Ch. 17, 2
Ἑλλήνων νέμουσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι. τούτοις δὲ οὐ τὰ ἐς φιλανθρὼ-

πίαν μόνον καθέστηκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεοὺς εὐσεβοῦσιν ἄλλων
καὶ γὰρ Αἰδοῦς σφισι βωμός ἐστι καὶ Φήμης καὶ
ὡς» ἴσοις πλέον τι ἑτέρων εὐσεβείας

ἐν δὲ τῴ ve

πλέον

‘Opus’
μέτεστιν, ἴσον σφίσι παρὸν τύχης χρηστῆς.
μνασίῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπέχοντι οὐ πολύ, Πτολεμαίου δὲ d ἀπὸ

τοῦ κατασκενασαμένου καλουμένῳ, λίθοι τέ εἰσιν Ἕρμαϊ θέας

δῆλά TE évap

Cf. Wachsmuth 1.6. on the φιλανθρω-
πία of the Athenians. — 5. θεοὺς εὐσε-
βοῦσιν ἄλλων πλέον: cf. Acts 17, 22:
κατὰ πάντα ws δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς
θεωρῶ. ---θ. Αἰδοῦς σφισι βωμός ἐστι
καὶ Φήμης καὶ ‘Oppfis: Eustathius (ad
Il. K, 451, p. 1279, 89) locates the
altar of Modesty on the Acropolis
παρὰ τὸν τῆς Πολιάδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς νεών (cf.
Hesych. s.v. Αἰδοῦς βωμός). Perhaps
the other two altars mentioned were
likewise located there. Cf. Wachs-
muth, II, 440. Αἰδώς is the personifi-
cation of good conduct, and is first
mentioned by Hesiod, Opp. 200; upon
the entrance of the Iron Age she flees
with Nemesis from the earth; her
daughter is Σωφροσύνη (C.I.A. II,
2339). A priestess of Modesty had a
seat in the theatre (C.I.A. III, 367).
With Φήμη cf. Ὄσσα Διὸς ἄγγελος Il. B,
94; Od.w, 413. Aeschines (1,128) men-
tions the altar of Rumor and says, τῇ μὲν
Φήμῃ δημοσίᾳ θύομεν ws θεῷ (2, 145). Cf.
Schol. Aeschin. 1, 128, where it is said
that the altar of Rumor was erected
shortly after the battle of the Euryme-
don because the rumor of that great
victory reached Athens the same day.

8. ἐν δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ κτλ. : Pausanias
again leaves the Agora and describes
two buildings ‘‘not far from it’? and
near each other. The first isthe gymna-

sium of Ptolemy, the second the sanctu-
ary of Theseus. The gymnasium was
doubtless, like similar structures else-
where, a spacious edifice with vari-
ous apartments, colonnades, and open
courts for recreation and exercise. The -
founder was probably Ptolemy Phila-
delphus. The Ephebi here attended lec-
tures on philosophy (C.I.A. II, 479, 1.
19). Cicero and his friends here listened
to the philosopher Antiochus (De fin. 5,
1,1). Thesite of this building was doubt-
less to the east or north of the Agora,
judging from the lie of the ground and
the buildings later mentioned. Miss
Harrison locates it to the northeast be-
tween the existing Colonnades of Atta-
lus and Hadrian (Athens, p. 145 f.). —
10. “Eppat. . . εἰκὼν Πτολεμαίου χαλ-

. Ἰόβας. . . Χρύσιππος. κτλ.:
Pausanias mentions within the gymna-
sium stone Hermae, a bronze statue of
Ptolemy, a statue of Juba the Libyan,
and a statue of ‘Chrysippus of Soli.
Pausanias does not say which Juba
was meant, but it was doubtless Juba IT,
who was patronized by Augustus and
was the author of historical treatises.
Cicero (De fin. 1, 11, 39) and Diogenes
Laertius (7, 7, 182) mention a statue of
Chrysippus in the market-place of
Athens. There is nothing to show this
was the one seen by Pausanias. —

16

20

SANCTUARY OF THESEUS

Ch. 17,3
¥

91

ἄξιοι καὶ εἰκὼν Πτολεμαίον χαλκῆ καὶ o τε Λίβυς Ἰόβας

ἐνταῦθα κεῖται καὶ Χρύσιππος ὁ Σολεύς.

Πρὸς δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ Θησέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν: γραφαὶ δέ

3 Ν 3 ’ 3 A 4 [4 9
εἰσι πρὸς ᾿Αμαζόνας ᾿Αθηναῖοι μαχόμενοι: πεποίηται δέ

ε ’ Φ N “~ ? ~ > oN ~ 3 , Ἁ
σφισιν ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος καὶ τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀσπίδι καὶ

τοῦ ᾽᾿Ολυμπίον Διὸς ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ. γέγραπται δὲ ἐν τῷ τοῦ

Θησέως ἱερῷ καὶ ἡ Κενταύρων καὶ Λαπιθῶν μάχη: Θησεὺς

μὲν οὖν ἀπεκτονώς ἐστιν ἤδη Κένταυρον, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἐξ

¥ , ¥ e , A \ , A , ε
ἰισου καθέστηκεν eTl ἢ ax”: TOU δὲ Τβιτου Τῶν τοίχων )

N ‘ 4 ἃ , :- 3 ld 3 δ ’
γραφὴ μὴ πυθομένοις ἃ λέγουσιν οὐ σαφής ἐστιν, τὰ μέν

18. Θησέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν : this sanctuary
is said to have been expressly con-
structed to hold the bones of Theseus
when they were brought (469 z.c.)

‘from Scyros to Athens by Cimon after

the Persian War (cf. Plut. Thes. 36;
Thuc. 1, 98; Diod. 4, 62; 11, 60). It
was surrounded by an extensive pre-
cinct (τέμενος τῆς Θησέως, C.I.A. IT,
446, 1. 18) which served as asylum
for the fugitive (Ar. Eq. 1811; Diod.
4,62; Plut. Thes. 36), sometimes also
as a place of assembly (Thuc. 6, 61,
Arist. Resp. Ath. 15). Certain elec-
tions to office by lot regularly took
place here (Aesch. 3, 130 and schol.,
Arist. Resp. Ath. 62). With regard
to the site Plutarch (Thes. 36) says:
κεῖται μὲν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει παρὰ τὸ
νῦν γυμνάσιον --- doubtless the gymna-
sium of Ptolemy. The site was some-
where between the Colonnade of At-
talus and the northwest slope of the
Acropolis, See Excursus IV on the
identity of the so-called Theseum with
this sanctuary. — γραφαὶ δέ εἰσι κτλ.:
it appears that the painter of the three
pictures, namely (a) the fight of the
Athenians and Amazons, (0) the fight

of Centaurs and Lapiths, and (c) the
story of Theseus and Amphitrite, was
Micon,though Harpocration and Suidas
(s.v. Πολύγνωτος) give Polygnotus the
credit for them. It is probable that
Polygnotus’s overshadowing reputa-
tion caused the works of Micon later
to be ascribed to himself. The subject
of the first painting, the Battle of the
Amazons, was also that of one of the
paintings in the Painted Colonnade
(c. 15, note) and was represented on
the shield of Athena Parthenos (5, 24, 7)
and on the pedestal of the statue of
Zeus at Olympia (cf. 5, 11, 7).—17. ἢ
Κενταύρων καὶ Λαπιθῶν μάχη: as Pau-
sanias states later that the third paint-
ing was on the third wall of the temple,
this was probably on the second or rear
wali of the temple, not on the same wall
with the first painting.

19. ἣ γραφὴ... Μίνως... Θησέα
... ᾿Αμφιτρίτης κτλ. : this story is told
by Hyginus (Astron. 2, 5) and is the
theme of the Sixteenth (Seventeenth)
Ode of Bacchylides. It is also depicted
on four well-known ancient vases that
have coine down to us: (1) a vase found
at Caere, now in the Louvre, ascribed to

92 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 17, 4
mov διὰ τὸν χρόνον, τὰ δὲ Μίκων ov τὸν πάντα ἔγραψε λό-
γον. | Μίνως ἡνίκα Θησέα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στόλον τῶν παίδων
ἦγεν ἐς Κρήτην, ἐρασθεὶς Περιβοίας, ὥς οἱ Θησεὺς μάλιστα
ἠναντιοῦτο, καὶ ἄλλα ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἀπέρριψεν ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ

3 A 9 ν ~ Ky 3 Ἁ 9 ’ Ἁ
5 παῖδα οὐκ ἔφη Ποσειδῶνος εἶναι, ἐπεὶ οὐ δύνασθαι τὴν
A ἃ 9. , »¥ 9 ’ 9 4 9
σφραγῖδα, ἣν αὐτὸς φέρων ἔτυχεν, ἀφέντι ἐς θάλασσαν ava-
σῶσαί οἱ. Μίνως μὲν λέγεται ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀφεῖναι τὴν
tO 4 de τὸ ’ 3 ’ » Ν 4
σφραγῖδα: Θησέα δὲ odpayida τε ἐκείνην ἔχοντα Kal OTE
ἴω 9 ,’ “ 9 “Ὁ ig 9
φανον χρυσοῦν, ᾿Αμφιτρίτης δῶρον, ἀνελθεῖν λέγουσιν ἐκ
80 τῆς θαλάσσης. ἐς δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τὴν Θησέως πολλὰ ἤδη 4
‘ 9 ε ἴω. » la A 9 ON ‘4
καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα εἴρηται: δεδέσθαι τε yap αὐτὸν λέγου-
3 , ν᾽ eyre , 9 , , . @
σιν ἐς τόδε ἕως ὑφ᾽ Hpakdéous ἀναχθείη, πιθανώτατα δὲ ὧν
» ᾿ 3 ‘N 3 ’ ~ ld
ἤκουσα: Θησεὺς ἐς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἐμβαλών, τοῦ βασιλέως
τῶν Θεσπρωτῶν γυναῖκα ἁρπάσων, τὸ πολὺ τῆς στρατιᾶς
ν > , N 9 4 N , ,
οὕτως ἀπόλλυσι, καὶ αὐτός τε καὶ Πειρίθους ---- Πειρίθους
\ ἃ “ , “ὃ 3 ’ 9 N Νὰ
γὰρ καὶ τὸν γάμον σπεύδων ἐστράτευω ----λωσαν, καὶ σφᾶς
ε “ , εχ 3 ’ “A A ~
ὁ Θεσπρωτὸς δήσας εἶχεν ἐν Κιχύρῳ. γῆς δὲ τῆς Θεσπρω- 5
ld » N ¥ 4 » e ’᾽ N 3
τίδος ἔστι μέν πον καὶ ἄλλα θέας aka, ἱερόν τε Διὸς ἐν

Euphronius ; (2) a vase found at Gir-
genti, now in the National Library at
Paris ; (3) a vase in the Civic Museum
at Bologna; and (4) a red figured vase
found at Truvo (M. d. arch. Inst., Rém.
Abth., IX (1894), 229 ff. and Pl. VITI).
These are described and discussed by
Frazer, IT, 159-160. They were doubt-
less derived from the painting of Mi-
con. — 25, ἐπεὶ od δύνασθαι τὴν σφρα-
yida: a sentence introduced by ἐπεὶ in
oratio obliqua often has its verb in the
infinitive. Cf. 1, 22,6; 5, 26,1; 7, 23,
8; 10, 7, 8. The same construction
occurs with ws and relatives in oratio
obliqua, as e.g. 3, 4, 4; 8, 53, 2; 9, 33,
4. 10, 4,4: 10,4,6. This construction
is frequent in Hdt., Thuc., and Plato.

30. és δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τὴν Θησέως:
the legend of Theseus’s descent into
IIJades with his friend Pirithous and
his rescue by Ileracles is told by Diod.
4,63; HWyginus, Fab. 79; Mythog. Gr.,
ed. R. Wagner, I, 181 ff., etc. Cf. Paus.
59, 31, ὃ; 10, 29, 9.

38. ἱερόν τε Ards ἐν Δωδώνῃ: on
the excavations on the site of ancient
Iodona, see Carapanos, Dodone et
ses ruines, 1878. The ruins lie seven
miles to the southwest of Janina in
Epirus. The rustling of the leaves of
the sacred oak was regarded as the
voice of Zeus, and these mysterious
sounds were interpreted by priestesses.
Cf. Hom. Od. &, 327, τι, 219; Aesch.
Prom. 851; Steph. Byz. and Suid. s.v.

SANCTUARY OF THESEUS 93

Ch. 17, 6 oes an
4 ’ VN e AQ A A εὖ , Re Aer 4 ΄΄ωο 6
Δωδώνῃ καὶ ἱερὰ tov θεοῦ φηγός πρὸς δὲ τῇ Κιχύρῳ λίμνη

4 59 9 a a ἃ A 3 ' Sf ec” ‘
τέ ἐστιν Axepovoia καλουμένη καὶ ποταμὸς ᾿Αχέρων, ῥεῖ δὲ
9 ~ “
καὶ Κωκυτὸς ὕδωρ ἀτερπέστατον. Ὅμηρός τέμοι δοκεῖ ταῦτα
€ Ἁ » Ἁ ¥ 4 9 “~ “A 3 9
ἑωρακὼς ἐς TE τὴν ἄλλην ποίησιν ἀποτολμῆσαι τῶν ἐν At
δου καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα τοῖς ποταμοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Θεσ-
πρωτίδι θέσθαι. τότε δὲ ἐχομένοῳ Θησέως στρατεύουσιν
ἐς "Αφιδναν οἱ Τυνδάρεω παῖδες καὶ τήν τε ΄Αφιδναν αἱροῦσι
λα Ὁ Ξ a
καὶ Μενεσθέα ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ κατήγαγον: Μενεσθεὺς δὲ τῶν
μὲν παίδων τῶν Θησέως, παρ᾽ ᾿Ελεφήνορα ὑπεξελθόντων ἐς
[Parc Δ, ἈΚ “6)
Εὔβοιαν Ἰεἶχεν οὐδένα. λόγου,
he FE “y

πρωτῶν ἀνακομισθήσεται,
RN α

40

45

’ ’ » δ
Θησέα δέ, εἴ ποτε παρὰ Θεσ-

δ0
A ῷ
ὕστερον ἀπωσθῆναι. στέλλεται δὴ Θησεὺς παρὰ Δευκαλί;

> , 3 , Ν 9. AN ε εν , 3 A

wa ἐς Κρήτην, ἐξενεχθέντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ πνευμάτων és Σκῦ-
ζω ΡΝ A ee.

pov τὴν. νῆσον λαμπρῶς περιεῖπον οἱ Σκύριοι κατὰ γένους

, N 3.42 ® 4 9.»ϑ Ν 3 τ, fie ’,

δόξαν καὶ ἀξίωμα ὧν ἣν αὐτὸς εἰργασμένος - καί ot θάνατον
Λυκομήδης διὰ ταῦτα ἐβούλευσεν.

Ὁ μὲν δὴ Θησέως σηκὸς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγένετο ὕστερον ἢ Μῆδοι

Μαραθῶνίι ἔσχον, Κίμωνος τοῦ Μιλτιάδον Σκυρίους ποιήσαν-

9 ld , Ἁ “~ , , N \ 9 Ὁ

τος ἀναστάτους----δίκην δὴ τοῦ Θησέως θανάτου---- καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ

55

δυσανταγώνιστον ἡγούμενος διὰ
’ N a ὃ γ abies »ε αἱ ε , 9 ,
θεραπείας Fa τοῦ δήμου KaioTato; ws Θησέα ἀνασωθέντα

Δωδώνη. --- 89. λίμνη. . . ᾿Αχερουσία
κτλ: On the identification of these
mythological sites, see Frazer’s note,
II, 160-162. —44. στρατεύουσιν ἐς
ΓΑφιδναν of Τυνδάρεω παῖδες : the in-
cursion of the Dioscuri into Aphidna
to rescue Helen is often mentioned.
Cf. 1, 41, 4; 2, 22,6; 3, 17, 2; 18, 4,
5; and Hat. 9, 73; Isoc. 10, 19; Diod.
4,63; Plut. Thes. 31, etc. Aphidna is
now identified with the hill of Kotrone,
six miles east of Decelea, and thirteen
miles from Oropus.

56. Ὃ μὲν δὴ Θησέως σηκός : this is

the only passage in which the term

onxés is used by Pausanias; also the
construction of σηκὸς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐγένετο
is unusual. Pollux, 1, 6 thus defines

σηκός : οἱ μὲν yap ἀκριβέστερον σηκὸν τὸν.

(νεὼν) τῶν ἡρώων λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ ποιηταὶ
καὶ τὸν τῶν θεῶν. In Plut. Cimon, 8,
the tomb of Theseus on Skyros is
called onxés.— 58. τὰ ὀστᾶ κομίσαν-
τος ἐς ᾿Αθήνας: for the story of the
bringing back of Theseus’s body, see
Plut. Thes., 86; id. Cimon, 8; Paus.
3, 7; Diod. 4, 62. The oracle, in 476-
475 3.c., had commanded the Atheni-
ans to bring back the bones of Theseus.
Accordingly they conquered Scyros in

94

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 18, 1

18 κομίσαντος és ᾿Αθήνας. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τῶν Διοσκούρων ἐστὶν

9 Ἂ 9 a ε ων ἃ [1 ἴω ,’ ,
αβρχάᾶιον, αντοι TE EOTWTES Καὶ Οἱ παῖδες καθήμενοί σφισιν

9,9). 9 3 ~ 4 Q ¥ 3 9 “\
ἐφ᾽ ἵππων: ἐνταῦθα Πολύγνωτος μὲν ἔχοντα ἐς αὐτοὺς

ἔγραψε γάμον τῶν θυγατέρων τῶν Λευκίππου, Μίκων δὲ

δ. \ 3 4 9 a 4 4 ε ον
τοὺς μετὰ ἴασονος ἐς Κόλχους πλεύσαντας - Kal οἱ τῆς

A ε \ ’ ϑ Ὕ ἃ ‘ 9
γραφῆς ἡ σπουδὴ μάλιστα ἐς “Akaorov Kal τοὺς ἵππους

Yy NX 9 A
ἔχει TOUS Ακαστου.

e A Q ~ F N e X
ὕπερ δὲ τῶν Διοσκούρων TO ἱερὸν

᾿Αγλαύρου τέμενός ἐστιν. ᾿Αγλαύρῳ δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς

470-469, under the leadership of Ci-
mon, and brought back the relics the
following year.

18. Sanctuary of the Dioscuri— Pre-
cinct of Aglaurus—Prytaneum —Sanc-
tuary of Serapis; of Ilithyia — Statues
and Sanctuaries in the Peribolus of the
Temple of Olympian Zeus — Isocrates
— Temple of Olympian Zeus — Build-
ings of Hadrian in Athens.

1. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τῶν Διοσκούρων : the |

sanctuary of the Dioscuri was also
called ᾿Ανάκειον. Cf. Thuc. 8, 93;
Andoc. 1, 45; Dem. 45, 80. Its site
can be approximately determined, as
it was near the Aglaurus precinct
(Paus. 1, 18, 2), and this is definitely
located on the north slope of the Acrop-
olis (see below). This is confirmed
by Polyaen. 1, 21, 2, who states that
Pisistratus, wishing to disarm the
Athenians, bade them assemble in the
Anaceum, whence their weapons were
conveyed to the Aglaurus precinct.
Lucian (Pisc. 42) represents the needy
philosophers clambering up into the
Acropolis on ladders planted in this
sanctuary. Its extent is indicated by
the fact that troops of infantry and of
cavalry assembled there (Thuc. 8, 93 ;
Andoc. 1, 45). The “Avaxes were here
worshiped under the name of Saviors

(Ael. Var. Hist. 4, 5, etc.).—2. καὶ
οἱ παῖδες κτλ.: the sons of Castor and
Pollux were by name Anexis and Mna-
sinus (Paus. 2, 22, 5) or Anogon and
Mnesileos (Apollod. 3, 11, 2). The re-
liefs on the throne of Apollo at Amy-
clae (Paus. 3, 18, 3) also represented
the sons on horseback. — 3. Πολύγνω-
TOS... ἔγραψε γάμον τῶν θυγατέρων τῶν
Λευκίππου: Hilaera (or Elaera) and
Phoebe, daughters of Leucippus, were
betrothed to Lynceus and Idas, the
sons of Aphareus. But the Dioscuri,
who were invited to the wedding, car-
ried off the maidens from Messene,
Castor marrying Hilaera and Pollux
Phoebe. Cf. Schol. Pind. Nem. 10,
112; Apollod. 3, 10,3; 11, 2.—4. MC
κων: it is not known what scene from
the Argonautic expedition was selected
by Micon, but most authorities think
that the subject was the funeral games
celebrated by Acastus in honor of his
father Pelias. Cf. Miss Harrison, An-
cient Athens, p. 162, and Murray, Hand-
book of Gk. Arch. p. 370.

8. ᾿Αγλαύρον τέμενος : the site of the
precinct of Aglaurus is a cavern about
70 yards from the Cave of Pan on the
northwest corner of the Acropolis (cf.
1, 28, 40 n.) and about 70 yards west
of the Erechtheum. It is in the region

2

-

10

15

PRECINCT OF AGLAURUS 95
Ch. 18, 3

Ἕρσῃ καὶ Πανδρόσῳ δοῦναί 4 φασιν ᾿Αθηνᾶν Ἐριχθόνιον

καταθεῖσαν ἐς κιβωτόν, a ἘΜΗ͂Σ; ΟΝ ἐς τὴν παρακαταθήκην ᾿

μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν: Πάνδροσον μὲν δὴ λέγουσι πείθεσθαι,
Ν Q 4 3 “ Ν ΄ A 4 4 ’
τὰς δὲ δύο---- ἀνοῖξαι γὰρ σφᾶς τὴν κιβωτόν---- μαίνεσθαί τε,
ε . 39 , Q LA 9 ’ ν >
ws εἶδον τὸν ᾿Εριχθόνιον, καὶ κατὰ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, ἔνθα ἦν
μάλιστα ἀπότομον, αὑτὰς ῥῖψαι. κατὰ τοῦτο ἐπαναβάντες
Μῆδοι κατεφόνευσαν ᾿Αθηναίων τοὺς πλέον τι ἐς τὸν χρη-
σμὸν ἢ Θεμιστοκλῆς εἰδέναι νομίζοντας καὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν

ξύλοις καὶ σταυροῖς ἀποτειχίσαντας. πλησίον δὲ Πρυντανεῖόν

of the Long Rocks (Μακραί sc. Πέτραι),
mentioned Eur. Ion, 492 ff. A secret
staircase, some steps of which remain,
led down from the Acropolis into this
cavern. It has been suggested that by
this staircase the Persians gained access
to the Acropolis (cf. Hdt. 8, 58; Paus.
1, 18, 2). In this sanctuary the Ephebi
took the oath of allegiance (Lyc. c.
Leocr. 76; Plut. Alcib. 15; Dem. 19,
303). —’AyAatpe . . . ᾿Εριχθόνιον:
the myth has varying features with
different writers. According to Eur.
Ion, 22, Athena gives over Erichtho-
nius to the Aglaurides, daughters of
Aglaurus, wife of Cecrops; according
to Apollod. 3, 14, 6, she assigns him to
Pandrosus alone; in Hyg. Astron. 2,
13, to the daughters of Erechtheus.
According to Antigonus of Carystus,
Hist. Mir. 12, the obedient sister was
not Pandrosus but Herse. In Apol-
lod. 1.6. the maidens were destroyed by
the snake which protected the child.
Erichthonius and Erechtheus were
originally identical (cf. Schol. Hom.
Il. B, 547; Etym. Magn. p. 371 s.v.
"Epex evs), and were doubtless appella-
tions of the sacred serpent of Athena,
guardian of the Acropolis, who lived

in the Erechtheum and was fed with
honey cakes once a month (cf. Hdt. 8,
4; Plut. Them. 10; Ar. Lys. 758 ff. and
schol.). — 10. καταθεῖσαν ἐς κιβωτόν,
ἀπειποῦσαν: noteworthy is the lack of a
connective between the two participles.
If Pausanias had δοῦναί φασιν or some
such expression the passage would have
been normal. Cf. Apollod.1.c. καὶ κατα-
θεῖσα αὐτὸν els κίστην Πανδρόσῳ τῇ Kéxpo-
was παρακατέθετο, ἀπειποῦσα τὴν κίστην
ἀνοίγειν. ---- 12. ἀνοῖξαι yap: very fre-
quently in Pausanias, as in Thucydides,
a clause introduced by γάρ is paren-
thetically thrown in for the explanation
of a statement. Soe.g. in Book I: 1,
2; 2,2; 12,2; 18,1; 20,3; 21,2; 22,
5; 23,10; 25,7; 26,5; 27, 10; 31, 3;
33, 7; 43, 3; 43, 7.—14. ἐπαναβάντες
Μῆδοι κτλ.: with this compare the ac-
count in Herodotus, 7, 141-1438; 8, 51-
58, which Pausanias probably had be-
fore his eyes.

17. πλησίον δὲ Πρντανεῖόν ἐστιν :
the Prytaneum was the sacred centre
of the life of the state, the town hall.
When Theseus established the synoi-
kismos, the Prytaneum of Athens be-
came the Prytaneum of Attica (Thuc.
2, 15; Plut. Thes. 24). Its essential

96 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

®

Ch. 18, 4

3 3 4 e 4 4 3 ld ‘ “A
ἐστιν, EV ᾧ νόμοι TE OL Σόλωνός εἰσι γεγραμμένοι Kat θεῶν

é

Εἰρήνης ἀγάλματα κεῖται καὶ “Ἑστίας, ἀνδριάντες δὲ ἄλλοι

20 τε καὶ Αὐτόλυκος ὁ παγκρατιαστής. τὰς γὰρ Μιλτιάδου καὶ

, > », 9 ¢ as ¥ \ ω ,
Θεμιστοκλέους εἰκόνας ἐς Ῥωμαῖόν τε ἄνδρα καὶ Θρᾷκα pere-

γραψαν. ἐντεῦθεν ἰοῦσιν ἐς τὰ κάτω τῆς πόλεως Σαράπιδός 4

feature was its hearth, where the per-
petual fire burned, spoken of repeat-
edly as ‘‘the hearth of the city,’’ or
‘¢the common hearth’’ (Pollux 1, 7;
9, 40; Arist. Resp. Ath. 6, 8, etc.).
In the Prytaneum was the statue of
the goddess Hestia, counterpart of the
Roman Vesta. Here foreign ambas-
sadors and illustrious citizens were
entertained at the public expense (Ar.
Ach. 124; Eq. 709; Dem. 7, 20, etc.).
Socrates fixed his penalty as perpetual
maintenance in the Prytaneum (Plat.
Apol. 36). As regards the site, Pau-
sanias says the Prytaneum was near
the Aglaurus precinct, and as he was
going eastward it probably lay on the
north slope of the Acropolis to the
east of the Aglaurus precinct. It was
certainly on high ground, for Pausanias
speaks (1, 18, 4) of going thence és ra
κάτω τῆς πόλεως. Near the Prytaneum
was the Bucoleum, in which, before
Solon’s time, the magistrate called
Basileus resided (Arist. Resp. Ath. 3),
and in which the sacred marriage of the
King Archon’s wife to Dionysus contin-
ued to take place at least to the fourth
century B.c. (Arist. l.c.). —18. ἐν @ νό-
μοι τε of Σόλωνος κτλ.: these copies of
the laws of Solon were engraved on
quadrangular wooden tablets called az-
ones, Which turned on pivots so that they
could be easily read. Copies of Solon’s
laws engraved on tablets called kurbeis
stood in the Royal Colonnade (1, 3, 1).

It is a disputed question whether the
kurbeis and axones were similar. Cf.
Harpocr. s.v. "Agua; Etym. Magn. s.v.
KupBes.—20. Αὐτόλυκος ὁ παγκρατια-
orhs: cf. 9, 82, 8 and Frazer’s note.
The statue was by the son and pupil
of Myron (Pliny N. H. 34, 79, with
Jex-Blake’s note). Autolycus was win-
ner in the pancratium at the Pana-
thenaic festival in 422 B.c., and was
murdered in 404 by the Thirty Tyrants.
He is a character in Xen. Symp.1, 1. .
— τὰς yap Μιλτιάδου καὶ Θεμιστοκλέους
εἰκόνας : the practice of altering the in-
scriptions on old Greek statues so as
to pass them off as the portraits of
later personages seems to have been
common under the Romans. Cf. Paus.
1, 2,4; 2,9,8; 17,3; 8, 9,9. Dio Chrys.
37, p. 304, tells of a statue of Alci-
biades inscribed with the name of
Ahenobarbus, and Plutarch (Anton.
60) of statues of Eumenes and Attalus
inscribed with the name of Mark
Antony.

22. ἐντεῦθεν ἰοῦσιν: leaving the Pry-
taneum on the northern slope of the
Acropolis, Pausanias now proceeds
eastward as far as the stadium. It
seems likely, therefore, that the sanctu-
ary of Serapis was situated somewhere
to the northeast of the Acropolis, prob-
ably in the neighborhood of the new
Metropolitan church. Serapis was the
dead Apis, or sacred bull, honored
under the attributes of Osiris ; he was

25

30

35

40

TEMPLE OF ILITHYIA

Ch. 18, 6 , τ τ ας vans :
ε ΄Ὁ “ 3 4

ἐστιν ἱερόν, ὃν ᾿Αθηναῖοι παρὰ Πτολεμαΐον θεὸν ἐσηγά-
9 4 , ε Ν 4 3 ’

γοντο. Αἰγυπτίοις δὲ ἱερὰ Σαράπιδος ἐπιφανέστατον μέν
ἐστιν ᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσιν, ἀρχαιότατον δὲ ἐν Μέμφει’ ἐς τοῦτο
A ¥ A ~ 7
ἐσελθεῖν οὔτε ξένοις ἔστιν οὔτε τοῖς ἱερεῦσι, πρὶν ἂν τὸν

97

xb,

"Amu θάπτωσι. τοῦ δὲ ἱεροῦ Tov Σαράπιδος οὐ πόρρω χωρίον

ἐστίν, ἔνθα Πειρίθουν καὶ Θησέα συνθεμένους ἐς Aakedai-
“ -

μονα καὶ ὕστερον ἐς Θεσπρωτοὺς σταλῆναι λέγουσι. πλησίον
δὲ ὠφκοδόμητο ναὸς Εἰλειθυίας, ἣν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων
ἐς Δῆλον γενέσθαι βοηθὸν ταῖς Λητοῦς ὠδῖσι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους
> oO A A 9 , κι \ \ , ,
Tap αὐτῶν φασι τῆς Εἰλειθυίας μαθεῖν τὸ ὄνομα. Kat θύουσί
τε Εἰλειθυίᾳ Δήλιοι καὶ ὕμνον ἄδουσιν ᾽Ωλῆνος. Κρῆτες δὲ
4 ~ 4 > > ”~ ’ , 3 a
χώρας τῆς Κνωσσίας ἐν ᾿Αμνισῷ γενέσθαι νομίζουσιν ἘΕἰλεί-
θνιαν καὶ παῖδα Ἥρας εἶναι: μόνοις δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις τῆς Εἰλει-
, , ν δ’) ee ee , . A \
Ovias κεκάλυπται Ta ξόανα ἐς ἄκρους τοὺς πόδας. τὰ μὲν δὴ
4 > N Ἁ 4 9 4 ν e A
δύο εἶναι Κρητικὰ καὶ Φαίδρας ἀναθήματα ἔλεγον αἱ yuvai-

δ \ 93 4 te 4 3 4 4
Kes, TO δὲ ἀρχαιότατον ᾿Ερυσίχθονα ἐκ Δήλου κομίσαι.
Πρὶν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἰέναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ᾽Ολυμπίου ----᾿ Αδρια-
> ee ’ ‘ ’ ‘N 3 , ἃ Ἁ ¥
vos ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τόν τε ναὸν ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα

lord of the under world and was identi-
fied with the Greek Hades. His wor-
ship was a combination of Egyptian
and Greek cults, and became popular
in Greece and Rome. — 27. χωρίον...
ἔνθα ΠΕρίθουν κτλ.: the agreement was
to carry off Helen from Sparta, to draw

’ Jots for her, and he to whom she fell

should aid the other in winning a
wife. Cf. Plut. Thes. 31, according
to whom the oath was taken in the
neighborhood of Marathon. Soph.
O.C. 1590 puts the site in the grove
of the Eumenides at Colonus. There
was a place in Athens near the These-
um called the Horcomosium, so named
because on this spot Theseus had sworn
peace with the Amazons (Plut. Thes.

25); this may have been the spot to
which Pausanias refers. — 29. πλησίον
δὲ wxoSépnro ναὸς Εἰλειθυίας : the site
is not definitely known, but it was
doubtless northeast of the Acropolis, in
the neighborhood of the present Metro-
politan church, confirmed to some ex-
tent by thediscovery at this point of the
base of a statue dedicated to Ilithyia
(C.I.A. II, 1586). The goddess of
childbirth had also a sanctuary in the
suburbs of Agrae to the southeast of
Athens, as we learn from the inscrip-
tion on one of the seats of the Theatre
of Dionysus (C.I.A. ITI, 319).

39. ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἱέναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ
᾿Ολυμπίονυ : on the temple of Olympian
Zeus, see Excursus V.— 40. τὸ ἄγαλμα

45

55

98 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ἧ. 18
θέας ἄξιον, ov μεγέθει μέν, ore μὴ Ῥοδίοις Kat Ῥω nae
OU ΜΕΥ BEY) μη μαι
2A ε , ‘ . 39 2 € , 9 )
εἰσὶν οἱ κολοσσοί, τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγάλματα ὁμοίως ἀπολείπεται,
, .»᾽΄» 7 ‘ A \ ¥ , >
πεποίηται δὲ ἔκ TE ἐλέφαντος Kal χρυσοῦ Kal ἔχει τέχνης εὖ
N “ 4 θ € ~ 3 00 3 4 3 ὃ ~ δύ
πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος ὁρὼσν ο---- ἐνταυθα εἰκόνες Adptavou δύο
μέν εἰσι Θασίου λίθου, δύο δὲ Αἰγυπτίου χαλκαῖ δὲ ἑστᾶσι
A A A al, Cu
πρὸ τῶν κιόνων as ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν ἀποίκους πόλεις. ὁ
\ on A 4 δί , 4 9 ,
μὲν On πᾶς περίβολος σταὸίων μάλιστα τεσσάρων ἐστίν,
9 4 \ , 3 δ Ν a ε 4 3 Ἁ
ἀνδριάντωμ δὲ πλήρης: ἀπὸ γὰρ πόλεως ἑκάστης εἰκὼν
᾿Αδριανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνάκειται, καὶ σφᾶς ὑπερεβάλοντο
3 ~ N N 3 ’ » a ἴων ’
Αθηναῖοι τὸν κολοσσὸν ἀναθέντες ὄπισθε τοῦ ναοῦ θέας
¥ » \ 3 “A 3 a 4 ‘ A ἃ
ἄξιον. ἔστι δὲ ἀρχαῖα ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ
‘\ ’ κε , N , -~ 9 ’ 3 a
ναὸς Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας καὶ τέμενος Γῆς ἐπίκλησιν Ολυμπίας.
ἐνταῦθα ὅσον ἐς πῆχυν τὸ ἔδαφος διέστηκε, καὶ λέγουσι
. A. 59 > 7 \ 2 \ , a ε
μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τὴν ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος συμβᾶσαν ὑπορ-
ἰαὴ 4 N 9 9 4 , 3 9. UN 9 Ν ΄“ »
ρνῆναι ταύτῃ τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐσ βάλλουσί τε ἐς αὐτὸ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος
» “A 4 a ~ \V 3 ON 4 b ,
ἄλφιτα πυρῶν μέλιτι μάξαντες. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ κίονος Ἰσοκρά-
τους ἀνδριάς, ὃς ἐς μνήμην τρία ὑπελίπετο, ἐπιπονώτατον

θέας ἄξιον: the statue was doubtless
copied from the famous Zeus of Phidi-
as at Olympia, and the type is in turn
reproduced on Athenian coins. These
represent the god sitting, nude to the
waist, with a Nike in his right hand
and the sceptre in his left. See
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, pp. 137,
138, with pl. BB, iv.

52. ναὸς Κρόνον καὶ Ῥέας : the lan-
guage of Pausanias would imply that
this temple also was in the peribolus
of the Olympieum. Yet cf. Bekk.
Anec. I, 275, 20, Κρόνιον τέμενος τὸ
παρὰ τὸ νῦν ᾿Ολύμπιον μεχρὶ τοῦ μητρῴου
τοῦ ἐν ἀγορᾷ, where the editors, follow-
ing Wachsmuth, Rh. Mus. XXIII, 17,
read for ἀγορᾷ, év’Aypa. So the sanc-
tuary probably stretched up to the

Tlissus and in part outside the peribolus.
— τέμενος Γῆς : this precinct and cult
of Ge Olympia are closely associated
with the sanctuary of Zeus Olympius
near the Ilissus, and are to be distin-
guished from the sanctuary of Ge sur-
named Kourotrophos just west or
southwest of the Acropolis referred to
by Thuc. 2, 15 and Paus. 1, 22,3. Plut.
Thes. 27 locates a hieron of Ge in the
neighborhood of the stele of the Ama-
zon Antiope, which we have seen was
near the Itonian gate. See on Paus. 1,
2,1. On the site of the various sanctu-
aries of Ge, see Excursus HI.

56. ᾿Ισοκράτους ἀνδριάς κτλ.: ac-
cording to Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or., p. 899,
this statue of bronze was set up by
Aphareus, the adopted son of the

60

65

70

HADRIAN’S BUILDINGS 99

Ch. 18, 9
A 9 e ’ » ὃ A ὃ , e ΙΝ »” ,
μὲν οτι οἱ βιώσαντι ern ὀνοῖν δέοντα ἑκατὸν OUTOTE κατελύθη

θ Ν ¥ , δὲ 9 4 > 4

μαθητὰς ἔχειν, σωφρονέστατον δὲ ὅτι πολιτείας ἀπεχόμενος
διέμεινε καὶ τὰ κοινὰ οὐ πολυπραγμονῶν, ἐλευθερώτατον δὲ

4 N \ > 4 “Ὁ 9 ’ 4 9 id
OTL πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀλγήσας

3 , 9 ’ ΝᾺ Ἁ ἃ 3 4 ,
ἐτελεύτησεν ἐθελοντής. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ λίθου Φρυγίου Πέρσαι
~ ’ 9 ld ’ ¥ ἃ 3 ἃ ἃ ε
χαλκοῦν τρίποδα ἀνέχοντες, θέας ἄξιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ
τρίπους. τοῦ δὲ Ὀλυμπίον Διὸς Δευκαλίωνα οἰκοδομῆσαι
λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἱερόν, σημεῖον ἀποφαίνοντες ὡς Δευκα-

3 ¥ ω aA aA A

λίων ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ᾧκησε τάφον τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ νῦν οὐ πολὺ

3 ,’ 9 Ν : , Ν Ἁ ν
ἀφεστηκότα. ᾿Αδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο μὲν καὶ ἄλλα
9 A A
᾿Αθηναίοις, ναὸν Ἥρας καὶ Διὸς Πανελληνίου καὶ θεοῖς τοῖς
πᾶσιν ἱερὸν κοινόν, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἑκατόν εἰσι κίονες
Φρυγίου λίθου: πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ταῖς στοαῖς κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ

ea ee ee Ste aa | Ans 9 > » , ,
οἱ τοῖχοι. καὶ οἰκήματα ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ὀρόφῳ τε ἐπιχρύσῳ
\ 3 4 , δ Α 9 Ud 4 ἃ
καὶ ἀλαβάστρῳ λίθῳ, πρὸς δὲ ἀγάλμασι κεκοσμημένα καὶ

orator. What follows isthe traditional almost opaline in its play of colors’’

story of Isocrates’s death, but is con-
tradicted by the apparently genuine
letter (No. 8) to King Philip, in which
Isocrates sees in the career of the
victor the fulfillment of a united Hel-
las at war against the Persians. See
L. Blau, Rh. Mus., N.F., XX (1865),
109-116; Jebb, Attic Orators, II,
31 ff. —62. λίθον Ppvylov Πέρσαι «rh. :
Phrygian marble was a hard limestone,
known to-day under the name of Pavo-
nazzetto. See Bliimner, Technol. III,
52f. It was used in architecture in
Hellenistic times, but not in sculpture
before the Roman period. This work
therefore was probably a present of
Hadrian’s. Phrygian marble “ὁ ischar-
acterized by a very irregular venation
of dark-red with bluish and yellowish
tints, ramifying through a translucent
alabaster-like base, which is sometimes

(Century Dictionary).

67. ᾿Αδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο μὲν
καὶ ἄλλα ᾿Αθηναίοις κτλ.: the other
buildings of Hadrian at Athens, from
the words of Pausanias, seem to be
as follows: (1) the Panhellenion — in
which Hadrian and the Empress Sa-
bina were worshiped as Zeus and
Hera; cf. Dio Cass. 19, 16; (2) the
Pantheon, already referred to (1, 5,
5) as containing the catalogue of all
the buildings of Hadrian in Greek and
other cities; (8) the Colonnade of 100
columns— with the Library, singled
out by Jerome as a wonderful work
(Euseb. Chron. vol. 2, p. 167, ed.
Schéne); (4) the Gymnasium, also
with 100 columns. The ruins known
as the stoa of Hadrian could belong
either to the gymnasium or the library,
more probably to the latter.

hai wore

75
19

10

16

100 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

A ’ Α 3 > AN , N oe oe as
ypadais: κατάκειται δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ βιβλία. καὶ γυμνάσιόν
9 9 4 3 ~ , A N 9 “~ € N
ἐστιν ἐπώνυμον ᾿Αδριανοῦ - κίονες δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἑκατὸν
λιθοτομίας τῆς Λιβύων. |

Μετὰ δὲ τὸν ναὸν Tov Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου πλησίον ἄγαλμά
ἐστιν ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθίου. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλο ἱερὸν ᾿Απόλλω-
2? , , δὲ ε 2 ae fea a
vos ἐπίκλησιν Δελφινίον. λέγουσι δὲ ws ἐξειργαύμένον τοῦ
» Ἁ ~ 3 “A 3 ἃ » “Ὁ ~ 9 ’
ναοῦ πλὴν τῆς ὀροφῆς ἀγνὼς ετι τοῖς πᾶσιν ἀφίκοιτο Θη-
σεὺς ἐς τὴν πόλιν οἷα δὲ χιτῶνα ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ ποδήρη καὶ
πεπλεγμένης ἐς εὐπρεπές οἱ τῆς κόμης, ὡς ἐγίνετο κατὰ τὸν
τοῦ Δελφινίου ναόν, of τὴν στέγην οἰκοδομοῦντες ἤροντο σὺν
ΝΠ im
χλὲευασίᾳ 6 τι δὴ παρθένος ἐν ὥρᾳ γάμου πλανᾶται μόνη"

Ἀ \. »¥ Ν 3 A 297 9 7 3 ’ νι Εε-
Θησεὺς δὲ ἄλλο μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐδήλωσεν οὐδέν, ἀπολύσας δὲ ὡς
λέγεται τῆς ἁμάξης τοὺς βοῦς, ἥ σφισι παρῆγε τὸν ὄροφον,
3 4 3 e 4 A “~ ~ N ig 3 A
ἀνέρριψεν ἐς ὑψηλότερον ἡ TW ναῳ THY στέγην ἐποιοῦντο. ---
3 \ νὴ ’ ὰ 4 9 , ἃ “Ὁ 3 ’
ἐς δὲ τὸ χωρίον, ὃ Κήπους ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ τῆς ᾿Αφροδί-

» νὴ 70 ‘ 4 4 4 3 4 9 Ν
TNS τὸν ναὸν οὐδεις λεγόμενός σφισίν ἐστι λόγος: οὐ μὴν

3 \ 3 Ἁ 3 4 a A a“ ’ ν 4
οὐδὲ ἐς THY Adpodirny, ἡ τοῦ ναοῦ πλησίον EoTHKE. ταύτης
γὰρ σχῆμα μὲν τετράγωνον κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ τοῖς Eppais,

ἃ Ν 9 9 ’. Ἁ 3 7 3 [4 ~
τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμα σημαίνει τὴν Οὐρανίαν ᾿Αφροδίτην τῶν

19. Temple of Apollo Delphinius —
Aphrodite in the Gardens— Cynosarges
— Lyceum — Ilissus and Eridanus —
Artemis Agrotera — Stadium of Hero-
des Atticus.

1. ἄγαλμα... ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθίου:
the image was doubtless in asanctuary
of Pythian Apollo, in this quarter.
An altar was erected in the Pythium
by Pisistratus, son of Hippias (Thuc.
6, 54); the inscription once upon this
was found in 1877, and, where intact,
exactly agrees with Thucydides’ copy
of it. The Pythium was probably lo-
cated where the inscription was discov-
ered, namely, on the right bank of the

Tlissus, below the spring Callirrhoe and
to the southwest of the Olympieum.
There was also a Pythium on the
Acropolis slope. See Excursus HI.—
2. ἱερὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐπίκλησιν Δελφι-
viov: the Delphinium is said to have
been founded by Aegeus, who dedicated
it to the Delphinian Apollo and Arte-
mis (Pollux, 8, 19). We have no monu-
minental evidence as to the site, but we
are doubtless justified in concluding
that it lay to the east of the Olympieum.

12. Κ ήπους : the district called The
Gardens is usually identified with the
low ground to the east of the Olym-
pieum, on the right bank of the Ilissus.

cn

CYNOSARGES — LYCEUM

Ch. 19, 3

101

»ᾳ ¥ »Μ
καλουμένων Μοιρῶν εἶναι πρεσβυτάτην. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς

᾿Αφροδίτης τῆς ἐν Κήποις ἔργον ἐστὶν ᾿Αλκαμένους καὶ

τῶν ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἐν ὀλίγοις θέας ἄξιον. ἔστι δὲ Ἡρακλέους ὁ 8

ἱερὸν καλούμενον Κυνόσαργες" καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς τὴν κύνα εἰδέ.

‘ ‘ 3 Τα ¥ δ , Ν ,
ναι τὴν λευκὴν ἐπιλεξαμένοις ἔστι τὸν χρησμόν, βωμοὶ δέ

9 a ~
εἰσιν Ἡρακλέους τε καὶ Ἥβης, ἣν Διὸς παῖδα οὖσαν συνοι-

κεῖν Ἡρακλεῖ νομίζουσιν.

᾿Αλκμήνης τε βωμὸς καὶ ᾿Ιολάου

’ὔ a δ x ε A ? A »
πεποίηται, ὃς τὰ πολλὰ Ἡρακλεῖ συνεπόνησε τῶν ἔργων.

A 4 yy »”
Λύκειον δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν Λύκον tov Πανδίονος ἔχει τὸ ὄνομα,

This section is still green and luxu-
riant.—17. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αφροδί-
της τῆς ἐν Κήποις épyov . . . ᾿Αλκαμέ-
νους: Lucian (Imag. 4, 6) speaks of
the Aphrodite as the most beautiful
of all the works of Alcamenes; he
admired particularly the cheeks and
the front of the face, the graceful turn

of the wrists, and the delicate tapering

of the fingers. Pliny (N. H. 36, 16)
also speaks of it as a famous statue,
and adds that Phidias is said to have
given the finishing touches to it. The
style of this statue is best represented
in the Venus Genetrix of the Louvre,
of which the work of Alcamenes is now
generally supposed to be the proto-
type. It represents the goddess lightly
draped, holding an apple in her left
hand, and gracefully lifting her robe
above her shoulder with her right hand.

19. Ἡρακλέους ἱερόν: Cynosarges,
as is known from references in ancient
authors, was situated outside the city
walls (Plut. Them. 1), not far from
the gate (Diog. Laert. 6, 1, 18), in
the deme Diomea (Schol. Ar. Ran.
651), near the deme Alopece. It was
therefore northeast of Athens in the
direction of the modern Ampelokipi,

near the site of the American and Eng-
lish schools. Cynosarges included a
gymnasium as well as a sanctuary, and
was surrounded by a grove. The use
of the gymnasium was reserved for
youths without the full rights of citi-
zenship. Themistocles, as the son of
an alien mother, used to exercise here,
but he lessened the disgrace by per-
suading some well-born youths to join
with him (Plut. Them. 1). Antisthe-
nes, the founder of the Cynic school
of philosophy, lectured here, and ac-
cording to some the sect derived its
name from Cynosarges (Diog. Laert. 6,
1, 13).— 25. Λύκειον : the sanctuary
of Apollo called Lyceum took its name
from the epithet Λύκειος applied to the
god (Lucian, Anacharsis, 7) not from
an imaginary Lycus, as Pausanias
would have it. Wolves were dear to
Apollo and appear frequently in the
myths told of him. Here was the most
famous gymnasium at Athens; the date
of the foundation is disputed. Here
Aristotle discussed with his disciples
his philosophy, pacing the shady
walks of the Lyceum, and from this
habit his followers were called the
Peripatetics. The site is known to

30

35

40

ὃ»
σι

102 THE ATTICA ΟΕ PAUSANTAS

Ch. 19, 4
*AnddAwvos dé i ἱερὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε εὐθὺς καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐνομί-
ζεῖο, Λύκειός τε ὁ θεὸς ἐνταῦθα ὠνομάσθη πρῶτον. λέγεται
δὲ ὅτι καὶ Τερμίλαις, ἐς οὖς ἦλθεν ὁ Λύκος φεύγων Αἰγέα,
Ν , y 4 3 ’ > 9 5» eee λ A θ » δὲ
καὶ τούτοις αἴτιός ἐστι Λυκίους ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ καλεῖσθαι. ἔστι ὁὲ
¥ ω 4 ’ “Ὁ ἁ 3 4 € N ’
ὄπισθεν τοῦ Λυκείου Νίσου μνῆμα, ὃν ἀποθανόντα ὑπὸ Μίνω
4 ’ , 3 ἴω , 4
βασιλεύοντα Μεγάρων Κομυσᾶντες Αθηναῖοι ταύτῃ θάπτον-
σιν. ἐς τοῦτον τὸν Νῖσον ἔχει Aoyos τρίχας ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ
am (Ute
οἱ πορφυρᾶς εἶναι, χρῆναι. ᾿δὲ αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν ἐπὶ ταύταις
ἀποκαρείσαις: ὡς δὲ οἱ Κρῆτες ἦλθον ἐς τὴν γῆν, τὰς μὲν
ἄλλας ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἡ npouv τὰς ἐν τῇ Μεγαρίδι πόλεις, ἐς δὲ
τὴν Νίσαιαν καταφεύγοντα τὸν Νῖσον ἐπολιόρκουν: ἐνταῦθα
ἴω ’ » , 3 ~ 4 N ε 3 ,
τοῦ Νίσον λέγεται θυγατέρα ἐρασθῆναι Μίνω καὶ ws ἀπέ.
κειρε τὰς τρίχας τοῦ πατρός.
Ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγουσι: ποταμοὶ δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις
ee” 3 ᾿ \ 3 A “A A : N Ν 9. AN
ῥέουσιν Ἴλισός τε καὶ Ἠριδανῷ τῷ Κελτικῷῴ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ
¥ ¥ > ‘\ 3 \ 3 4 ε ν» / 3 κκ
ὄνομα ἔχων, ἐκδιδοὺς ἐς τὸν Ἰλισόν. ὁ δὲ Ἰλισός ἐστιν οὕ-
»Ἤ , “9 , ες Ν > 2 ’ δ
τος ἔνθα παίζουσαν ᾿Ωρείθνιαν ὑπὸ ἀνέμου Βορέον φασὶν
ε A \ fa) 3 , 4 ’ δ
ἁρπασθῆναι: καὶ συνοικεῖν ᾿Ωρειθυίᾳ Βορέαν καί σφισι διὰ
τὸ κῆδος ἀμύναντα τῶν τριήρων τῶν βαρβαρικῶν ἀπολέσαι
τὰς πολλάς. ἐθέλουσι δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἱερὸν
> . 3 , δ A δ > 3. 9. A 9 9 ,ὕ
εἶναι τὸν Ἰλισὸν, καὶ Μουσῶν βωμὸς ἐπ᾿ αὐτῳ ἐστιν ᾿Ἰλισια-

δων

λάνθου βασιλεύοντα ᾿Αθηναίων κτείνουσι.

δείκνυνται δὲ καὶ ἔνθα Πελοποννήσιοι Κόδρον τὸν Με-
διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν

have been east of Athens, and outside drus (Plat. Phaedrus, 280 Β, ο). The

the walls, but the exact locality has
not been determined.

39. worapo(: the Ilissus rises in Mt.
Hymettus to the east of Athens, flows
on the southern side of the city, and,
after passing between the Museum hill
andarocky height rising on its southern
bank, disappears in the plain. There
are now no plane-trees on its banks, as
when Socrates discoursed with Phae-

Eridanus is identified by Dr. Dérp-
feld (A.M. XIII (1888), 211 ff.; XIV
(1889), 414) as a stream formed by
one or more springs at the foot of Mt.
Lycabettus, which flowed through the
city north of the Acropolis westwardly,
passed through the city wall alittlesouth
of the Dipylum, and, bending round the
northwest spur of the Pnyx, joined the
Ilissus (cf. Plato, Critias, p. 112).

5

TEMPLE OF ARTEMIS AGROTERA

Ch. 20, 1

103

d N ’ » 4 ἃ ἃ 3 ’ 3 ‘
Ιλισὸν χωρίον Aypar καλούμενον καὶ ναὸς Ayporépas ἐστιν

50 ᾿Αρτέμιδος ;

3 “A » ‘ ~ a »,
ἐνταῦθα Ἄῤτεμιν πρῶτον θηρεῦσαι λέγουσιν

ἐλθοῦσαν ἐκ Andou, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα, διὰ τοῦτο ἔχει τόξον. τὸ

Lip e:
δὲ ἀκούσασι μὲν οὐχ ὁμοίως ἐπαγωγόν,

θαῦμα δ᾽ ἰδοῦσι,

στάδιόν ἐστι λευκοῦ λίθου. μέγεθος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇδε ἄν τις

μάλιστα τεκμαίροιτο"

ἄνωθεν ὅ opas ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἰλισὸν apyo- OPe>

δῦ μενον ἐκ μηναειδοῦς καθήκει τοῦ ποταμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ὄχθηνι

εὐθύ τε καὶ διπλοῦν.

τοῦτο ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος Ἡρώδης φκοδό-

,΄ενΝ»Ῥ yA δ λ θ , A A 3 Ν
μῆσε, Kat οἱ τὸ TOAV τῆς λιθοτομίας τῆς Πεντελῆσιν ἐς τὴν

οἰκοδομὴν ἀνηλώθη.

Ἔστι δὲ ὁδὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ Itpuraveiov καλουμένη Τρίποδες:

41) Φ A \ , V9 3 A ,
ap ev καλοῦσι TO χωρίον, ναοὶ οσον ἐς τοῦτο μεγάλοι...

49. χωρίον ΓΑγραι: the district Agrae
was situated on the left bank of the
Tlissus, and was known indifferently as
Agrae or Agra. Every year on the
anniversary of the battle of Marathon
five hundred goats were here sacrificed
to Artemis Agrotera. The Lesser Mys-
teries of Demeter were performed at
Agrae in Anthesterion. The site of
the shrine of Artemis Agrotera has
not been determined, nor has that
of the shrine of Demeter in Agrae, —
53. στάδιον: the stadium is situated
on the left bank of the Ilissus, about
six hundred yards east of the Olym-
pieum, in a valley between two paral-
lel slopes, running from southeast to
northwest; at the eastern extremity
it is closed by a semicircular artificial
embankment. The stadium was first
built by Lycurgus, shortly before 330
B.c.; inthe third century B.c. it was re-
paired orimproved by acertain Heracli-
tus ; in the second century a. p. Herodes
Atticus fitted up the entire stadium
with marble. The total length was

,
«Και

two hundred and four meters, and
breadth thirty-three and _ thirty-six
hundredths meters. A marble parapet
ran round the outer edge of the race-
course. There seem to have been sixty
tiers of seats, with room for 50,000
persons.

20. Street of Tripods — Praziteles
and Phryne— Temple of Dionysus —
Capture of Athens by Sulla.

1. Ἔστι δὲ 6865: the line of this
street to the east of the Acropolis is
determined by the surviving choregic
monument of Lysicrates, one of the
temples described by Pausanias as lin-
ing the street. This monument stands
on level ground, one hundred and thirty
to one hundred and forty yards from >
the eastern cliff of the Acropolis. As
the inscription faces southeast, the
street must have run on this side. It
is asmall circular temple of the Corin-
thian order, resting on a quadrangular
base thirteen feet high. The circular
part of the monument is twenty-one
and a half feet high by nine feet in

10

15

104 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

9 , , a , , ne
σφισιν ἐφεστήκασι τρίποδες χαλκοῖ μέν, μνήμης δὲ ἄξια
Fa saad ®
μάλιστα περιέχοντες εἰργασμένα. σάτυρος yap ἐστιν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ
Πραξιτέλην λέγεται φρονῆσαι μέγα: Kat ποτε Φρύνης
αἰτούσης ὅ τι οἱ κάλλιστον εἴη τῶν ἔργων, ὁμολογεῖν μέν
Ὄ 9 \ 4 “ δ᾽ 9 3524 4 9
φασιν οἷα ἐραστὴν διδόναι, κατειπεῖν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐθέλειν ὅ τι
, 2 Ae , 3 \ > > “2 , :
κάλλιστον αὐτῷ οἱ φαίνοιτο. ἐσδραμὼν οὖν οἰκέτης Φρύνης
» ¥ 4 δ Ν ~ » “\
ἔφασκεν οἴχεσθαι Πραξιτέλει τὸ πολὺ τῶν ἔργων πυρὸς
ἐσπεσόντος ἐς τὸ οἴκημα, ov, μὲν οὖν πάντα γε ἀφανισθη-
vat: Πραξιτέλης δὲ αὐτίκα ἔθει διὰ θυρῶν. ἔξω Kai οἱ καμόντι
οὐδὲν ἔφασκεν εἶναι πλέον, εἰ δὴ καὶ τὸν Σάτυρον ἡ φλὸξ
N Ἁ ¥ 3 , , νι Ld A 9 id
καὶ τὸν Ἔρωτα ἐπέλαβε: Φρύνη δὲ μένειν θαρροῦντα ἐκέ-
“A a Ν ε A
heve: παθεῖν yap ἀνιαρὸν οὐδέν, τέχνῃ δὲ ἁλόντα ὁμολογεῖν
\ , Ὁ 3 ’ ᾽ὔ \ 9 Ν » ε A
τὰ κάλλιστα ὧν ἐποίησε. Φρύνη μὲν οὕτω τὸν Ἔρωτα aipet-
ται: Διονύσῳ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ πλησίον Σάτυρός ἐστι παῖς
ν 9-7 _»¥ ¥ a ε , ¢ oA Ν ,
καὶ δίδωσιν ἔκπωμα: “Ἔρωτα δ᾽ ἑστηκότα ὁμοῦ καὶ Διόνυσον

Θυμίλος ἐποίησεν.

diameter, and is of Pentelic marble.
Six Corinthian columns support the en-
tablature, consisting of the architrave,
a frieze ten inches high depicting the
punishment of the pirates by Diony-
sus, and the circular roof surmounted
by the base on which the tripod stood.
—3. μνήμης δὲ ἄξια μάλιστα περιέχον-
τες εἰργασμένα : the statue was placed
on top of the monument, underneath
the tripod, so that the three legs of
the latter enclosed it and the caldron
served as a roof. Cf. Paus. 3, 18,
8; 4,14, 2.—4. σάτυρος : Athenaeus,
13, p. 591 8, tells how Praxiteles gave
Phryne her choice of the statue of
Eros or the statue of the Satyr in the
street of Tripods, and that she chose
the Eros; but he does not tell of the
ruse. Pliny, N. H. 34, 69, mentions a
bronze statue of a satyr known as

periboétos or ‘‘celebrated,’’ but it was
part of a group. Possibly a replica of
this is seen in the Marble Faun of the
Capitoline Museum in Rome, made
famous by Hawthorne, one of a series
of copies ofan antique work thoroughly
Praxitelean in style. The finest copy is
a torso in the Louvre, which the late
H. Brunn sought to identify as an
original work of Praxiteles.

16. Διονύσῳ : some archaeologists
have held that this is the same satyr
mentioned above, but this is not con-
sonant with the phrase ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ
πλησίον. There is nothing to show that
thissatyr, which formed part of agroup,
was by Praxiteles. Furtwingler is in-
clined to identify a wine-pouring satyr
extant with this statue described by
Pausanias as offering a drink, to attrib-
ute the original to Praxiteles, and to

SANCTUARY OF DIONYSUS — THEATRE

Ch. 20, 3

105

Tov Διονύσον δέ ἐστι πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸ ἀρχαιότατον 3
20 ἱερόν: δύο δέ εἰσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλον ναοὶ καὶ Διόνυσοι,
6 Te Ἐλευθερεὺς καὶ dv ᾿Αλκαμένη ς ἐποίησεν ἐ épavtos καὶ
χρυσοῦ. γραφαὶ δὲ αὐτόθι Διόνυσός ἐστιν ἀνάγων ' Ηφαι-
στον ἐς οὐρανόν: λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων, ὡς Ἥρα
ῥίψαι γενόμενον Ἥφαιστον, ὁ δέ οἱ μνησικακῶν πέμψαι
25 δῶρον χρυσοῦν θρόνον ἀφανεῖς δεσμοὺς ἔχοντα, καὶ τὴν
μὲν ἐπεί τε ἐκαθέζετο δεδέσθαι, θεῶν δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων
οὐδενὶ τὸν Ἥφαιστον ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι, Διόνυσος δὲ ---
μάλιστα γὰρ ἐς τοῦτον πιστὰ ἦν Ἡφαίστῳ --- μεθύσας αὐ-
τὸν ἐς οὐρανὸν ἤγαγε: ταῦτά τε δὴ γεγραμμένα εἰσὶ καὶ
80 Πενθεὺς καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὧν ἐς Διόνυσον ὕβρισαν διδόντες

make it a group with Thymilus’s Eros
and Dionysus.

19. Tod Διονύσον δέ ἐστι πρὸς τῷ
θεάτρῳ τὸ ἀρχαιότατον ἱερόν: on the
identification of the most ancient sanc-
tuary of Dionysus, see Excursus III.
It is necessary to identify or distinguish
(1) this precinct beside the theatre,
(2) the sanctuary of Dionysus ἐν λίμναις,
and (3) the Lenaeum. On the theatre
of Dionysus, see Excursus VI.— 20. δύο
δέ εἰσιν... ναοί: immediately south
of the stage-buildings of the theatre
are the remains of two small temples,
doubtless those mentioned here. The
older abuts on the south wall of the
stage-building at its western end, and
its orientation is east and west. In this
temple was probably the image of Eleu-
therian Dionysus, doubtless the ancient
wooden one said to have been brought
to Athens from Eleutherae (1, 38, 8) by
Pegasus (1, 2,5). A few feet south of
this temple are the remains of the later
temple, larger in size, and with some-
what different orientation, consisting

of a cella with a fore-temple and an
antechamber. In the cella are the re-
mains of a large base, which probably
supported the gold-and-ivory image
of Dionysus by Alcamenes. The date
of this temple was probably not earlier
than 4208... The statue is inferred to
have been a seated figure of colossal
size. —29. ἐς οὐρανὸν ἤγαγε: the re-
turn to heaven of Hephaestus is de-
picted on many red-figured Attic vases,
and the manner of representing it was
probably influenced by the picture in
the temple here described. See Bau-
meister’s Denkmialer, pp. 643-645; ‘Ro-
scher’s Lexikon, I, 2054-2056. Homer
gives two different versions of the fall
of Hephaestus from heaven, one that
he was flung over the ramparts by Zeus
for interference in a family quarrel
with Hera (Il. A, 590 ff.), the other
that Hera at his birth, in-disgust at
his lameness, cast him from heaven,
into the sea, where Thetis and Eury-
nome received him (Il. 2, 394 ff.).—.
30. Πενθεὺς καὶ Λυκοῦργος: the murder

35

40

106 THE ATTICA OF Eevee ee

: a Ch. 20, 4
δίκας, ᾿Αριάδνη δὲ καθεύδουσα καὶ Θησεὺς ἀναγόμενος καὶ

---.-- .-

Διόνυσος ἥκων ἐς τῆς ᾿Αριάδνης τὴν ἁρπαγήν.

» ὃ δ , A ε A “ , ἃ A ,
ἔστι 0€ πλησίον Tov τε ἱεροῦ τοῦ Διονύσον Kat τοῦ θεάτρου 4

κατασκεύασμα, ποιηθῆναι δὲ τῆς σκηνῆς αὐτὸ ἐς μ ἵμῆσιν
τῆς Ἐξρξον λέγεται. ἐποιήθη δὲ καὶ δεύτερον, τὸ γὰρ ἀρχαῖον
στρατηγὸς Ῥωμαίων ἐνέπρησε Σύλλας ᾿Αθήνας ἑλών. αἰτία
Μιθριδάτης ἐβασίλευε βαρβάρων τῶν
περὶ τὸν Πόντον τὸν Εὔξεινον. πρόφασις μὲν δὴ δι᾽ ἥντινα
Ῥωμαίοις ἐπολέμησε καὶ ὃν τρόπον ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν διέβη καὶ
ὅσας ἢ πολέμῳ βιασάμενος πόλεις ἔσχεν ἢ φίλας ἐποιή-
σατο, τάδε μὲν τοῖς ἐπίστασθαι τὰ Μιθριδάτου θέλουσι
μελέτω: “γὼ δὲ ὅσον ἐς τὴν ἅλωσιν τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἔχει
δηλώσω. ἦν ᾿Αριστίων ᾿Αθηναῦ 5» ᾧ Μιθριδάτης πρεσβεύειν
ἐς τὰς πόλεις τὰς Ἑλληνίδας ἐχρῆτο: οὗτος ἀνέπεισεν ᾿Αθη-

δὲ δε τοῦ πολέμον.

ναΐους Μιθριδάτην θέσθαι Ῥωμαίων ἐπίπροσθεν.

of Pentheus by the Maenads for his in-
solence to Dionysus is the theme of the
Bacchae of Euripides. It is frequent-
ly represented on vase-paintings and
sculptured reliefs. Various stories are
told as to the punishment of Lycurgus,
king o1 the Edonians in Thrace. Ho-
mer (Il. Z, 180) says he was blinded by
Zeus and died soon after; according to
others Dionysus himself blinded and
crucified him (Diod. 3, 65), or exposed
him to panthers (Hyg. Fab. 132);
Sophocles (Antig. 955) has him im-
mured by the offended god in a rocky
prison. — 31. ᾿Αριάδνη δὲ καθεύδουσα :
this incident is the subject of other
paintings described in ancient writers,
and figures largely in vase-paintings.
Thus Philostratus, Imag. 14 (15), de-
scribes a ‘similar picture in more de-
tail. It also forms the subject of one
of the Pompeian wall-paintings. From

ἀνέπ εισε

the nature of the subjects Helbig thinks
these paintings could not date earlier
than the time of Zeuxis and Parrhasius,
nor later than towards the end of the
fourth century s.c. (Untersuchungen
iiber die campanische Wandmalerei,
p. 257).

34. κατασκεύασμα: this was the
Odeum of Pericles, said to have been
built in imitation of the tent of Xerxes
(Plut. Pericles, 13). It was a round
building with a conical roof. The
comic poet Cratinus compared the high
peak-shaped head of Pericles to the
Odeum. It was built by Pericles to
be the scene of the musical contests
at the Panathenaic festival (Plut. l.c.).
Here too, the tragedies which were to
be exhibited at the Great Dionysiac
festival were rehearsed. The situation
was doubtless immediately east of the
theatre.

Lenk

SULLA AT ATITENS 107
a oe , 3 59 Ὁ nok ες
δὲ οὐ πάντας, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον δῆμος ἦν καὶ δήμον τὸ ταραχῶδες"
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὧν τις λόγος παρὰ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκπίπτου-

ὩΣ ad |

σιν ἐθελονταί. γενομένης δὲ μάχης πολλῷ περιῆσαν οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ φεύγοντας ᾿Αριστίωνα μὲν καὶ ᾿Αθηναίους ἐς

60 τὸ ἄστυ καταδιώκουσιν, ᾿Αρχέλαον δὲ καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους

, Q Q Ἁ 4 > ἃ

ἐς τὸν Πειραιᾷ - Μιθριδάτου δὲ στρατηγὸς καὶ οὗτος ἦν, ὃν
πρότερον τούτων Μάγνητες οἱ τὸν Σίπυλον οἰκοῦντες σφᾶς"
ἐπεκδράμόντα αὐτόν τε τιτρώσκουσι καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων
φονεύουσι τοὺς πολλούς. ᾿Αθηναίοις μὲν δὴ πολιορκία
δῦ καθειστήκει, Ταξίλος δὲ Μιθριδάτου στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανε
μὲν περικαθήμενος Ἐλάτειαν τὴν ἐν τῇ Φωκίδι, ἀφικομενὼν
δὲ ἀγγέλων ἀναστήσας τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἦγεν.

ἃ πυνθανόμενος ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ᾿Αθήνας μὲν τοῦ

A , a 9 “A oN LS , δ ‘

στρατοῦ μέρει πολιορκεῖν ἀφῆκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ Ταξίλῳ τὸ πολὺ

60 τῆς δυνάμεως ἔχων ἐς Βοιωτοὺς ἀπαντᾷ. τρίτῃ δὲ ὕστερον
ε»ὕ Ae , > > 9 9 , \ ,
ἡμέρᾳ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἦλθον ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατόπεδα
ν , \ e 9 , ¥ Ν A € , A
ἄγγελοι, Σύλλᾳ μὲν ὡς ᾿Αθηναίοις εἴη TO τεῖχος ἑαλωκός, τοῖς
δὲ ᾿Αθήνας πολιορκήσασι Ταξίλον κεκρατῆσθαι μάχῃ περὶ
Χαιρώνειαν. Σύλλας δὲ ὡς ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐπανῆλθε, τοὺς
3 ld 3 ’ 4 3 N N N

65 ἐναντιωθέντας ᾿Αθηναίων καθείρξας ἐς τὸν Κεραμεικὸν τὸν
λαχόντα σφῶν ἐκ δεκάδος ἑκάστης ἐκέλευσεν ἄγεσθαι τὴν
ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. Σύλλον δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέντος ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους τοῦ θυμοῦ
λαθόντες ἐκδιδράσκουσιν ἄνδρες ἐς Δελφούς - ἐρομένοις δέ

3 4 “\ “N ¥ ἃ “\ > 4 9
σφισιν εἰ καταλαμβάνοι τὸ χρεὼν ἤδη καὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐρη-
”~ a » : e ’ Ἧ 3 Ἁ ᾿ς 9 “\ »

70 μωθῆναι, τούτοις ἔχρησεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ ἐς τὸν ἀσκὸν ἔχοντα.
Σύλλᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐνέπεσεν ἡ νόσος ἧ καὶ τὸν Σύριον
Φερεκύδην ἁλῶναι πυνθάνομαι. Σύλλᾳ δὲ ἔστι μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐς

Ν . » , 9 , aA ¢ » 5 ὅλ - 9 ,
τοὺς πολλοὺς ᾿Αθηναίων ἀγριώτερα ἢ ὡς ἀνὸρα ELKOS ἣν Epya-
ε A 3 \ Ν 9 ~ ‘ > » , e
σασθαι Ῥωμαῖον: ἀλλὰ yap ov ταῦτα δὴ αἰτίαν γενέσθαι οἱ
A A A ε , \ , 9 4 3

75 δοκῶ Τῆς συμφορᾶς, Ἱκεσίον δὲ μήνιμα, OTL καταφυγόντα ες
τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἀπέκτεινεν ἀποσπάσας ᾿Αριστίωνα.

ha. ιν μὲ
to

21

On

10

15

108 “THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

3.48." \ Y εν aA , A neh
Αθῆναι μὲν οὕτως ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου κακωθεῖσαι τοῦ Ῥω-

μαίων αὖθις ᾿Αδριανοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἤνθησαν. εἰσὶ δὲ ᾿Αθη-
ναίοις εἰκόνες ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ τραγῳδίας καὶ κωμῳδίας
ἴω e \ “A 9 , 9 “\ Ν 4

ποιητῶν, αἱ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀφανεστέρων: ὅτι μὴ γὰρ Μέναν-
ὃ "ὃ N > ‘ ᾿ δί A 9 ὃ 4 en

pos, οὐδεὶς ἣν ποιητὴς κωμῳδίας τῶν és δόξαν ἡκόντων.
τραγῳδίας δὲ κεῖνται τῶν φανερῶν Εὐριπίδης καὶ Σοφοκλῆς.
λέγεται δὲ Σοφοκλέους τελευτήσαντος ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν ᾽Αττι-

᾿ν ᾿ ἃ “A “ e ’ 9 “A 3 .
κὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ σφῶν τὸν ἡγούμενον ἰδεῖν ἐπι-
στάντα οἱ Διόνυσον κελεύειν τιμαῖς, ὅσαι καθεστήκασιν ἐπὶ
τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, τὴν Σειρῆνα τὴν νέαν τιμᾶν- καί οἵ τὸ ὄναρ
ἐς Σοφοκλέα καὶ τὴν Σοφοκλέους ποίησιν ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν,

tad th LAA Arh a, Raa

9.» \ LS A » , ‘ , ν 2 ἂν
εἰώθασι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ποιημάτων καὶ λόγων τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν
A > νῷ»: \ Qa » ἡ) \ 9 ? a
Σειρῆνι εἰκάζειν. τὴν δὲ εἰκόνα τὴν Αἰσχύλον πολλῷ τε 2
ὕστερον τῆς τελευτῆς δοκῶ ποιηθῆναι καὶ τῆς γραφῆς 7 τὸ
ν» ¥ δ A ¥ \ 3 , , Δ
ἔργον ἔχει τὸ Μαραθῶνι. ἔφη δὲ Αἰσχύλος μειράκιον ὧν
a, 9 9 ~ 4 ’ ’ e 4
καθεύδειν ἐν ἀγρῷ φυλάσσων otadvdds, καί οἱ Διόνυσον
ἐπιστάντα κελεῦσαι τραγῳδίαν ποιεῖν. ὡς δὲ ἦν ἡμέρα ---

21. Statues of comic and tragic Poets
in the theatre — Gorgoneum on the south
wall of the Acropolis — Cavern above
the theatre with Tripod — Niobe — Ca-
los and Daedalus — Temple of Ascle-
pius — The Sarmatians — Linen corse-
lets in the Apollo temple at Gryneum.

2. εἰκόνες : the statue of Astydamas,
a writer of numerous tragedies, set
up by himself, is an example of this
practice (Diog. Laert. 2, 5, 43). Athe-
naeus (1, p. 19£) mentions the statue
of an obscure Euryclides which stood
with the statues of Aeschylus and his
fellows. Were too were statues of The-
mistocles and Miltiades, and beside
each that of a Persian captive (Aris-
tides, Or. 47, vol. 2, pp. 218 ff., ed. Din-
dorf). Twelve statues of the emperor

Hadrian were set up by the twelve
Attic tribes, and of these the inscrip-
tions of four have been found (C.I.A.
III, 466-469).— év τῷ θεάτρῳ : for a
historical sketch and description of
the theatre at Athens, see Excursus
VI.— 5. τραγῳδίας : the statues seen
by Pausanias were probably the bronze
statues of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and
Euripides, set up on the motion of
Lycurgus (Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or. p. 841 f.).
After telling parenthetically the anec-
dote about Sophocles, Pausanias men-
tions the statue of Aeschylus. The
Sophocles story is told more fully by
the anonymous author of the life of
Sophocles (Biogr. Gr.,ed. Westermann,
p. 130), who says that the poet was
buried in the family tomb near Decelea.

20

25

30

THE GORGON MEDUSA —CALOS 109

Ch. 51, 4

πείθεσθαι γὰρ ἐθέλειν --- ῥᾷστα ἤδη πειρώμενος ποιεῖν.

οὗτος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν - ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Νοτίον καλουμένου

τείχους, ὃ [τῆς ἀκροπόλεως] ἐς τὸ θέατρόν ἐστι τετραμμέ-

Ἁ ~

νον, ἐπὶ τούτου Μεδούσης τῆς Γοργόνος ἐπίχρυσος ἀνάκει-

’ \ Ἁ 9 ἃ > A 4 3 N ~ σὺ

ται κεφαλή, καὶ περὶ αὐτὴν αἰγὶς πεποίηται. ἐν δὲ τῇ κορυφῇ

τοῦ θεάτρου σπήλαιόν ἐστιν ἐν ταῖς πέτραις ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρό-

’ \ » \ , 3 4 \ 3 > a“

πολιν- τρίπους δὲ ἔπεστι καὶ τούτῳ: ᾿Απόλλων δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ
» \ “A 4 3 9 »“»" Ἁ ,᾽

ὑ ᾿Αρτεμις τοὺς παῖδάς εἰσιν ἀναιροῦντες τοὺς Νιόβης.

ταύτην τὴν Νιόβην καὶ αὐτὸς εἶδον ἀνελ ον ἐς τὸν Σίπυλον

τὸ ὄρος- ἡ δὲ πλησίον μὲν πέτρα καὶ κρημνὸς ἔστιν οὐδὲν

παρόντι σχῆμα παρεχόμενος γυναικὸς οὔτε ἄλλως οὔτε πεν-

θούσης᾽
(Rta gh
ὁρᾶν Kat κατηφῆ ᾿ γυναῖκα.

εἰ δέ γε πορρωτέρω γένοιο, δεδακρυμένην δόξεις

Ἰόντων δὲ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀπὸ τοῦ θεάτρου
τέθαπται Kadws: τοῦτον τὸν Κάλων ἀδελφῆς. παῖδα ὄντα καὶ

20. Μεδούσης τῆς Γοργόνος ἐπίχρυ-
wos ἀνάκειται κεφαλή: this was set
up by king Antiochus. See 5, 12, 4.
Frazer suggests that the Gorgon head
was thus placed in a prominent posi-

tion on the wall of the Acropolis to

serve as a charm against the evil eye.
—22. σπήλαιον : this cave is still to
be seen in the Acropolis rock, directly
above the theatre, and has long been
used as a chapel dedicated to the Vir-
gin of the Cave (Panagia Spiliotissa).
Until the beginning of the nineteenth
century, its mouth was adorned by
a Doric portico, forming the choregic
monument of Thrasyllus, an elegant
structure about twenty-nine feet five
inches high by twenty-five feet wide,
consisting of three Doric pilasters rest-
ing on two steps and supporting an
epistyle, which is in turn surmounted
by a frieze. Above the frieze were

three pedestals of gray marble, the
central one of which once supported a
seated statue now in the British Mu-
seum. An inscription sets forth that
the monument was dedicated by Thra-
syllus of Decelea, in commemoration
of a victory which he had won with a
chorus in the archonship of Neaechmus
(320-319 B.c). The other two pedes-
tals bear inscriptions commemorating
victories of Thrasycles, son of Thra-
syllus. The monument doubtless sup-
ported a bronze tripod, and the statue
was probably inclosed within the legs
of the tripod. The group of Apollo,
Artemis, and the children of Niobe
was probably in the portico.

31. τέθαπται Kddws: the nephew of
Daedalus is commonly called Talos by
ancient writers, but Clement of Alex-
andria (Protrept. 4, 47, p. 41, ed. Pot-
ter) and Suidas (s.v. Πέρδικος ἱερόν)

3

35

40

110 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS,

Ch. 21, 5
τῆς τέχνης μαθητὴν φονεύσας Δαίδαλος és Κρήτην ἔφυγε,
΄, δὲ 4 3 λί 3 ὃ ὃ ΄ (A , λ

χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐς Σικελίαν ἐκδιδράσκει παβὰ Κώκαλον.

ἊΝ , 3 ~ x e¢ Ν » Ν 9 ld 4 3 ε a :
τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔς TE TA ἀγάλματά ἐστιν, ὁπόσα
τοῦ θεοῦ πεποίηται καὶ τῶν παίδων, καὶ ἐς τὰς γραφὰς θέας
» ¥ \ 5» > ~ , > (ἢ , a)
ἄξιον: ἔστι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κρήνη; Tap ἧ λέγουσι Ποσειδῶνος
παῖδα ᾿Αλιρρόθιον θυγατέρα “Apews ᾿Αλκίππην αἰσχύναντα
9 ἴω. ε , ¥ Ἃ ld > N 4 “Ὁ ’᾽ ’
ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ “Apews, καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ φόνῳ γενέ-
σθαι πρῶτον. ἐνταῦθα ἄλλα τε καὶ Σαυροματικὸς ἀνάκειται 5

’ 9 ~ ’ > Ν 9 Q e ε ’ \
Oadpak: ἐς τοῦτόν τις ἰδὼν οὐδὲν ἧσσον ᾿Ελλήνων τοὺς Bap-
βάρους φήσει σοφοὺς ἐς τὰς τέχνας εἶναι. Σαυρομάταις γὰρ -

¥ 2 A “ὃ , 5) 3 4 ” ΄ 3 vers pooh
οὔτε αὐτοῖς σίδηρός ἐστιν ὀρυσσόμάνος οὔτε σφίσιν éoa-
yovow: ἄμικτοι γὰρ μάλιστα τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων εἰσί:
πρὸς οὖν τὴν ἀπορίαν ταύτην ἐξεύρηταί σφισιν: ἐπὶ pex

agree with Pausanias in naming him
Calos. Others give him the name of
Perdiz (‘‘partridge’’). See Ovid, Met.
8, 236; Hyginus, Fab. 39, 244, and
274. Daedalus is said to have mur-
dered him by throwing him from the
Acropolis, because Calos had surpassed
him in mechanical ingenuity by in-
venting the saw, compasses, and pot-
ter’s wheel. The grave of Calos was
on the southern slope of the Acropolis
between the theatre and the sanctuary
of Asclepius. — 34. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ:
the sanctuary of Asclepius was just
west of the theatre precinct, bounded by
the rock of the Acropolis on the north,
and by a retaining-wall still extant on
the south. There still exist consider-
able monumental remains of a colon-
nade within the precinct; and through
an arched doorway in the back wall of
the colonnade admission is given to a
small round chamber hewn in the
Acropolis rock, with a dome-shaped

roof, in which is a spring of pure wa-
ter, doubtless the fountain mentioned
by Pausanias. The colonnade was
doubtless intended for the patients of
the god, who slept here with the hope of
revelations in dreams and of marvelous
cures (cf. Ar. Plutus, 659 ff.). South
of the west end of the colonnade are
the foundations of what was probably
the temple of Astlepius. Somewhat
to the west are the foundations of a
building which was probably the house
of the priests and other officials of the
sanctuary. Two long inscriptions fur-
nish interesting lists of votive offerings
found on the site (C.I.A. II, 835,-836),
as gold and silver representations of
hands, feet, teeth, ears, and the like.
It is noteworthy that in describing the
south side of the Acropolis Pausanias
makes no mention of (1) the Colon-
nade of Eumenes, and (2) the Music
Hall of Herodes Atticus, two important
extant monuments.

45

50

δε δ ὃ, διελόντες ποιοῦσιν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐῤφερῆ δρακόντων. φολίσιν"

60

65

22

THE SARMATIANS 111

Ch. 22, 1 |
τοῖς δόρασιν αἰχμὰς ὀστεΐνας ἀντὶ τὶ σιδήρον φοροῦσι, τόξα
τε Κρανέινα καὶ ὀιστοὺς καὶ ὀστεΐνας ἀκίδας ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀιστοῖς

καὶ oeipais” περιβαλόντες τῶν πολεμίων ὁπόσους καὶ TY

χοιεν, τοὺς ἵππους ἀποστρέψαντες ἀνατρέπουσι τοὺς ἐνσχε-
θέντας ταῖς σειραῖς. τοὺς δὲ θώρακας ποιοῦνται τὸν τρόπον
τοῦτον. ἵππους πολλὰς ἕκαστος τρέφει, ὡς ἀν οὔτε ἐς ἰδιω-
τῶν κλήρους τῆς γῆς μεμερισμένης οὔτε τι φερούσης πλὴν
ὕλης ἀγρίας ἅτε ὄντων νομάδων: ταύταις οὐκ ἐς πόλεμον
; ἐκκαθήραντές τε καὶ

σιτοῦνται. συλλεξάμενοι δὲ τὰς ὁπ

Fre

χρῶνται" μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεοῖς Goyer ιν ἐπιχωρίοις Kat ἄλλως
ra

ὅστις δὲ οὐκ εἶδέ T@ δράκοντα; πίτυός γε εἶδε καρπὸν χλω-

yy A > Y A A A } 4
pov ἔτι: ταῖς οὖν ἐπὶ τῷ καρπῷ τῆς πίτυος φαινομέναις EVTO- ““

μαῖς εἰκάζων ν τὸ ἔργον ᾿ τὸ ἐκ τῆς ὁπλῆς οὐκ ay ἁμαρτάνοι.

ταῦτα διατρῆσάντες καὶ νεύροις ἵππων καὶ βοῶν συρράψαν-

τες χρῶνται θώραξιν οὔτε εὐπρεπείᾳ τῶν λληνικῶν ἀποδέου-

σιν οὔτε ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ γὰρ σύσταδῆν: τυπτόμενοι καὶ

at

βληϑέντες ἀνέχονται. οἱ δὲ θώρακες of λινοῖ μαχομένοις
‘ 3 ε la 9 Ἁ ,’ »“" \ N ’᾽

μὲν οὐχ ὁμοίως εἰσὶ χρήσιμοι, διιᾶσι γὰρ [καὶ] βιαζόμενοι

τὸν σίδηρον- θηρεύοντας δὲ ὠφελοῦσιν, ἐναποκλῶνται γάρ

σφισι καὶ λεόντων ὀδόντες καὶ παρδάλεων. θώρακας δὲ λι-
»Ὃι 3 A ν e “A » 9 ’ \ 3

vous ἰδεῖν ev τε ἄλλοις ἱεροῖς ἔστιν ἀνακειμένους Kal ἐν I'pu-

νείῳ, ἔνθα ᾿Απόλλωνος κάλλιστον ἄλσος δένδρων καὶ ἡμέρων
νν ~ 9 » 4nut , , Δ 42 SS ih

καὶ ὅσα τῶν ἀκάρπων ὀσμῆς παρέχεταΐ τινα ἡ θέας ἡδονήν.

ναὶ ἢ 0.

6

ὁκούν

7

δ Ἁ \ e “ a 3 “~ ’ Ἃ N 3 ,
Mera δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ ταύτῃ πρὸς τὴν ἀκρό- 1

3. A ’, ’᾽ > 4 A ‘ 3 ~
πολιν ἰοῦσι Θέμιδος ναός ἐστι. κέχωσται δὲ πρὸ αὐτοῦ

22. Temple of Themis — Hippolytus 2. Θέμιδος ναός : the temple of The-

and Phaedra — Temple of Ge Kourotro-
phos and Demeter Chloe — The Propy-
laea— Temple of Nike Apteros— Death
of Aegeus — Pinakotheke — Musaeus —
Hermes Propylaeus and the Graces of
Socrates. ,

mis, together with the sanctuaries of
Aphrodite Pandemus, Ge, and De-
meter Chloe, mentioned below, were
doubtless situated at the southwestern
foot of the Acropolis, somewhere be-
tween the Odeum of Herodes Atticus

10

16

20

112 THE .ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

. Ch. 22, 2
τοῦ δέ οἱ βίου τὴν τελευτὴν συμβῆναι

λέγουσιν ἐκ Bog δῆλα δέ, καὶ ὅστις βαρβάρων γλῶσ-
σαν ἔμαθεν Ἑλλήνων, ὅ τε ἔρως τῆς Paidpas καὶ τῆς τρο-
φοῦ τὸ ἐς τὴν διακονίαν τόλμημα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Τροιζηνίοις
Ἱππολύτου τάφος: ἔχει δέ σφισιν ὧδε ὁ λόγος. Θησεὺς ὡς
ἔμελλεν ἀξεσθάι Φαίδραν, οὐκ ἐθέλων εἴ οἱ γένοιντο παῖδες

μνῆμα Ἱππολύτῳ:

οὔτε ἄρχεσθαι τὸν Ἱππόλυτον οὔτε βασιλεύειν ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν,
, “N , - 4 9. UN Ν 4 Ε
πέμπει παρὰ Πιτθέα τραφησόμενον αὐτὸν καὶ βασιλεύσοντα
Τροιζῆνο ὄνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Πάλλας καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἐπανέ-
β νος. XP t p 5
στησαν Θησεῖ: τούτους κτείνας ἐς Τροιζῆνα ἔρχεται καθαρ-
, 9 N , 7 3 ~ ε 4 N
σίων εἵνεκα, καὶ Φαίδρα πρώτη ἐνταῦθα εἶδεν Ἱππόλυτον καὶ
Ν 3 “ , 3 ~ 9 ,
τὰ ἐς τὸν θάνατον ἐρασθεῖσα ἐβούλευσε. μυρσίνη͵ δέ ἐστι
Τροιζηνίοις τὰ φύλλα διὰ πάσης ἔχουσα τετβυπημένα. φῦ-
ναι δὲ οὐκ ἐξ a ἀρχῆς τοιαύτην λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἔργον. γεγε-
νῆσθαι τῆς ἐς τὸν ἔρωτα ἄσης καὶ τῆς περόνης ‘ny ἐπὶ ταῖς
θριξὶν εἶχεν ἡ Φαίδρα.
> f° ‘ > , ¥ 3 “N ~ 4 lé
τε ᾿Αθηναίους Θησεὺς ἐς μίαν ἤγαγεν ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων πόλιν,
9 4 , ἃ Ἁ , δ ἃ N Ν
αὐτήν τε σέβεσθαι καὶ Πειθὼ κατέστησε: τὰ μὲν δὴ παλαιὰ
3 ΄ 3 4 9. 53 3 a Ν ΟΣ» 5 » A a“ 2 3
ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἣν ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ τεχνιτῶν ἦν οὐ

and the Acropolis entrance, but the
exact site of none of them has as yet
been determined. — 3. μνῆμα Ἱππολύ-
tw: for the story of Hippolytus and
Phaedra, see Euripides, Hippolytus,
especially 43 ff., 887 ff., 1166 ff.

18. ᾿Αφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον:
Apollodorus quoted by Harpocr. s.v.
πάνδημος ᾿Αφροδίτη says that this was
‘‘the name given at Athens to the god-
dess whose worship had been estab-
lished somewhere near the ancient
agora.’? This indicates, in conjunc-
tion with the statement of Pausanias,
that the sanctuary of Aphrodite Pan-
demus was close to the west slope of

the Acropolis. Inscriptions and statu-
ettes belonging to her cult have been
found on this site. No trace of the
actual sanctuary remains. Miss Har-
rison, Ancient Athens, pp. 105-110, de-
fends this Aphrodite against the slurs
cast on the title Pandemus, and shows

*
a

that she was a great and holy goddess, |

giver of increase, one of the ancient
Oriental Trinity (Paus. 9, 16, 3), of
which the other two were Heavenly
Aphrodite and Aphrodite the Averter.
— 20. Πειθώ : the Athenians annually
offered a sacrifice to the goddess Per-
suasion (Isocrates, 15, 249), and a spe-

cial seat was, it seems, assigned to her

᾿Αφροδίτην δὲ τὴν Πάνδημον, ἐπεί 3

THE ACROPOLIS

Ch. 22, 4
“A 3 4
TOV ἀφανεστάτων.

118

ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς Κουροτρόφον καὶ Δήμη-

τρος ἱερὸν Χλόης- τὰ δὲ ἐς τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔστιν αὐτῶν διδα-

χθῆναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐλθόντα ἐς λόγους. -

"Es δὲ τὴν ἀκβῦπολίιν ἐ ἐστιν ἔσοδος μία: ἑτέραν δὲ pe παρέ

‘ty
XeT QL, πᾶσα ἀπότομος οὖσα καὶ τεῖχος ἔχουσα ἐχυρὸν] τὰ

δὲ προπύλαια λίθου λευκοῦ τὴν ὀροφὴν ἔχει καὶ κόσμῳ καὶ

μεγέθει τῶν λίθων μέχρι γε καὶ ἐμοῦ προεῖχε. τὰς μὲν οὖν

εἰκόνας τῶν ἱππέων οὐκ ἔχω
priestess in the theatre (C.I.A. III,
351). — 22. Τῆς Kovporpédov: Solon
spoke of Earth as the ‘‘buxom Nursing-
Mother ’’ (Frag. 48 in Bergk’s Poetae
Lyrici Graeci®, II, 438). According
to Suidas s.v. κουροτρόφος, Erichtho-
nius was the first to sacrifice to Earth
the Nursing-Mother on the Acropolis;
and the Ephebi seem to have kept up
the custom (C.I.A. II, 481, 1. 58 sq.).
This sanctuary was either at the south-
west corner or else due west of the
Acropolis, and somewhere along the
winding road followed by Pausanias.
— Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Χι λόης : from the evi-
dence of ancient passages and of in-
scriptions it is clear that the sanctuary
of Demeter Chioe was close to the
western entrance to the Acropolis.
Aristophanes (Lysistrata, 8381 sqq.)
describes a man hurrying up the Acrop-
- Olis slope beside the sanctuary of the
Verdant Goddess. Schol. Soph. Oed.
Col. 1600 locates this sanctuary ‘‘ near
or beside the Acropolis,’’ and quotes
a passage from Eupolis, ‘‘I will go
straight to the Acropolis; for I must
sacrifice a ram to Verdant Demeter.”’
The name had reference to the natural
hue of foliage.

25. "Es δὲ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν : the Acrop-
olis of Athens is a long and precipitous

“ A »y A
σαφῶς εἰπεῖν, εἴτε οἱ παῖδές

mass of rock extending east and west.
The north and east sides are naturally
steep and inaccessible; the south side
slopes more gradually, and needed espe-
cially strong fortifications, while on
the western side the Acropolis slopes
gently toward the Areopagus, this form-
ing the natural approach. The Acrop-
olis surface is a plateau, rising toward
the east with its highest point (five
hundred and twelve feet above the
sea) to the northeast of the Parthenon.
Its length from east to west is about
three hundred and twenty-eight yards;
its greatest breadth from north tosouth
is about one hundred and forty-eight
yards. See.Excursus VII.— 26. τὰ
δὲ προπύλαια: for description of the
Propylaea, see Excursus VIII. — 28.
Tas... εἰκόνας τῶν ἱππέων κτλ.: por-
tions of the inscribed bases and pedes-
tals of statues of horsemen have been
found, which faced each other on oppo-
site sides of the way leading up to the
Acropolis. An inscription shows that
they were dedicated in honor of a cav-
alry victory, and mentions the names
of three cavalry officers, among them
a Xenophon; and it is clear that the
original statues were not set up later
than 487 n.c. Another inscription on
one of the pedestals shows that the

30

35

40

114 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

abit Ch. 22, 5
> e | ~ » % d 3 3 ? l4
εἰσιν οἱ Ἐενοφῶντος εἴτε ahAws ἐς εὐπρέπειαν πεποιημέναι"

τῶν δὲ προπυλαίων ἐν δεξιᾷ Νίκης ἐστὶν ᾿Απτέρου ναός.
9 ”~ e 4 4. 5» a δ ’ e7 > “\
ἐντεῦθεν ἡ θάλαασά ἐστι σύνοπτος, Kat ταύτῃ ῥίψας Αἰγεὺς
ἑαυτὸν ὡς λέγουσιν ἐτελεύτησεν. ἀνήγετο μὲν γὰρ ἡ ναῦς
4 e ’ ε \ “A 4 3 , \
μέλασιν ἱστίοις ἡ τοὺς παῖδας φέρουσα ἐς Κρήτην, Θησεὺς
ἃ » δ ’ ἮΝ 3 Ν ’ 4
δὲ --- ἔπλει yap τόλμης τι ἔχων ἐς τὸν Μίνω καλούμενον
ταῦρον --- πρὸς τὸν πατέρα προεῖπε χρήσεσθαι τοῖς ἱστίοις
» ~ “~
λευκοῖς, ἣν ὀπίσω πλέῃ τοῦ ταύρου κρατήσας' τούτων λήθην
» 9 , spl (τὺ δ 3 ran 3 δ ε >
ἔσχεν ᾿Αριάδνην ἀφῃρημένος: ἐνταῦθα Αἰγεὺς ὡς εἶδεν
ἱστίοις μέλασι τὴν ναῦν κομιζομένην, οἷα τὸν παῖδα τεθνά-
~ > \ e a , , e \ 3 ,
ναι δοκῶν, ἀφεὶς αὑτὸν διαφθείρεται Kai οἱ παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοις
3 Ν ’ ε “A 3 , » δὲ 9 9 A A
ἐστὶ καλούμενον ἡρῷον Αἰγέως. ---- ἔστι δὲ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῶν
, ¥ » ’ ε 4 δ Ἃ V4
προπυλαίων οἴκημα ἔχον γραφάς ὁπόσαις δὲ μὴ καθέστηκεν

horseman was later converted into a
statue of Germanicus. Pausanias’s
conjecture was the merest guesswork,
showing that he did not carefully read
the inscription. The sons of Xenophon
were not yet born, and the date is too
early for the Xenophon of the inscrip-
tion to be the historian.— 31. Νίκης
... Amrépov ναός: on the temple of
Athena Victory, see Excursus IX.

38. Αἰγεύς : the story of the death of
Aegeus is similarly told by Diodorus (4,
61), Plutarch (Thes., 17 and 22) and
Servius (ad Verg. Aen. 3, 74). At the
southern foot of the bastion on which
the temple of Athena Victory rests, a
quadrangular space on the Acropolis
rock has been leveled as if to receive
some building. This was doubtless the
site of the heroum of Aegeus.

42. οἴκημα ἔχον γραφάς : this cham-
ber still preserves its walls with the
cornice, though the roof isgone. There
has been inuch discussion whether the
paintings in this chamber were wall-

paintings or easel-paintings. There are
no indications whatever that the walls
were painted; nor are there any holes
in the walls to show that the paintings
were hung from nails. The title of
Polemo’s treatise on the pictures in the
Propylaea, περὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς προπυλαίοις
πινάκων, in its use οὗ πίναξ rather than
γραφή, is in favor of the view that the
pictures were easel-pieces rather than
wall-paintings. The careless style of
Pausanias makes it impossible to deter-
mine with exactness the list of paint-
ings mentioned, and their authorship,
but the list seems to be as follows:
(1) Rape of Pallas’s image by Diome-
des; (2) Odysseus carrying off the bow
of Philoctetes; (3) Slaying of Aegisthus
by Orestes, and of sons of Nauplius by
Pylades; (4) Sacrifice of Polyxena;
(5) Achilles among the maidens of Scy-
ros; (6) Odysseus and Nausicaa with
her maidens; (7) Portrait of Alcibi-
ades with trophies of victory at Ne-
mea; (8) Perseus carrying the head of

45

50

55

THE PICTURE GALLERY 115

22

ὁ χρόνος αἴτιος ἀφανέσιν εἶναι, Διομήδης ἦν καὶ Ὀδυσσεύς,
ὁ μὲν ἐν Λήμνῳ τὸ Φιλοκτήτου τόξον, ὁ δὲ (Διομήδης) τὴν
᾿Αθηνᾶν ἀφαιῥούμενοξ᾽ ἐξ Ἰλίου. ἐνταῦθα [ἐν ταῖς γρα-
φαῖς] Ὀρέστης ἐστὶν Αἴγισθον φονεύων καὶ Πυλάδης τοὺς
παῖδας τοὺς Ναυπλίου βοηθοὺς ἐλθόντας Αἰγίσθῳ: τοῦ δὲ
᾿Αχιλλέως τάφον ae μέλλουσά ἐστι σφάζεσθαι: Πολυ-
ξένη. Ὁμήρῳ δὲ εὖ μὲν ἘΠῚ τόδε τὸ ὠμὸν οὕτως ἔργον᾽
εὖ δέ μοι φαίνεται ποιῆσαι Σκῦρον ὑπὸ ᾿Αχιλλέως ἁλοῦ-
σαν, οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ ὅσοι λέγουσιν ὁμοῦ ταῖς παρθένοις
᾿Αχιλλέα ἔχειν ἐν Σκύρῳ Siattdy, ἃ δὴ καὶ Π ολύγνωτος
ἔγραψεν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ ταῖς ὁμοῦ Νανυ-
σικᾷ πλυνούσαις ἐφιστάμενον Ὀδυσσέα κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ καθὰ

δὴ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐποίησε.
Medusa; (9) Boy with water-pots ;
(10) Wrestler, by Timaenetus; (11)

Portrait of Musaeus.— 43. Διομήδης
ἦν καὶ ᾿Οδυσσεύς : the language of Pau-

- sanias implies that Odysseus carried off

the bow of Philoctetes.
story as told by the Attic tragedians,
Sophocles in the Philoctetes, and Ae-
schylus and Euripides in their lost
dramas on thesame subject (Dio Chrys.
Or. 52). But the older tradition fol-
lowed by Lesches in his Little Iliad
ascribes this achievement to Diomedes
(Proclus in Epic. Graec. Fragm., ed.
Kinkel, p. 36). As to the carrying off
of the Palladium, the common tradi-
tion represents Diomedesas playing the
chief part but assisted by Odysseus.
So-Lesches in the Little Iliad. Thus
Diomedes on the Tabula Iliaca is seen
carrying the Palladium, while Odys-
seus follows him. Other versions and
monuments give Odysseus the chief
part in this achievement. — 52. ᾿Αχιλ-
λέα ἔχειν ἐν Σκύρῳ δίαιταν: the story

This is the |

γραφαὶ ὃέ εἶσι καὶ ἄλλαι καὶ

that the young Achilles wore female
attire and lived among the daughters
of Lycomedes, king of Scyros, is told
by Hyginus, Fab. 96; Bion, 2, 1558q.;
Schol. Hom. Il. I, 968.—53. Nav-
σικᾷ : see Homer, Od. ¢, 85 sqq., for
the account of the meeting of Odys-
seus and Nausicaa.

55. γραφαὶ. . . καὶ ᾿Αλκιβιάδης :
Athenaeus, 12, p. 534 D, ©, quoting
Satyrus, states that Alcibiades dedi-
cated two pictures by Aglaophon, one
representing himself crowned by Olym-
pias and Pythias, personifying Olym-
pia and Delphi, the other Nemea seated
with Alcibiades on her lap. Plutarch
(Alcibiades, 16) mentions a painting by
Aristophon of Nemea with Alcibiades
in her arms. Both doubtless refer to
the picture here mentioned by Pau-
sanias. It is necessary, therefore, to
account for the discrepancy in author-
ship. Aristophon was brother of Polyg-
notus; their father was named Aglao-
phon. He probably had a grandson

τὶ

65

70

116 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANTIAS

Ch. 22, ἢ
3 ld 9 - 4 € , ~ 3 a > SN “A oT re
Αλκιβιάδης, ἵππων δέ οἱ νίκης τῆς ἐν Νεμέᾳ ἐστὶ σημεῖ

3 ~ ~ ‘\ ’ 3 3 ’ a
ἐν τῇ ypady: Kat Περσεύς ἐστιν ἐς Σέριφον κομιζόμενος,
Πολυδέκτῃ φέρων τὴν κεφαλὴν τὴν Μεδούσης. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐς
4 3 > N 4 9 A 9 a) A »
Μέδουσαν οὐκ εἰμὶ πρόθυμος ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αττικοῖς σημῆναι" ἔτι
δὲ σι A ὄγγνια (a. δ 75 δ δ ‘5 , ,
€ τῶν γραφῶν παρέντι ἵτὸν παῖδα τὸν Tas ὑὸρίας φέροντα
VA 3 . ἃ , » 3 ‘ aA
καὶ TOV παλαιστὴν ὃν Τιμαίνετος ἔγραψεν, ἐστι Μουσαῖος.
2 A νιν \ 9 , 9 ΓῚ 9 , A
ἐγὼ δὲ ἔπη μὲν ἐπελεξάμην ἐν οἷς ἐστι πέτεσθαι Μουσαῖον
εν , a A , , 2 \ 9 ,
ὑπὸ Βορέου δῶρον, δοκεῖν δέ μοι πεποίηκεν αὐτὰ Ὀνομάκρι-
N ¥ SQA , , ν Ν ’ >
τος καὶ ἔστιν οὐδὲν Μουσαίον βεβαίως ὅτι μὴ μόνον ἐς
, y 4
Δήμητρα ὕμνος Λυκομίδαις.
Ν Q Ἁ y . 9.ϑ ON »ν Ἃ > 9 4 ε A
Kara δὲ τὴν ἔσοδον αὐτὴν ἤδη τὴν ἐς ἀκρόπολιν Ἑρμῆν
ἃ ; 4 > 4 δ 4 4 ἊΝ
ὃν Προπύλαιον ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Χάριτας Σωκράτην ποιὴ-
“ ’ = 4 2 ~ La 4
σαι TOV Σωφρονίσκου λέγουσιν, ᾧ σοφῷ γενέσθαι μάλιστα
3 a 3 N e ,’ ’ a \ 3 ld 3 ,
ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν ἡ Πυθία μάρτυς, ὃ μηδὲ “Avayapow ἐθέ.
ν ν, Ο» oA 9 9 , A
λοντα ὅμως καὶ δι᾿ αὐτὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον προσεῖπεν.

of the same name, and Pliny (N.H.
35, 60) mentions a painter of this name,
who flourished 420-417 3.c., a date
that accords with this explanation.
He probably painted the Alcibiades.
— 57. Περσεύς : for the story of Per-
seus, see Schol. Pindar, Pyth. 10, 72;
Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 4, 1515; Strabo,
10, p. 487; Ovid, Met. 5, 242 sqq.;
Hyginus, Fab. 64.—63. πεποίηκεν αὐτὰ
Ονομάκριτος : Onomacritus, invited to
edit the so-called oracles of Musaeus,
was expelled by MHipparchus from
Athens for having been convicted of
forging an oracle, and fled to the coast
of Persia (Hdt. 7, 6). He is also said
to have forged poems in the name of
Orpheus (Clem. Alex. Strom. 1, 21,
131, p. 397, ed. Potter). See Epic.
Graec. Fragm., ed. Kinkel, pp. 238 ff.

66. Ἑρμῆν... καὶ Χάριτας : also
mentioned by Pausanias in 9, 35, 7,

Σωκράτης τε ὁ Σωφρονίσκου πρὸ τῆς és
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐσόδου Χαρίτων εἰργάσατο
ἀγάλματα ᾿Αθηναίοις. Diog. Laert. 2,
5, 19, speaks of Socrates as having
been a sculptor, and refers to these
same figures of the Graces. See also
Pliny, N. H. 36, 82, and Schol. Ar.
Nub. 773. The Chiaramonti relief in
Rome is supposed to be a copy of the
relief attributed to Socrates. There are
also other copies, a fact which suggests
a celebrated original. Compare also an
archaic relief in the Acropolis Museum
representing Hermes and the Graces.
Considerable doubt rests on the rela-
tion of any of these to the work as-
cribed to Socrates. —67. Σωκράτην:
see Plato, Apology, 20e-21a; Diog.
Laert. 2, 5, 37; E. Zeller, Die Philo-
sophie der’ Griechen®, IT, 50, concern-
ing the story of the response of the
oracle.

23

THE SEVEN SAGES 117

Ch. 23, 2

Ἕλληνες δὲ ἄλλα τε λέγουσι καὶ ἄνδρας ἑπτὰ γενέσθαι

σοφούς. τούτων καὶ τὸν Λέσβιον τύραννον καὶ Περίανδρον

εἶναί φασι τὸν Κυψέλου: Kaitou Περιάνδρου Πεισίστρατος. καὶ

6 παῖς Ἱππίας φιλανθρώποι paAAoy οι καὶ σοφώτεροι τά τε

10

πολεμικὰ ἦσαν καὶ ὅσα ἧκεν ἐς κόσμον τῶν πολιτῶν, ἐς ὃ
διὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον Ἱππίας ἄλλα τε ἐχρήσατο θυμῷ
καὶ ἐς γυναῖκα ὄνομα Λέαιναν. ταύτην γάρ, ἐπεί τε ἀπέθανεν

Ἵππαρχος --- λέγω δὲ οὐκ ἐς συγγραφὴν πρότερον ἥκοντα,

πιστὰ δὲ ἄλλως ᾿Αθηνᾶιων τοῖς πολλοῖς --- Ἱππίας εἶχεν ἐν
αἰκίᾳ ἐς ὃ διέφθειρεν, οἷα ἑταίραν ᾿Αριστογείτονος ἐπιστά:

( ι chil

Heros οὖσαν καὶ TO βούλευμα οὐδαμῶς a ἀγνοῆσαι δοξάζων" ones

avrt' δὲ τούτων, ἐπεὶ τυραννίδος ἐπαύθησαν οἱ Πεισιστρατί:
dat, χαλκῆ λέαινα ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐς μνήμην τῆς γυναικός,
παρὰ δὲ αὐτὴν ἄγαλμα ᾿Αφροδίτης, ὃ Καλλίου τέ φασιν

ἀνάθημα εἶναι καὶ ἔργον Καλάμιδος.

23. The Seven Sages of Greece —
Hippias and Leaena — Diitrephes —
Other objects of interest on the Acropo-
lis, among them the Temple of Brauro-
nian Artemis and the Wooden Horse
— Thucydides — Phormio.

1, ἑπτὰ... σοφούς: for a list of the
Seven Sages, see Paus. 10, 24, 1, who
names Thales of Miletus, Bias of Pri-
ene, Pittacus of Mitylene, Cleobulus
of Lindus, Solon of Athens, Chilon
of Sparta, and as the seventh, in the
place of Periander of Corinth, follows
Plato (Protag. 343.4) in naming Myson
the Chenian. Periander was discred-
ited by Hdt. 5, 92, but he is usually
counted among the Seven Sages. Cf.
Diog. Laert. 1, 13; Anthol. Pal. 7, 81.
—7. Aéatvav: Pausanias was evidently
not aware that the story about Leaena
had already been told by Pliny (N. H.
34, 72) and Plutarch (De garrulitate,

8). Cicero also seems to have told the
story and mentioned the lioness in his
lost work ‘‘On Glory ’’ (see Philar-
gyrius, ad Verg. Ecl. 2, 03). The anec-
dote also appears in Polyaenus, 8, 45;
Clem. Alex. Strom. 4, 19, 122, p. 618,
ed. Potter; Athen. 13, p. 596 f.; and
Lactantius Divin. Instit. 1, 20. Plu-
tarch and Polyaenus mention that the
lioness stood in the Propylaea, and
that she had no tongue to commemo-
rate the fact that Leaena betrayed none
of her associates. From the order in
which it is mentioned, the statue prob-
ably stood in the southern end of the
eastern portico of the Propylaea.

14. ἄγαλμα ᾿Αφροδίτης : what is
probably the pedestal of this statue
has been found on the Acropolis. It
bears the inscription, Καλλίας Ἵππο-
νίκου ἀνέθηκ[ ε]ν (C.I.A. I, 392), in old
Attic characters, and dates from some

es

20

25

30

35

118 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 23, 3
Πλησίον δέ ἐστι Διιτρέφους χαλκοῦς ἀνδριὰς ὀιστοῖς Be-
βλημένος. οὗτος 6 Διιτρέφης ἄλλα τε ἔπραξεν ὁπόσα λέγου-
᾿Αθηναῖ t Θρᾷκας μισθωτοὺς ἀφικομένους ὕστερον
σιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ Θρᾷκας μισθωτοὺς μένους ρ
a 42 3 , 1¢/ , ε ε ,
ἡ Δημοσθένης és Συρακούσας ἐξέπλευσε, τούτους ὡς ὑστέρη-
ε , 2A 2? oe Bayt y λκιδ ‘
σαν ὁ Διιτρέφης ἀπῆγεν ὀπίσω. καὶ δὴ κατὰ τὸν Χαλκιδικὸν
ει Ev ya Βοιωτῶν é ia πόλις Μυκαλησ-
ἔσχεν Εύριπον, ἔνθα Βοιωτῶν ἐν μεσογαΐίς ς n
4 ε ,
σὸς ἦν: ταύτην ἐπαναβὰς ἐκ θαλάσσης ὁ Aurpédys εἷλε.
’ λῚ 9 ’ “ ’ « “a > δ δ
Μυκαλησσίων δὲ οὐ μόνον τὸ μάχιμον οἱ Θρᾷκες ἀλλὰ καὶ
A ἴω A id A
γυναῖκας ἐφόνευσαν καὶ παῖδας. μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι: Βοιωτῶν
Ν 9 9 ’ A 9 a e ’ 9 3 9 A
yap ὅσους ἀνέστησαν Θηβαῖοι, φκοῦντο at πόλεις ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ,
ld e 4 Ἁ 9 “ 9 , 3 Ν N
διαφυγόντων ὑπὸ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰ δὲ καὶ
Μυκαλησσίοις οἱ βάρβαροι μ᾽ πᾶσιν ἀποκτείναντες ἐπεξῆλ-
θ ν a δ ΄ “Hyp 4. ε , a
ov, ὕστερον ἂν THY πόλιν ἀπέλαβον οἱ λειφθέντες. τοσοῦ- 4
τον μὲν παρέστη μοι θαῦμα ἐς τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ Διιτρέφους,
9 3 A 3 ’ ν : 9 A δ 3 3 a
ort ὀιστοῖς ἐβέβλητο, EAAnow ort μὴ Κρησὶν οὐκ ἐπιχώριον
a ’ \ Ν Ἃ 3 ’ὕ ε 4
ὃν τοξεύειν. Λοκροὺς yap τοὺς ᾿Οπουντίους ὁπλιτεύοντας
4 : \ δ ὃ , ¥ ΔΝ 3 , ε ,
non κατὰ Ta Μηὸικα topev, ovs Ὅμηρος ἐποίησεν ws φερό-
, δ δό > » λ ¥ θ 3 ‘ ἠδὲ
μενοι τόξα καὶ σφενδόνας ἐς Ἴλιον ἔλθοιεν: οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ
M λ A , es A , ὃ A δὲ Ν ,
αλιεῦσι παρέμεινε μελέτη τῶν τόξων, δοκῶ δὲ οὔτε πρότε-
2 9 a \ ἃ , , , ——~s3
pov ἐπίστασθαι σφᾶς πρὶν ἢ Φιλοκτήτην, παύσασθαί τε οὐ
y N ~ io) A ’ 4 δ Ν 3 4
διὰ μακροῦ" τοῦ δὲ Aurpépous πλησίον ---- τὰς yap εἰκόνας
Ν > , 4 3 3 , ~ 3 U4 4 3
Tas ἀφανεστέρας γράφειν οὐκ ἐθέλω ---- θεῶν ἀγάλματά ἐστιν
‘Tyvetas τε, ἣν ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ παῖδα εἶναι λέγουσι, καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς

time between 476 and 456 B.c. On Cal-
lias, see Plut. Aristides, 5. On Cala-
mis, see Brunn, Gesch. ἃ. griech.
Kiinstler, I, 129 sq.

16. Διιτρέφους χαλκοῦς ἀνδριάς : on
Diitrephes see Thuc. 7, 29 sq. The
episode of the Thracian mercenaries
took place in 413 s.c. The pedestal
for this statue has also been found,
bearing the inscription ‘Epudduxos Au-
Tpépos ἀπαρχέν. Κρέσιλας ἐπόεσεν((.1.4ᾳ.

I, 402). Pliny, N. H. 34, 74, says that
Cresilas made a statue representing a
wounded man swooning, doubtless the
one here mentioned. This also was
probably within the eastern portico of
the Propylaea.

38. ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν... Ὑγιείας :
Plutarch, Pericles, 18, says that this
image was dedicated to commemorate
the restoration to health of a favorite
workinan of Pericles, who was injured

THE SATYRS 119

Ch. 23, 7
ἐπίκλησιν καὶ ταύτης Ὑγιείας. ἔστι δὲ λίθος ov μέγας, 5
40 ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον καθίζεσθαι μικρὸν ἄνδρα. ἐπὶ τούτῳ λέγουσιν,
Ἐπ
ἡνίκα Διόνυσος ἦλθεν ἐς τὴν γὴν, ἀναπαύσασθάί τὸν Σιλης-
νόν. τοὺς γὰρ ἡλικίᾳ τῶν Σατύρων προήκοντας ὀνομάζουσι
> δ Ν ’ 9 4 3 e a ἢ 9 ’
Σιληνούς περὶ δὲ Σατύρων, οἵτινές εἰσιν, ἑτέρου πλέον ἐθέ.
λων ἐπίστασθαι πολλοῖς, αὐτῶν τούτων ἕνεκα ἐς λόγους ἦν
45 θον. eon δὲ Εὔφημος Kap ἀνὴρ πλέων ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἁμαρτεῖν
ὑπὸ ἀνέμων τοῦ πλοῦ καὶ ἐς τὴν ἔξω Gakaoway, ¢ ἐς ἣν οὐκέτι
πλέουσιν, ἐξενεχθῆναι... νήσους δὲ εἶναι μὲν ἔλεγεν ἐρήμους
[4 3 Ἁ Ἂν 9 “ ¥ 9 a > A
πολλάς, ev δὲ ἄλλαις οἰκεῖν ἄνδρας ἀγρίους: ταύταις δὲ
οὐκ ἐθέλειν νήσοις προσίσχειν τοὺς ναύτας οἷα πρότερόν τε 6
50 προσσχόντας καὶ τῶν ἐνοικούντων οὐκ ἀπείρως ἔχοντας,
βιασθῆναι δ᾽ οὖν καὶ τότε. ταύτας καλεῖσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν
ναυτῶν Σατυρίδας, εἶναι δὲ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας καπυροὺς καὶ
ἵππων οὐ πολὺ μείους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἰσχΐοις οὐράς. τούτους,
ὡς ἤσθοντο, καταδραμόντας ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν φωνὴν μὲν οὐδε-
‘a a es, “A Ν ᾿ ‘ 3 “A A 3 ἊΝ ’
55 μίαν ἱέναι, ταῖς δὲ γυναιξὶν ἐπιχειρεῖν ταῖς ἐν τῇ νηΐ" τέλος
Ν ’ Ν ’ , aA 3 A 3 A
δὲ δείσαντας τοὺς ναύτας βάρβαρον γυναῖκα ἐκβαλεῖν és τὴν
A 3 , > ε , \ , 3 ’ ®
νῆσον" ἐς ταύτην οὖν ὑβρίζειν τοὺς Σατύρους ov μόνον ἢ
καθέστηκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ πᾶν ὁμοίως σῶμα.
Καὶ ἄλλα ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκροπόλει θεασάμενος οἶδα, 7
60 Λυκίου τοῦ Μύρωνος χαλκοῦν παῖδα, ὃς τὸ περιρραντήριον.

cad

by a fall from the Propylaea. Athena,
according to the legend, communicated
to Pericles in a dream the treatment
by which the man was cured. Pliny,
N. H. 22, 44, tells a similar story, asso-
ciated however with the Parthenon.
The pedestal is still in place, just out-
side the eastern portico of the Propy-
laea, with the inscription ᾿Αθεναῖοι τέι
᾿Αθεναίαι τει Ὑγιείαι Πύρρος érolncev ’ Αθε-
ναῖος (C.I.A. I, 335). Pliny also men-
tions a statue of Athena Hygieia by

Pyrrhus (N. H. 34, 80). The inkcrip- |

tion and the discrepancies throw doubt
on the story of Plutarch. On represen-
tations of the goddess Hygieia in ancient
art, see W. Wroth, ‘‘ Hygieia,”’ J.H.S.
V (1884), 82-101; F. Koepp, ‘ Die
Attische Hygieia,’? A.M. X (1885),
255-271.

60. χαλκοῦν παῖδα : after leaving the
Propylaea, Pausanias goes southeast-
ward to the precinct of Artemis Brau-
ronia. ΑΒ the perirrhanterion was a

σόν τος ἃς,

120 TUE AFTICA OF PAUSANIAS

¥ Ν ’ 4 Ν 3 “ὃ ¥ Bote
ἔχει, Kat Μύρωνος Ilepaea τὸ ἐς Μέοουσαν ἔργον eipya-
, Ἁ "A 4 ὃ ε 4 3 B , Π ξ ’
σμένον. καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερόν ἐστι Βραυρωνίας, Πραξιτέ
λους μὲν τέχνη τὸ ἄγαλμα, τῇ θεῷ δέ ἐστιν ἀπὸ Βραυρῶνος
δήμον τὸ ὄνομα" καὶ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ξόανόν ἐστιν ἐν Bpav-
65

ρῶνι,Αρτεμις ws λέγουσιν ἡ Tavpixy. ἵππος δὲ ὁ καλούμε- 8

a 9 , A Ἂν Ν Q , N
vos Aovptos ἀνάκειται χαλκοῦς. και οτι ΠΕΡ ΤΟ Trompe TO

‘Eqetov μηχάν μα ἦν ἐς διάλυσιν τοῦ τείχους, οἶδεν ὅστις

] μὴ πᾶσαν ἐπί φέρει" τοῖς Φρυξὶν εὐήθειαν. λέγεται δὲ ἔς τε
oak
vet reg

ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἵππον ὡς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔνδον ἔχοι τοὺς ἀρίστους,
Chew 0

oe) A ~ A \

καὶ δὴ καὶ Tov χαλκοῦ τὸ σχῆμά ἐστι κατὰ ταῦτα- Kal
A A ᾿ Ν

Μενεσθεὺς καὶ Τεῦκρος ὑπερκύπτουσιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, προσέτι δὲ

basin containing water which stood at
the entrance of every sanctuary that
worshipers might sprinkle themselves
before entering the precinct (Pollux,
1, 8; 1, 25; 1, 32), it has been con-
jectured that this bronze statue of
the boy with the basin may have been
placed for this purpose at the entrance
to the precinct of Brauronian Artemis.
—61. Μύρωνος Περσέα: cf. 2, 27, 2.
Pliny mentions a statue of Perseus by

_ Myron (N. H. 34, 57), which may be

the same as this. Furtwangler (Mei-
sterw. pp. 382-388) conjectures that two
extant heads of Perseus, one in Rome
and one in the British Museum, are
replicas of this common original. —
62. ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερόν : southeast of the
Propylaea is a terrace in the shape
of an irregular quadrangle, one hun-
dred and fifty-seven and one half feet
from east to west, which was doubt-
less the ancient precinct of Artemis.
There is no evidence of the existence
of a temple. It was probably merely a
precinct with images and an altar. —
Πραξιτέλους : the image of the Tauric

Artemis, which Iphigenia was said to
have brought from the Thracian Cher-
sonese to Brauronin Attica, was equally
claimed by Brauron, Sparta, Comana
in Cappadocia, and Laodicea in Syria.
See 1, 338, 1; 8, 16, 7-11; 8, 46,3. Pau-
sanias himself elsewhere locates the*
real image at Sparta (8, 16, 7-11). In-
scriptions indicate that as early as 346-
345 B.c. there were two images in the
Brauronian sanctuary at Athens(C.I.A.
IJ, 751, 754, 755-758), one designated
the: idol (hedos), the other the image
(agalma). The latter was the statue
attributed to Praxiteles.

65. ἵππος. . . Aovptos: this state-
ment is confirmed by Hesychius (s.v.
δούριος ἵππος), who also mentions the
four men peeping out of the wooden
horse. Aristophanes (Aves, 1128)
speaks of ‘‘ horses as big as the Wood-
en Horse,’’ and the scholia mention the
Acropolis statue. Blocks of the pedes-
tal have been found on the Acropolis,
bearing an inscription which states
that it was dedicated by Chaeredemus
of Coele and made by Strongylion.

80

THUCYDIDES — PHORMIO 121
Ch. 23, 10

καὶ οἵ παῖδες οἱ Θησέως.
ἵππον ἑστήκασιν Ἐπιχαρίνου μὲν ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσάν-
τος τὴν εἰκόνα ἐποίησε Κριτίας, Οἰνοβίῳ δὲ ἔ ἔργον ἐστὶν ἐς
Θουκυδίδην τὸν Ὀλόρου χρῥῆστον. ψήφου λς γὰρ ἐνίκησεν
Οἰνόβιος κατελθεῖν ἐ ἐς ᾿Αθήνας Θουκυδίδην, kai ot δολοφονη-
θέντι ws κατήει μνῆμά ἐστιν ov πόρρω πυλῶν Μελιτίδων.
τὰ δὲ ἐς Ἑρμόλυκον τὸν παγκρατιαστὴν καὶ Φορμίωνα
τὸν ᾿Ασωπίχου γραψάντων ἑτέρων παρίημι: ἐς δὲ Φορμίωνα
τοσόνδε ἔχω: πλέον γράψαι. Φορμίωνι γὰρ τοῖς ἐπιεικέσιν
᾿Αθηναίων ὄντι ὁμοίῳ καὶ ἐς προγόνων δόξαν οὐκ ἀφανεῖ
συνέβαινεν οὐ ε Λε χρέα" ἀναχωρήσας οὖν ἐς τὸν Παιανιέα

δῆμον ἐνταῦθα εἶχε δίαιτ, ἴαιταν:. ἐς “0 ναύαρχον αὐτὸν ᾿Αθηναίων

αἱρουμένων ἐκπλεύσεσθαι οὐκ ἔφασκεν. ὀφείλειν TE yap Kat

Pausanias elsewhere (9, 30, 1) speaks
of Strongylion as extremely skillful in
mnodeling oxen and horses.

73. “Earyaplvov :
statue has been found, bearing an in-
scription (C.I.A. 1, 376), which records
that it was dedicated by Epicharinus
himself and was made by Critius and
Nesiotes, the sculptors of the group of
the tyrannicides (1, 8, 5). Inscriptions
show that the true spelling was Κρίτιος,
not Κριτίας, as the manuscripts have it
here and in 6, 8, 5. —74. OlvoBly:
Pausanias implies,’ without expressly
saying, that there were on the Acropo-
lis statues of Oenobius, Hermolycus,
and Phormio. Thucydides was ban-
ished in 424 3s.c., and was in exile
twenty years (Thuc. 4, 104; 5, 26), so
that his return was in 404 3.c. Pau-
sanias’ statement implies that he did
not return under the general amnesty
of that year, but by a special decree
secured by Oenobius. He may have

the base of this:

been excepted from the general am-
nesty. (Cf. Classen, Thukydides, Ein-
leitung®, pp. xxiii ff.) The accounts of
Thucydides’ death are discrepant: one
says that he died in Thrace (Plut. Ci-
mon, 4), a second that he was mur-
dered in Athens (Marcellinus, Vit.
Thucyd. 31-38, 55), a third that he
died a natural death in Athens (Biogr.
Gr., ed. Westermann, pp. 202 sq.).

18. Ἑ ρμόλυκον τὸν παγκρατιαστήν:
Herodotus (9, 105) tells of Hermoly-
cus the pancratiast who distinguished
himself at the battle of Mycale, and
was afterward killed in battle at Cyrnus
in Euboea and buried at Geraestus. —
79. ἐς δὲ Φορμίωνα : this anecdote about
Phormio is related with some variations
in Schol. Ar. Pac. 347, on the authority
of Androtion in the third book of his
Attica; Androtion was a pupil of Isoc-
rates and a contemporary of Demos-
thenes (Suidas, s.v.Avdporiwy; Frag.
Hist. Gr., ed. Miiller, I, Ixxxiii).

ἀνδριάντων δὲ ὅσοι μετὰ ov 9
re

85

24

10

122 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

pak A Ch. 34, 1
οἱ, πρὶν ἂν ἐκτίσῃ, πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας οὐκ εἶναι παρέχε-

σθαι φρόνημα. οὕτως ᾿Αθηναῖοι ---- πάντως γὰρ ἐβούλοντο
¥ , Ν a ε ’ » ,
ἄρχειν Φορμίωνα --- τὰ χρέα ὁπόσοις ὥφειλε διαλύουσιν.
᾿Ενταῦθα ᾿Αθηνᾶ πεποίηται τὸν Σιληνὸν Μαρσύαν παίουσα,
kd ‘\ Ν 9 \ > » 2 OA A A A
ὅτι δὴ τοὺς αὐλοὺς iat ἐρρῖφθαι σφᾶς τῆς θεοῦ
βουλομένης. -- τούτων πέραν ὧν εἴρηκα ἐστὶν ἡ λεγομένη
Θησέως μάχη πρὸς τὸν ταῦρον τὸν Μίνω καλούμενον, εἴτε
ἀνὴρ εἴτε θηρίον ἦν ὁποῖον κεκράτηκεν ὁ λόγος: τέρατα
γὰρ πολλῷ καὶ τοῦδε θαυμασιώτερα καὶ. καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔτικτον

γυναῖκες. κεῖται δὲ καὶ Φρίξος ὁ ὁ ᾿Αθάμαντος ἐ ἐξενηνε μένος oPee

Ata
ἐς Κόλχους ὑπὸ τοῦ Κριοῦ

θύσας δὲ αὐτὸν ὅτῳ δὴ θεῷ, ὡς
δὲ εἰκάσαι (Διὶ) τῷ Λαφυστίῳ καλουμένῳ παρὰ ᾿Ορχομενίοις,
Ν mS op am Ν , 3 4 UN Ν ε ΄ 3 3 Ν
TOUS μηροὺς Ramo, Vopon ἐκτέμων TOV Βλληνῶν ἐς QUTOUS
καιομένους ΟΣ κεῖνται δὲ ἑξῆς ἄλλαι τε εἰκόνες καὶ ‘Hpa-
Khéous ἀγχὰ δὲ δὲ ‘ws λόγος ἔ EXEL, TOUS δράκοντας. ᾿Αθηνᾶ τέ

ἐστιν ἀνιοῦσα ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Διός. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦρος

24. Athena striking Marsyas, and
other statues of gods and men on the
Acropolis —Worship of Zeus Polieus
— The Parthenon — Statues of Athena
in the Parthenon — Apollo Parnopius.

1. "A@nva . . . Μαρσύαν παίονσα:
the story is that Marsyas picked up the
pipes which Athena had thrown away
in disgust, and afterwards attained
such skill in playing upon them that
he challenged Apollo himself to a mu-
sical contest. See Hyg. Fab. 165; Plut.
de cohib. ira, 6; Athen. 14, p. 616k, F.
It has been conjectured that this group
was identical with a work of Myron,
mentioned by Pliny, N. H. 33, 57.
There are several representations of the
satyr which are doubtless copies of
some famous original, probably the one
here mentioned. The best of these is

the Marsyas of the Lateran. — 4. @n-
σέως μάχη: Theseus’s fight with the
Minotaur is frequently represented on
coins and vase-paintings, both red-
figured and black-figured ; also in one
of the metopes of the so-called The-
seum. The Minotaur is portrayed reg-
ularly with the body of a man and the
head of a bull.

7. @pltos: probably the statue by
Naucydes of a man sacrificing a ram,
mentioned by Pliny (N. H. 34, 80), is
the one here mentioned.— 11. “Hpa-
KAéous . . . τοὺς δράκοντας: cf. Pind.
Nem. 1, 50; Theocr. 24, 1; Apoll. 2,
4, 8.—12. ᾿Αθηνᾶ : on the representa-
tions of the birth of Athena, which was
the subject of the sculptures on the
east pediment of the Parthenon, see
Excursus X.—13. ταῦρος ἀνάθημα:

20

ATHENA ERGANE— EARTH

Ch. 24, 3

123

ἀνάθημα τῆς βουλῆς τῆς ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ, ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ δὴ ἀνέ
θηκεν ἡ βουλή. πολλὰ δ᾽ av τις ἐθέλων εἰκάζοι. λέλεκται
Ἁ e , “A
δέ μοι καὶ πρότερον ws ᾿Αθηναίοις περισσότερόν τι ἡ τοῖς
» ᾿ 9 Ν as 5 “A “~ Ν δ > ~
ἄλλοις ἐς τὰ θεῖά ἐστι σπουδῆς" πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ Αθηνᾶν
ag. £

ἐπωνόμασαν Epyavnyv, πρῶτοι δ᾽ ἀκώλους Ἑρμᾶς, .. . ὁμοῦ δέ

4 A A ’ ’ 3 , ν δ Ν

σφισιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ... σπουδαίων δαίμων ἐστίν. ὅστις δὲ τὰ
\ , , ae " A

σὺν τέχνῃ πεποιημένα ἐπίπροσθε τίθεται τῶν ἐς ἀρχαιότητα

ε 4 N 4 » e 4 (4 9 δ 9 ’

ἡκόντων, καὶ τάδε ἔστιν οἱ θεάσασθαι. κράνος ἐστὶν ἐπικεί-

> AN , aie a e δ » Mo. £4 9 A 9
μενος ἀνὴρ... Κλεοίτου, καὶ οἱ τοὺς ονυχας ἀργυροῦς ἐνε-

’ ε , ¥ A Ν A ¥ ε ,
moinoev 6 Κλεοίτας- ἔστι δὲ καὶ Γῆς ἄγαλμα ixerevovorns

the bull was of bronze, and was gen-
erally known as ‘‘the bull on the
Acropolis”? (cf. Athen. 9, p. 8396p;
Hesych. s.v. Bots ἐν πόλει). Near by
was the figure of a ram in silver bronze,
coupled with the Wooden Horse by the
comic poet Plato on account of its size
(Hesych. s.v. κριὸς doedybxepws).

17. ᾿Αθηνᾶν... ᾿ἘΠἰργάνην: this re-
mark was probably elicited by the
sight of an image, altar, or temple of
Athena Ergane, or the Worker, an epi-
thet applied to the goddess as patron-
ess of the useful arts. There is much

‘ discussion as to the site of this image,

altar, or temple, some authorities locat-
ing it between the Artemis Brauronia
precinct and the Parthenon, others to
the north of the Acropolis. Five in-
scriptions have been found containing
dedications to Athena the Worker
(0.1... IT, 1428, 1429, 1434, 1438; IV,
373271, 205). — 18. ἀκώλους ‘Eppas: cf.
4, 88, 8. Thuc. 4, 27 mentions the
stone images of Hermes, shaped like
square pillars, commonly placed in the
doorways of private houses and of sanc-
tuaries in Attica. —19. σπονδαίων Sal-
μων : this image is mentioned as a third

instance of the piety of the Athenians.

ὧϑ

There is much dispute as to the correct- Ὁ

ness of the text and as tothe temple here
alluded to. The natural implication is

‘that ‘there was a temple of Athena Er-

gane between the precinct of Artemis
Brauronia and the Parthenon along
the road followed by Pausanias, but
there is no monumental evidence of
this. Here actual remains of a building
known as the Chalkotheke or ‘‘ store-
house for bronzes’’ (C.1.A. IT, 61) have
been laid bare. On this whole ques-
tion, see Dérpfeld, A.M. XIV (1889),
304-318, ‘‘Chalkothek and Ergane-
Tempel,’’ and Michaelis, Der Parthe-
non, p. 306. —22. KaAscolrov: accord-
ing to 6, 20, 4, where the inscription
on this statue is quoted, Cleoetas was
famous for having invented a method
for starting horses at the Olympic
games. His ingenuity was shown in
silvering the nails of the statue. —
23. Τῆς ἄγαλμα: an inscription, Γῆς
καρποφόρου κατὰ μαντείαν, cut in the
rock about thirty feet north of the sev-
enth column on the north side of the
Parthenon, counting from the west,
determines the site of this image. The

30

124

a

4

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 24, 4

πόα
4. Ν A »” ΄- 2
ὗσαί οἱ τὸν Δία, etre αὐτοῖς ὄμβρον δεῆσαν ᾿Αθηναίοις εἴτε
4 A A 9 \ COLA 3 A δ ,
καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἕλλησι συμβὰς αὐχμός. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Τιμό-

ε ’ a 9. ἃ »Ὁ» ’ [έ \ \ 93
θεος ὁ Κόνωνος καὶ αὐτὸς κεῖται Κόνων: Πρόκνην δὲ τὰ és
4 A , > , Ν “N ¥ > ,

Tov παῖδα βεβονυλευμένην αὐτήν τε καὶ τὸν Ἴτυν ἀνέθηκεν

Ν Ἃ -ὉἬ A

᾿Αλκαμένης. πεποίηται δὲ καὶ τὸ φυτὸν τῆς ἐλαίας ᾿Αθηνᾶ
Α A 9 ὔ δῶ Α », 9 ” ,

καὶ κῦμα ἀναφαίνων ἸΠοσειδων. Kat Διός ἐστιν ayadpa τότε
, VN ¢ 9 , , Φ \ ,

Λεωχάρους καὶ 6 ὀνομαζόμενος Πολιεύς, @ τὰ καθεστηκότα

date of the inscription, judged from
the style of the letters, was the end of
the first or the beginning of the second
century a.p. On vase-paintings Earth
is usually represented as a woman
rising from the ground, her lower
limbs not appearing, and this may
have been the form of the image. —
25. Τιμόθεος κτλ. : the two statues stood
on a single pedestal composed of four
blocks of Pentelic marble, two of which
have been found on the Acropolis, bear-
ing the inscription, Κόνων Τιμ[ο]θέονυ.
Τιμόθεος Kovw[vos] (C.I.A. II, 1860). —
26. Πρόκνην: Michaelis thinks we have
this group in a statue discovered in
1836, now in the Acropolis Museum.
It representsa woman standing, clothed
in long flowing robes; against her right
knee a naked boy is pressing. The
workmanship is decidedly inferior, but
Pausanias states that Alcamenes ‘‘dedi-
cated ’’ it, not that he made it. Then
it may not be the great Alcamenes.
The style points to the end of the fifth
or the beginning of the fourth century.
See A.M. I (1876), pp. 304-307. —
28. τὸ φυτὸν τῆς ἐλαίας : on coins of
Athens this subject is represented in
two different ways: (a) in the one there
is the actual contest, as in the strife
(pts) represented in the western pedi-
ment of the Parthenon ; (ὃ) in the other

there is nothing more than a peaceful
colloquy. Probably the group men-
tioned here by Pausanias was of the
latter type. In this the twa deities show
their tokens and calmly await the issue.
Poseidon has his left foot advanced and
resting on a rock, while with his right
hand he grasps his trident; Athena
rests her right hand upon the olive
tree, and behind her are her serpent
and shield. See Imhoof-Blumer and
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus., pp.
130 ff. with pl. Z, xi-xvi. This group
closely resembles a marble relief now in
Smyrna (see Frazer, II, 302, Fig. 23).
29. τό re Λεωχάρους καὶ ὁ ὀνομαζόμε-
γος ΠΙΟλιεύς : coins also probably pre-
serve the types of these two statues,
the older being the xoanon, or an ar-
chaic copy of it in stone, the later by
Leochares an idealized copy of it. In

4

the one, Zeus strides forward, the left -

hand extended, the right drawn back
and grasping the thunderbolt in the act
of hurling it; in the other, Zeus stands
in an easy attitude, the left knee bent,
the right hand holding the thunderbolt
half down, the left extended over an
altar round which is entwined a ser-
pent. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gard-

ner, Num. Comm. on Paus., pp. 137 ff.

with pl. BB, i, ii, iii. — 30. τὰ καθεστη-
κότα és τὴν θυσίαν κτλ.: this account

35

40

ea
or

50

55

THE PARTHENON 125

τ ΠῚ ’ , Ν > 9 9 “A , > 93 9
ἐς τὴν θυσίαν γράφων τὴν “ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῖς λεγομένην αἰτίαν οὐ
’
γράφω.

δ ’ - 9 ld ¥ ΄ ε “A
βωμὸν μεμιγμένας πυροῖς οὐδεμίαν ἔχουσι φυλακήν ὁ βοῦς
δὲ ὃν ἐς τὴν θυσίαν ἑτοιμάσαντες φυλάσσουσιν ἅπτεται

~ A 4 Q AY
τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Πολιέως κριθὰς καταθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν

ἡ λιν τὴ WORD 4 y ς , a. 5 ,
τῶν σ ερμάτων φοιτὼν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν. καλοῦσι ὃέ τινα
ld Ν ’ δ ’ εν»
τῶν ἱερέων βουφόνον, . .. καὶ ταύτῃ τὸν πέλεκυν ῥίψας ---
y , 3 Yd e , y . , ε oY Ν
οὕτω γάρ ἐστίν οἱ νόμος --- οἴχεται φεύγων. οἱ δὲ ἅτε τὸν
» ἃ Ἂ Q 4 9 > , 9 4 ε ,
ἄνδρα ὃς ἔδρασε τὸ ἔργον οὐκ εἰδότες ἐς δίκην ὑπάγουσι
τὸν πέλεκυν. :
Ταῦτα μὲν τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον δρῶσιν. ἐς δὲ τὸν ναὸν
ὃν Παρθενῶνα ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐς τοῦτον ἐσιοῦσιν ὁπόσα ἐν
τοῖς καλουμένοις ἀΐτοις κεῖται, πάντα ἐς τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἔχει
γένεσιν, τὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν ἡ Ποσειδῶνος πρὸς ᾿Αθηνᾶν ἐστιν
ἔρις ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς'
καὶ χρυσοῦ memotyras.

αὐτὸ δὲ ex τε ἐλέφαντος. τὸ ἄγαλμα
μέσῳ μὲν οὖν ἐπίκειταί of τῷ κράνει
> Ἁ ’ », Ud
Σφιγγὸς εἰκών --- - ὦ δὲ ἐς τὴν Σφίγγα λέγεται, γράψω προ-
ελθόντος ἐς τὰ Βοιώτιά μοι τοῦ λόγου --- καθ' ἑκάτερον δὲ
ou ye ~ 4
TOU κράνους yp πές εἶσιν ἐπειργασμένοι. τούτους τοὺς γρῦ-
πας ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν ᾿Αριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος μάχεσθαι περὶ
τοῦ χρυσοῦ φησιν ᾿Αριμασποῖς τοῖς ὑπὲρ Ἰσσηδόνων. τὸν
δὲ χρυσὸν ὃν φυλάσσουσιν οἱ γρῦπες ἀνιέναι τὴν γῆν᾽
> \ 3 ‘ \ » ’ 4 3
εἶναι δὲ Λριμασποὺς μὲν avdpas μονοφθάλμους πάντας ἐκ
γενετῆς, γρῦπας δὲ θηρία λέουσιν εἰκασμένα, πτερὰ δὲ ἔχειν
καὶ στόμα ἀετοῦ. καὶ γρυπῶν μὲν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω:

τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ὀρθόν ἐστιν ἐν χιτῶνι ποδήρει

of the Bouphonia or Diipolia, as this
ancient ceremony of Zeus was indiffer-
ently called, is supplemented by Paus.
1, 28, 10, and is described more fully
by Theophrastus, quoted by Porphyry
(De abstinentia, 2, 29 sq.). The day on
which the sacrifice took place was the
14th of Scirophorion (June—July). See

Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, pp. 30 ff.
—40. és δὲ rovvadv. . . Παρθενῶνα : on
the Parthenon, see Wxcureus Χ.

41, ὁπόσα ἐν τοῖς καλουμένοις ἀετοῖς
κεῖται: see Excursus Χ for an account
of the pediment sculptures of the Par-
thenon. — 44. ro ἄγαλμα: see Excur-
sus X.

5

60

126 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 24, 8
kai οἱ κατὰ TO στέρνον ἡ κεφαλὴ Μεδούσης ἐλέφαντός ἐστιν
ἐμπεποιημένη καὶ Νίκην τε ὅσον τεσσάρων πηχῶν, ἐν δὲ
τῇ (ἑτέρᾳ) χειρὶ δόρυ ἔχει, καί οἱ πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶν ἀσπΐίς τε

A Α , A , , 3 , ¥ > ἃ
κεῖται Kat πλησίον τοῦ δόρατος δράκων ἐστίν: εἴη δ᾽ ἂν
Ἐ 66 a τς ‘ y δὲ 3 βάθ ery tree

ριχθόνιος οὗτος 6 δράκων. ἔστι δὲ τῴ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγάλμα
3 ’ ’ ‘4 4 ve ,
Tos ἐπειργασμένη Πανδώρας γένεσις. πεποίηται δὲ Ἡσιόδῳ
\ » ε ε , , ᾿ς Ὁ .Ν , ‘\
τε καὶ ἄλλοις ὡς ἡ Πανδώρα γένοιτο αὕτη γυνὴ πρώτη πρὶν
δὲ 4 γενέσθαι Πανδώραν οὐκ ἣν πω γυναικῶν γένος. ἐνταῦθα

_ εἰκόνα ἰδὼν οἶδα ᾿Αδριανοῦ βασιλέως μόνου, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἔσο-

65

70

3 , 9 ’ , Ἁ ν

δον Ἰφικράτους ἀποδειξαμένου πολλά τε καὶ θαυμαστὰ ἔργα.
Τοῦ ναοῦ δέ ἐστι πέραν ᾿Απόλλων χαλκοῦς, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα
λέγουσι Φειδίαν ποιῆσαι. Παρνόπιον δὲ καλοῦσιν ὅτι
’ ’ ’ A “~ 9 ’ ε Ἁ
σφίσι παρνόπων βλαπτόντων τὴν γῆν ἀποτρέψειν ὁ θεὸς
εἶπεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας. καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἀπέτρεψεν ἴσασι, τρόπῳ
Α 3 ’ ’ “ N 9.ϑ A ¥ , 9 ’
δὲ οὐ λέγουσι ποίῳ. τρὶς δὲ αὐτὸς ἤδη πάρνοπας ἐκ Σιπύ-
a » 9 ‘ 2 AN > , 9 ‘ δ

λου τοῦ ὄρους οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ οἶδα φθαρέντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς

61. Πανδώρας γένεσις : there seems
to have been a close connection in
mythology and ritual between Pan-
dora and Athena. According to Sui-
das s.v. Ilap@évo, Pandora was a
daughter of Erechtheus. Philochorus
is quoted to the effect that whoever sac-
rificed an ox to Athena was obliged to
sacrifice a sheep to Pandora (Harpocr.
and Suid. 5.ν.᾿Επίβοιον; Etymol. Magn.
p. 358, 8.v. ἐπίβοιον). For the legend
of Pandora, the first woman, see
Hesiod, Theog. 561 sqq.; Opp. 47 sqq.
— 64. εἰκόνα... ᾿Αδριανοῦ: the in-
scribed pedestal of a statue of Hadrian
has been found between the Parthenon
and the Propylaea (C.I.A. IIT, 488).
—elxdva ... Idixpdrovs: this statue
was bestowed in recognition of Iphicra-

tes’ services in cutting to pieces a Spar-

tan regiment in 392 b.c. (Xen. Hell.
4, 5, 10'sqq.). It was of bronze (Dem.
23, 180, p. 663). Iphicrates himself
alluded to it in a fragment of a speech
preserved by Aristotle (Rhetoric, 2,
23, p. 18978). In the Parthenon were
also painted portraits of Themistocles
(Paus. 1, 1, 2) and Heliodorus Halis
(Paus. 1, 37, 1). Here too was kept
the silver-footed seat in which Xerxes
sat watching the battle of Salamis
(Harpocr. 8.0. ἀργυρόπους dlgpos).

67. Ilapvémov: the worship of Apol-
lo Parnopius was prevalent among the
Aeolic Greeks of Asia (Strabo, 13, p.
613). With the epithet Parnopius, Lo-
cust, cf. Smintheus, the Mouse-God,
also applied to Apollo (II. A, 39). Furt-
wingler (Meisterw. pp. 659-671) attrib-
utes the statue to the elder Praxiteles.

STATUE OF PERICLES 127

Ch. 35,1 ° eae
μὲν ἐξέωσε βίαιος ἐμπεσὼν ἄνεμος, τοὺς δὲ ὕσανζος͵ τοῦ
θεοῦ καυβα ἰσχυρὸν καθεῖλεν ἐπιλαβόν, οἱ δὲ αἰφνιδίῳ ῥίγει Pree
καταληφθέντες ἀπώλοντο.

25 Tovatra μὲν αὐτοῖς συμβαίνοντα εἶδον: ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ 1

Ξανθίππου καὶ αὐτὸς

ἀλλ᾽ ὁ

ἘΠΕῚ τοῦ δὲ Ξανθίππου

᾿Αθηναίων ἀκροπόλει καὶ Περικλῆς ὁ
Ξάνθιππος, ὃς ἐναυμάχησε ν ἐπὶ Μυκάλῃ Μήδοις.
μὲν Περικλέους ἀνδριὰς ἑ ib

5 πλησίον ἕστηκεν ᾿Ανακρέων 6 Τήιος, πρῶτος μετὰ Σαπφὼ
τὴν “Λέσβίαν τὰ πολλὰ ὧν ἔγραψεν ἐρωτικὰ ποιήσας"
οἵ τὸ σχῆμά ἐστιν οἷον ᾷδοντος ἂν ἐν μέθῃ γένοιτο ἀνθρώ-

,
και

που.

25. Other statues on the Acropolis —
Olympiodorus — Athens after the bat-
tle of Chaeronea — Confederation of
Greek states against the Macedonians
— Leosthenes — Demetrius of Phale-
rum — Lachares.

2. Περικλῆς ὁ Ἐανθίππον : this statue
may have been the one made by Cresi-
las which Pliny mentions (N. H. 34, 74).
What is probably a part.of the pedestal
has been found, in a fragment of Pen-
telic marble, bearing the inscription
[Περ]ικλέους [Kpeo]idas ἐποίε (C.I.A.
IV, 408 α, p. 154). Three ancient busts
of Pericles are extant, all copies of one
original, which is conjectured to be
Cresilas’ statue. They represent Peri-
cles bearded and helmeted, with serene
and noble countenance. The best of
the three is in the British Museum.
See Furtw. Meisterw. d. griech. Plastik,
"pp. 270-274. — αὐτὸς Ξάνθιππος: a few
years ago a potsherd was found on the
Acropolis, bearing the inscription Ξάν-
θιππος ‘Applpovos (C.I.A. IV, 570, p. 192
sq.) and in 1891 a potsherd similarly
inscribed was found in Athens near
Piraeus Street (C.I.A. IV, 571). These

γυναῖκας δὲ πλησίον Δεινομένη ς Ἰὼ τὴν Ἰνάχου καὶ

were doubtless used in voting the ostra-
cism of Xanthippus (see Aristotle, Resp.
Athen. 22). Pausanias is mistaken in ᾿
speaking of the battle of Mycaleasasea-
fight; it was a land-battle. Xanthip-
pus commanded the Athenian forces
on this occasion. See Hat. 9, 98-106,
114; Plut. Pericles, 3.— 5. "Avaxpéwv :
there is in the Jacobsen Collection at
Copenhagen a statue of Anacreon, for-
merly in the Villa Borghese at Rome.
It represents the poet as a bearded man
in the prime of life, standing and play-
ing on the lyre. The original was
doubtless a fifth-century work, and one
well known, as there are extant four
replicas of the head, the best one being
in Berlin. Kekulé assigns the original
to Cresilas, Furtwingler to Phidias,
and both judge it the statue on the
Acropolis here mentioned. Against this
identification is the fact that Pausanias
says the statue represented the poet as
drunk, while the Copenhagen statue
represents him as sober. See Kekulé,
Jrb. d. arch. Inst. VII (1892), 119-
126; Furtwiangler, Meisterw. p. 92 sq.
--- 8. Δεινομένης : Pliny (N. H. 34, 50)

10

20

25

. OTOV.

128 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANITAS

Ch. 25, 2
Καλλιστὼ τὴν Av ίογο ος πεποίηκεν; αἷς ἀμφοτέραις ἐστὶν
ἐς ἅπαν ὅμοια διη ἥματα ἔρως Διὸς καὶ "Hpas ὀργὴ καὶ
c

ἀλλαγὴ τῇ μὲ μὲν ἐς βοῦν, Καλλιστοῖ δὲ ἐς ἄρκτον. ths ΠΡ
Πρὸς δὲ τι τῷ τείχει τῷ νοτίῳ Γιγάντων, οἱ περὶ Θράκην
ποτὲ καὶ τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Παλλήνης ᾧκησαν, τούτων -τὸν
λε ἐγόμεν, νον πόλεμον καὶ μάχην πρὸς ᾿Αμαζόνας͵ ᾿Αθηναίων.
καὶ τὸ τὸ Μαραθῶνι πρὸς Μήδους ἔ epyov καὶ Tadarov τὴν ἐν
Μυσίᾳ φθορὰν ἀνέθηκεν ἴΑτταλος, ὅσον τε δύο πηχῶν ἕκα-
ἔστηκε δὲ «καὶ ᾿Ολυμπιόδωρος, μεγέθει τε ὧν ἔπραξε
λαβὼν δόξαν καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῷ καιρῷ, φρόνημα ἐν ἀνθρώ-
ποις παρασχόμενος συνεχῶς ἐπταικόσι καὶ du αὐτὸ οὐδὲ
ἃ Ν "δὲ 9 Ν , 3 , Ν Ν 3. 92
ἐν χρηστὸν οὐδὲ ἐς τὰ μέλλοντα ἐλπίζουσι. τὸ γὰρ ἀτύ-
9 , ν a 9 "ἦν a 4
χημα τὸ ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ ἅπασι τοῖς Ελλησιν ἦρξε κακοῦ καὶ
οὐχ ἥκιστα δούλους ἐποίησε τοὺς ὑπεριδόντας καὶ ὅσοι
μετὰ Μακεδόνων ἐτάχθησαν. τὰς μὲν δὴ πολλὰς Φίλιππος

av πόλεων εἷλεν, ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ. λό θέ ἐρ
τῶν πόλεων εἷλεν, ηναίοις δὲ. λόγῳ συνθέμενος ἔργῳ
σφᾶς μάλιστα ἐκάκωσε, νήσους τε ἀφελόμενος καὶ τῆς ἐς
τὰ ναυτικὰ παύσας ἀρχῆς. καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ἡσύχασαν
᾿Αθηναῖοι Φιλίππου βασιλεύοντος καὶ ὕστερον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου"
τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Μακεδόνες μὲν βασιλεύειν
9 “A 3 4 \ 3 ’ e ~ 93 4
εἵλοντο ᾿Αριδαῖον, ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ ἐπετέτραπτο ἡ πᾶσα ἀρχή,

mentions a sculptor Dinomenes, who
flourished ΟἹ. 95 (about 400 B.c.).

12. Γιγάντων: these figures were
doubtless dedicated by Attalus I, king
of Pergamus, to commemorate his
victories over the Gauls (cf. 1, 4, 5).

᾿ They were located, as Pausanias states,

on the south wall, and doubtless di-
rectly over the theatre, as Plutarch
(Anton. 60) relates how the figure of
Dionysus in the group representing the
giants was blown from its place by a
hurricane and fell into the theatre.

The material was probably of bronze.

Marble copies of figures of these groups
are preserved in the museums of Eu-
rope, five of Gauls, three of Persians,
one Giant, and one Amazon, all repre-
senting the vanquished. The Athens
statues were probably reduced replicas
of figures in bronze at Pergamus, exe-
cuted by Epigonus. See Frazer, II,
322-825; Harrison, Ancient Athens,
pp. 474-477.— 17. From here to 26, 3
follows a digression on Olympiodorus
and the contest with the Macedonians.

30

35

40

45

50

55

THE LAMIAN WAR 129

Ch. 25, 6

\ 9 , > 9 3 ΝΟΣ , 3 Ν , ,
καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοις οὐκέτι ἀνεκτὰ ἐφαίνετο εἰ τὸν πάντα χρόνον
ἔσται ἐπὶ Μακεδόσι τὸ “Ἑλληνικόν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοί τε πολεμεῖν
9 Ἁ » 9 δ » ¥ 9 , Ἁ ε
ὥρμηντο καὶ ἄλλους ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἤγειρον. ἐγένοντο δὲ αἵ

A 4 a \ » 3 (ὃ

μετασχοῦσαι πόλεις Πελοποννησίων μὲν Αργος Ἐπίδαυρος
Σικυὼν Τροιζὴν Ἠλεῖοι Φλιάσιοι Μεσσήνη, oi δὲ ἔξω τοῦ Κο-
ρινθίων ἰσθμοῦ Λοκροὶ Φωκεῖς Θεσσαλοὶ Κάρυστος ᾿Ακαρ-
νᾶνες ἐς τὸ Αἰτωλικὸν συντελοῦντες: Βοιωτοὶ δὲ Θηβαίων
ἠρημωμένην τὴν γῆν τὴν Θηβαΐδα νεμόμενοι δέει μὴ Θήβας
αὖθις ᾿Αθηναῖοί σφισιν ἐποικίζωσιν οὔτε ἐς τὴν συμμαχίαν
> 9 \ 3 ¢ Φ , ‘N , >
ἐτάσσοντο καὶ ἐς ὅσον ἧκον δυνάμεως TA Μακεδόνων ηὖξον.
τοὺς δὲ ἐς τὸ συμμαχικὸν ταχθέντας κατὰ πόλεις τε ἑκά-
στους ἦγον στρατηγοὶ καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἄρχειν ἤρητο ᾿Αθη-
ναῖος Λεωσθένης πόλεώς τε ἀξιώματι καὶ αὐτὸς εἶναι δοκῶν
πολέμων ἔμπειρος. ὑπῆρχε δέ οἱ καὶ πρὸς πάντας εὐεργεσία

Λλ τι ε ’ Ἁ ἴω δ , Ἃ ,
τοὺς Ἕλληνας - ὁπόσοι yap μισθοῦ παρὰ Δαρείῳ καὶ σατρά-

oy , ν 9 , A 3 ‘ AN
παις ἐστρατεύοντο Ἕλληνες, ἀνοικίσαι σφᾶς és τὴν Περσίδα
θελήσαντος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Λεωσθένης ἔφθη κομίσας ναυσὶν
3 ‘ 3 , ἃ ‘ ‘ ’ & 3 2 Ν » »
ἐς τὴν Ἐὐρώπην. καὶ δὴ καὶ τότε ὧν ἐς αὐτὸν ἤλπισαν ἔργα
λαμπρότερα ἐπιδειξάμενος παρέσχεν ἀποθανὼν ἀθυμῆσαι

~ A 9 4 ἈΝ 9 9 “~ ’
πᾶσι καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ οὐχ ἤκιστα σφαλῆναι: φρουρά τε Μακε-
δόνων ἐσῆλθεν ᾿Αθηναίοις, οὗ Μουνυχίαν, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ
Πειραιᾶ καὶ τείχη μακρὰ ἔσχον. ᾿Αντιπάτρονυ δὲ ἀποθανόν-
τος Ὀλυμπιὰς διαβᾶσα ἐξ Ἠπείρου χρόνον μέν τινα ἦρξεν
> 4 3 “A 9 “™ ἣ ν 3
ἀποκτείνασα ᾿Αριδαῖον, οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ἐκπολιορκη-
θεῖσα ὑπὸ Κασσάνδρου παρεδόθη τῷ πλήθει. Κάσσανδρος
δὲ βασιλεύσας --- τὰ δὲ ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπέξεισί μοι μόνα ὁ

, [4 “A 3 “a 3 “Ὁ Ἁ A
λόγος --- Πάνακτον τεῖχος ἐν TH ᾿Αττικῇ καὶ Σαλαμῖνα εἷλε

’ ’ 3 ’ ¥ ’ ’ “
τύραννόν τε ᾿Αθηναίοις ἔπραξε γενέσθαι Δημήτριον τὸν

56. Πάνακτον τεῖχος: situated on 326). Cassander later garrisoned it, but
the borders of Boevtia, and captured Demetrius Poliorcetes recaptured it

in 822 B.c. by the Boeotians, who dis- and restored it to the Athenians (Plut.
mantled it (Thuc. 5, 3, 42; Dem. 19, Demetrius, 28).

4

60

65

70

75

80
26

130 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 25, 7°
: , Ν Ν 4 > , 9 Ν , “Ὁ
Φανοστράτου, [τὰ πρὸς] δόξαν εἰληφότα ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ. τοῦτον
\ Ἁ ’ ¥ , € Dd» 4 ,
μὲν δὴ τυραννίδος ἔπαυσε Δημήτριος ὁ ᾿Αντιγόνου, νέος τε
ὧν καὶ φιλοτίμως πρὸς τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν διακείμενος: Κάσ- 7
δ “ 4 e “~ e “Ὁ 3 ‘ 3
σανδρος δὲ ---- δεινὸν γάρ τι ὑπὴν οἱ μῖσος ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αθη-
ναίους ---ὁ δὲ αὖθις Λαχάρην προεστηκότυσ, ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ
δήμου, τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα οἰκειωσάμενος τυραννίδα ἔπεισε
βουλεῦσαι, τυράννων ὧν ἴσμεν τά τε ἐς ἀνθρώπους μάλιστα
9 , Ἁ > δ θ “ > 5 , ’ δὲ ia)
ἀνήμερον Kat ἐς TO θεῖον ἀφειδέστατον. Δημητρίῳ d€ τῳ
᾿Αντιγόνου διαφορὰ μὲν ἣν ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἤδη τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων,
᾿ A \ 9 Ἁ Α ’ἤ , ε ,
καθεῖλε δὲ ὅμως καὶ THY Λαχάρους τυραννίδα: ἁλισκομένον
A A 4 9 ld , 3 ’ ν λῚ
δὲ τοῦ τείχους ἐκδιδράσκει Λαχάρης ἐς Βοιωτούς, ἅτε δὲ
9 3 3 , N “ Ἃ > \N
ἀσπίδας ἐξ ἀκροπόλεως καθελὼν χρυσᾶς καὶ αὐτὸ τῆς
3 ~ , » δ 3 , 4 e
AOnvas τὸ ἄγαλμα τὸν περιαιρετὸν ἀποδύσας κόσμον ὑπω-
πτεύετο εὐπορεῖν μεγάλως χρημάτων. Λαχάρην μὲν οὖν τού-
των ἕνεκα κτείνουσιν ἄνδρες Κορωναῖοι: Δημήτριος δὲ ὁ
3 ’ , 3 ’ 3 , l4
Αντιγόνου τυράννων ἐλευθερώσας ᾿Αθηναίους τό τε παραν-
, ‘ Ν ld Ν 3 3 ,᾿ ’ Ἁ
Tika μετὰ τὴν Λαχάρους φυγὴν οὐκ ἀπέδωκέ σφισι τὸν
ἴω ν ry
Πειραιᾶ καὶ ὕστερον πολέμῳ κρατήσας ἐσήγαγεν ἐς αὐτὸ
φρουρὰν τὸ ἄστυ, τὸ Μουσεῖον καλούμενον τειχίσας. ἔστι
δὲ ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου τοῦ ἀρχαίου τὸ Μουσεῖον ἀπαντικρὺ
a 9 , , » A 10 Ν a
τῆς ἀκροπόλεως λόφος, ἔνθα Μουσαῖον adew καὶ ἀπο-
θανόντα γήρᾳ ταφῆναι λέγουσιν: ὕστερον δὲ καὶ μνῆμα.
3 ’ 3 Α 3 τ ’ ’ \ , ,
αὐτόθι ἀνδρὶ φκοδομήθη Σύρῳ. τότε δὲ Δημήτριος τειχίσας
4 ’, ,. ¥ > “A 3 ‘ ‘
εἶχε: χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἄνδρας ἐσῆλθεν οὐ πολλοὺς [καὶ]

67. τὴν Aaxdpovs τυραννίδα: see 76. τὸ Μουσεῖον: Pausanias omits

Droysen, Gesch. d. Hell. II, 2, 251-
253. He removed from the Parthenon
the three hundred Persian shields sent
by Alexander the Great to Athens to
be dedicated to Athena (Arrian, Anab.
1, 16,7; Plut. Alexander, 16). Athe-
naeus (9, p. 405) quotes a comic poet
as saying that Lachares “δα made
Athena naked.”’

from his description the hill district
southwest of the Acropolis embracing
the Pnyx, the hill of the Nymphs, and
the Museum hill, but here incidentally
mentions the last. The monument
here mentioned is still conspicuous.
26. Olympiodorus — Artemis Leu-
cophryene — Statue of Athena by En-
doeus — The Erechtheum — Image of

OLYMPIODORUS 131
Ch. 26, 4
μνήμη TE προγόνων καὶ ἐς οἵαν μεταβολὴν τὸ ἀξίωμα ἥκοι
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, αὐτίκα τε ὡς εἶχον αἱροῦνται στρατηγὸν
Ὀλυμπιόδωρον. ὁ δὲ σφᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἦγε καὶ
γέροντας καὶ μειράκια ὁμοίως, προθυμίᾳ πλέον ἢ ῥώμῃ
κατορθοῦσθαι τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἐλπίζων. ἐπεξελθόντας δὲ τοὺς
Μακεδόνας μάχῃ τε ἐκράτησε καὶ φυγόντων ἐς τὸ Μουσεῖον

: 9
τὸ χωρίον εἷλεν. ᾿Αθῆναι μὲν οὕτως. ἀπὸ Μακεδόνων ἠλευ-

10

15

90

25

, 9 “ΟΝ “ 3 , 9 δ ,
θερώθησαν, ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ πάντων ἀγωνισαμένων ἀξίως λόγου
Λεώκριτος μάλιστα ὃ Πρωτάρχου λέγεται τόλμῃ χρήσασθαι
πρὸς τὸ ἔργον. πρῶτος μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀνέβη, πρῶτος
δὲ ἐς τὸ Μουσεῖον ἐσήλατο, καί οἱ πεσόντι ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τιμαὶ

99 ’ ἂ»ν» ’ Ἁ A 3 ’ ϑ ,
παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ ἄλλαι γεγόνασι καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα ἀνέθεσαν

~ \ A: , \ » “A ’ \ Ν ᾽
τῷ Διὶ τῷ ᾿Ελευθερίῳ, τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Λεωκρίτον καὶ τὸ κατόρ-
3 ld 3 ’ \ ld ? 3 ¥
θωμα ἐπιγράψαντες. ᾿Ολυμπιοδώρῳ δὲ τόδε μέν ἐστιν ἔργον
‘ κὰ “A
μέγιστον χωρὶς τούτων ὧν ἔπραξε Πειραιᾶ καὶ Μουνυχίαν
dvacwodpevos: ποιουμένων δὲ Μακεδόνων καταδρομὴν ἐς
Ἐλευσῖνα ᾿Ελευσινίους συντάξας ἐνίκα τοὺς Μακεδόνας.
4 ° , » , 3 4 > Ν 3 ᾿ν
πρότερον δὲ ἔτι τούτων ἐσβαλόντος ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν Κασ-
σάνδρου πλεύσας ᾿Ολυμπιόδωρος ἐς Αἰτωλίαν βοηθεῖν Αἰτω-
λοὺς ἔπεισε, καὶ τὸ συμμαχικὸν τοῦτο ἐγένετο ᾿Αθηναίοις
αἴτιον μάλιστα διαφυγεῖν τὸν Κασσάνδρου πόλεμον. Ὀλυμ-

’ Ἁ ων \ 3 9 ’ > UN » 9 ’ N
“πιοδώρῳ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις εἰσὶν ev TE ἀκροπόλει καὶ

3 ’ », “ Ν 3 > “A »’ ‘ ,
ἐν πρυτανείῳ τιμαΐ, τοῦτο δὲ ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι γραφή καὶ Φωκέων
οἱ ᾿Ελάτειαν ἔχοντες χαλκοῦν Ὀλυμπιόδωρον ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀνέ.

9 Ἁ a ¥ > ~ ,
| θεσαν, ὅτι καὶ τούτοις ἤμυνεν ἀποστᾶσι Κασσάνδρου.

-»“ππ

4

uv. Τῆς δὲ εἰκόνος πλησίον τῆς Ὀλυμπιοδώρον χαλκοῦν ᾿Αρτέ-

μιδος ἄγαλμα ἕστηκεν ἐπίκλησιν Λευκοφρνήνης, ἀνέθεσαν

Athena that fell from Heaven—Cal- The outer’ Ceramicus contained the

limachus. graves of thirteen who fell in the as-
4. ᾿Ολυμπιόδωρογ : Plutarch (Deme- sault on the Museum hill (1, 29, 3).
trius, 46) mentions this revolt, which 28. Aevxodpufvys: this title was

probably took place in 288 3n.c. See given Artemis from Leucophrys, a
Droysen, Gesch. ἃ. Hell. II, 2, 300. town in the valley of the Maceander.

30

Cerf

132 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

δὲ οἱ παῖδες οἵ Θεμιστοκλέους. Μάγνητες γάρ, ὧν Gove
Θεμιστοκλῆς λαβὼν παρὰ βασιλέως, ἐμ μα ἼΑρτε-
μιν ἄγουσιν ἐν τιμῇ.

Δεῖ δέ με ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ λόγου TOC πάντα ὁμοίως

ἐπεξιόντα τὰ Ἕλληνικά. Ἔνδοιος ἦν γένος μὲν ᾿Αθη-

γαῖος, Δαιδάλου δὲ μαθητής, ὃς καὶ φεύγοντι Δαιδάλῳ διὰ

τὸν Κάλω θάνατον ἐπηκολούθησεν ἐς Κρήτην. τούτου κα δι,
μενόν ἐστιν ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα, ἐπίγραμμα ἔχον ὡς Καλλίας

N b ’ , , » » Q 4 Ν
. μὲν ἀναθείη, ποιήσειε δὲ Ἔνδοιος. ---- ἔστι δὲ καὶ οἰκημα

40

᾿Ἐρέχθειον καλούμενον πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου Διός ἐστι βωμὸς
Ὑπάτου, ἔνθα ἔμψυχον θύουσιν οὐδέν, πέμματα δὲ θέντες
οὐδὲν ἔτι οἴνῳ χρήσασθαι νομίζουσιν. ἐσελθοῦσι δέ εἶσι
’ “A 979 Ὄ \ 93 A 4 »
βωμοί, Ποσειδῶνος, ἐφ᾽ ov καὶ ᾿Ερεχθεῖ θύουσιν ἔκ Tov par-
’ Ἃ 9 , , v, ¢ , Ἁ
τεύματος, καὶ ἥρωος Βούτου, τρίτος δὲ Ἡφαίστον: γραφαὶ

Xenophon (Hell. 3, 2, 19; 4, 8, 17)
mentions her sanctuary there. The
temple at Magnesia on the Maeander,
alluded to by Pausanias, was an Jonic
structure built by the architect Her-
mogenes (Vitruv. 3, 2,6; 7, praef. 12).
According to Strabo (14, p. 647) it was
the third largest temple in Asia, and,
though inferior in size and number of
votive offerings to the Artemis temple
at Ephesus, was far superior in its
architectural features. The remains of
the temple were excavated in 1891-
1898 by the German Archaeological
Institute. — 33. ”Ev8ov0s: although Pau-
sanias speaks of Endoeus as an Athe-
nian, there is some ground for thinking
he was an_ Ionian Greek, as two in-

' scribed bases of statues by him found

in Athens are in Ionic characters(C.I.A.
I, 477, Δελτίον ἀρχ. 1888, 208 sq.). He
is also known to have made images
for temples in Jonia, including the im-

age of Artemis at Ephesus. He flour-
ished at Athens in the latter part of the
sixth century B.c., the age of Pisistra-
tus. A seated statue of Athena, now in
the Acropolis Museum, is usually as-
cribed to him. The Callias who dedi-
cated it was probably the opponent of
Pisistratus mentioned by Herodotus
(6, 121).

37. οἴκημα 'Ἐἰρέχθειον καλούμενον : on
the Erechtheum, see Excursus XI. —
41. βωμοί: the Athenians frequently
identified Erechtheus with Poseidon
(Hesych. s.v.’Epex6eds). An inscription
(C.I.A. I, 887) has a dedication to Po-
seidon Erechtheus. This priesthood
was styled that of Poseidon Erechtheus
(Ps.-Plut. Vit. x Or. p. 843B,c; C.I.A.
III, 805). The seat reserved in the
theatre was for ‘the priest of earth-
holding Poseidon’ and Erechtheus’’
(C.I.A. ITI, 276). — 42. ἥρωος Βούτου:
Butes was either a twin brother of

5

45

THE ERECHTHEUM 133

ee 26, τς ”~ , ~ ’ > A a) “~ Ἁ
δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν τοίχων τοῦ γένους εἰσὶ τοῦ Βονταδῶν καὶ --- δι-
~ 4, 3 N » N ν 3 Ν ¥ 4
πλοῦν yap ἐστι τὸ οἴκημα --- [καὶ] ὕδωρ ἐστὶν ἔνδον θαλάσ-
σιον ἐν φρέατι. τοῦτο μὲν θαῦμα οὐ péya: καὶ γὰρ ὅσοι
, 3 A ¥ ¥ ‘\ \. 3 δι aA
μεσόγαιαν οἰκοῦσιν, ἀλλοις τε ἔστι καὶ Kapow ᾿Αφροὸισιεῦ-
DOV: “ὃ Ν , 3 Α , ,
ow: adda τόδε TO φρέαρ ἐς συγγραφὴν παρέχεται κυμάτων
ἦχον ἐπὶ νότῳ πνεύσαντι. καὶ τριαίνης ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πέτρᾳ
σχῆμα: ταῦτα δὲ λέγεται Ποσειδῶνι μαρτύρια ἐς τὴν ἀμφι-
σβήτησιν τῆς χώρας φανῆναι.
ε Ν δ “Ὁ 3 ἴω) 9 9 ¥ , XN e “A
Ιερὰ μὲν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐστιν 7 τε ἄλλη πόλις καὶ ἡ πᾶσα
ε , ων Ἃ 4 ν Ν , ¥ 3
ὁμοίως γῆ --- καὶ γὰρ ὅσοις θεοὺς καθέστηκεν ἄλλους ἐν
ed 5 , , > , Φ Ν 3 θ a ¥
Tous ὀήμοις σέβειν, οὐδέν TL ἧσσον τὴν Αθηνᾶν ἀγουσιν
ἐν τιμῇ ---τὸ δὲ ἁγιώτατον ἐν κοινῷ πολλοῖς... πρότερον νο-
θὲ ¥ διε κ > A a , 2 AN 9 a
μισθὲν ἔτεσιν ἡ συνῆλθον ἀπὸ τῶν δήμων ἐστὶν ᾿Αθηνᾶς
¥ 9 ex A 3 , , \ 32 ’ ,
ἄγαλμα ἐν τῇ νῦν ἀκροπόλει, τότε δὲ ὀνομαζομένῃ πόλει"
φήμη δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ ἔχει πεσεῖν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν
9 3 ld y: ν Ν ἵλλ » λ , Se “A θ A
οὐκ ἐπέξειμι εἴτε οὕτως εἴτε ἄλλως ἔχει, 'λύχνον δὲ TH θεῷ
«ας Gry o( tase moy
Erechtheus (Apolod. 3,14, 8) or a son
of Poseidon (Eustath. on Homer 1]. A, 1,
p. 18; Etymol. Magn. p. 209 sq., s.vv.

Βουτάδαι and Bovrildys). The ancient
family of the Butads or Eteobutads

made of olive-wood (Schol. Dem. 22,
13, p. 597). As to the type, there is
some dispute whether the goddess was
represented seated or standing. — 58.
λύχνον: the lamp with its perpetual

furnished both the priests of Poseidon
Erechtheus and the priestesses of
Athena Polias (Aeschin. 2, 147; Har-
pocr. and Phot. s.v.’EveoBouvrdda et al.).

The statesman Lycurgus was of this ©

family.

55. ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα κτλ.: this re-
mark is evidently intended to explain
the epithet Polias (from πόλις) which
was the regular title of the Athena
of the Erechtheum (see Frazer, IT, 573
sqq., Appendix). The phraseology was
suggested by Thuc. 2, 15, who says
that in early times the word πόλις was
restricted to mean the Acropolis. Cf.
C.I.A. I, 1, 4, 189. The image was

light in the Erechtheum is mentioned
by Strabo (9, p. 396). During the siege
of Athens by Sulla it was allowed to
go out for lack of oil (Plut. Numa, 3;
Sulla, 18). The date of Callimachus is
not positively known, but he probably
belongs to the close of the fifth cen-
tury. To him is attributed the inven-
tion of the Corinthian capital (Vitruv.
4,1, 9). He made a seated image of
Hera at Plataea (9, 2,7). Pliny (N. H.

34, 92) says that the epithet κακιζό-

rexvos, ‘*Refiner away of Art,’ was
applied to him because of his excessive
fastidiousness ; Vitruvius (4, 1, 9) that
it was on account of ‘‘ the elegance and

134 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

| Ch. 26, 7
χρυσοῦν Καλλίμαχος ἐποίησεν: ἐμπλήσαντες δὲ ἐλαίου 7
Ν ’ A 3 Ν ~ , » 9 »’ ε ,
60 τὸν λύχνον THY αὑτὴν τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔτους ἀναμένουσιν ἡμέ-
» \ 9 ~ N Ν > A , “~ 4
ραν, ἔλαιον δὲ ἐκεῖνο τὸν μεταξὺ ἐπαρκεῖ χρόνον τῷ λύχνῳ
καΐ οἱ λίνου

Ν Ν
κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ € ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ φαίνοντι.

Καρπασίου post us Saga ὃ δὴ πυρὶ λίνων μόνον οὐκ

ἔστιν ἁλώσιμον: PvE δὲ € ὑπὲ

v λύχνον χαλκοῦς ἀνήκων
θῦ ἐς τὸν ὄροφον a ἀνασπᾷ δὴν arp vs

ὁ δὲ Καλλίμαχος ὁ τὸν
λύχνον ποιήσας, ἀγοδοδη» πδν πρώτων ἐς αὐτὴν τὴν τέχνην;
οὕτω σοφίᾳ πάντων ἐστὶν ἄριστος ὥστε καὶ λίθους πρῶτος
ἐτρύπησε καὶ ὄνομα ἔθετο καταφηξίνεχνον, ἢ ἢ θεμένων ἄλλων
κατέστησεν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ. Ka,

Κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Πολιάδος Ἑρμῆς ξύλου, Κέκρο- 1

SereXves
27
5 , 9. “ εν , , > Fv
πος εἶναι λεγόμενον ἀνάθημα, ὑπὸ κλάδων βυρσοης οὐ σύυνο-ς
πτον. Svan dere δὲ ὁπόσα ἄξια λόγου, τῶν μὲν. ἀρχαίων
(οὐ
λάφυρα δὲ ἀπὸ
Μήδων Μασιστίον θώραξ, ὃ ὃς ἐἶχεν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς τὴν aye

poviay τῆς ἵππου, καὶ ΕΣ ΛΩΝ Μαρδονίου λεγόμενος εἶναι.

δίφρος ὀκλαδίας Ἰέστὶ Δαιδάλου ποίημα,

δι

Μασίστιον μὲν δὴ τελευτήσαντα ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων οἶδα
e , , ἃ », , 3 [4
ἱππέων - Μαρδονίου δὲ ποχεσάμενου Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐναντία
καὶ ὑπὸ ἀνδρὸς Σπαρτιάτου πεσόντος οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὑπεδέξαντο

Lee

10 ἀρχὴν οὐδὲ Ui {oes ᾿Αθηναίοις παρῆκαν φέρεσθαι Λακεδαιμό-

᾿-

νιοι τὸν ἀκ ὥρην. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίας. οὐδὲν ἔχουσιν ἄλλο

subtlety ’’ of his work in marble. See - 11. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίας: Pausanias

Furtwingler, Meisterw. pp. 200-206.

27. Offerings inthe Temple of Athena
Polias — The Olive Tree— The Arre-
phoric Maidens — Statue of the Priest-
ess Lysimache— Group of Erechtheus
and Eumolpus — Statues of Tolmides
and his son— Athena statues — Boar
Ifunt — Fight of Heracles with Cycnus
— Heracles and Theseus — Minos and
the Minotaur.

1. ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Πολιάδος : on the
Old Athena Temple, see Excursus XII.

does not tell the site of the sacred olive,

but from other sources we learn that
it was in the Pandrosium to the west
of the Erechtheum (see Dion. Hal. de
Dinarcho judicium, 3; Apollod. 3, 14,
1). Herodotus (8, 55) speaks of it
as within the precincts of the Erech-
theum. Pliny (N. H. 16, 240) and Hy-
ginus (Fab. 164) speak of this sacred
olive as existing in their time. He-
rodotus’s account of the burning and
sprouting again is not so marvelous

ARREPHOROI 185
Ch. 27, 4

3 ἴω ry ~ ~ , ’ ~ 3 N > “~ N
εἰπεῖν ἢ τῇ θεῷ μαρτύριον γενέσθαι τοῦτο ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα TOV
ἐπὶ τῇ χώρᾳ: λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τάδε, κατακαυθῆναι μὲν τὴν
ἐλαίαν, ἡνίκα ὃ Μῆδος ,Τὴν πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν ᾿Αθηναίοις,

“ἃ Bey
αὖ ἡμερὸν ὅ ὅσον τε ἐπὶ δύο βλαστῆσαί “

»-ἀ
(abs |

K ατακαυθεῖ εισαν δὲ

πήχεις.

Τῷ ναῷ δὲ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς Πανδρόσον ναὸς συϊεχής. ἐστι:
καὶ ἔστι Πάνδροσος ἐς τὴν παρακαταθήκην ἀναίτιος τῶν
9 ~ ’ ἃ ’ ’ ’ ’ ¥
ἀδελφῶν μόνη. ἃ δέ por θαυμάσαι μάλιστα παρέσχεν, ἔστι 3
Α > » ὦ , , 1. @ ,

20 μὲν οὐκ ἐς ἅπαντας γνώριμα, γράψω δὲ οἷα συμβαίνει, παρ-

θένοι δύο τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Πολιάδος οἰκοῦσιν οὐ πόρρω, καλοῦσι
gf Ot" AMIENS .

δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι σφᾶς ἀρρηφόρους: αὗται Χρόνον μέν τινα δίαι-

σιν ἐν νυκτὶ ΑΝ dvabecoat a ἐπὶ ras κεφαλὰς ἃ

26 ἡ τῆς ᾿Αθημᾶς ἱέρεια δίδωσι φέρειν, οὔτε ἡ διδοῦσα ὁποῖόν
‘tu δίδωσιν εἰδυῖα οὔτε ταῖς φερούσαις ἐπισταμέναις ---- ἔστι
δὲ περίβολος ἐν τῇ πόλει τῆς καλουμένης ἐν Κήποις Ade po-
δίτης οὐ πόρρω καὶ du αὐτοῦ κάθοδος ὑ ὑπόγαιός αὐτομάτη“ -
κάτω μὲν δὴ τὰ φερόμενα λεί-

ταύτῃ κατίασιν αἱ παρθένοι.

80 πουσιν, λαβοῦσαι δὲ ἄλλο τι κομίζουσιν ἐγκεκαλυμμένον-

᾿ ‘ δὴ \ 9 A ¥ \ 3 κ᾿ ε» V9 ‘ 9 ,
KaL TAS μεν ἀφιᾶσιν non TO ἐντεῦθεν, ἐετέβρας δὲ ες THY akpo-
πρὸς δὲ τῷ ναῷ τῆς 4

πολιν παρθένους ἄγουσιν ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν.

(8, 55).—17. ἸΠανδρόσον ναός : as to
Pandrosus, see 1, 18,2. The temple was
situated just east of the Erechtheum.
The Epheboi sacrificed to Athena Po-
lias and to Pandrosus (C.I.A. III, 481).
The pedestal of a statue to one of the
girls called Arrephoroi bears an inscrip-
tion that she had served Athena Polias

-and Pandrosus (C.I.A. III, 887; cf.

C.I.A. II, 1890). Thallo, one of the
seasons, was worshiped along with Pan-
drosus (9, 35, 2).

20. παρθένοι δύο... dppyddpovs: the
Arrephoroi were four girls of noble

birth, between the ages of seven and
eleven, chosen by the king archon to
perform the service described by Pau-
sanias. They wore white robes, and
gold ornaments if worn by them be-
came sacred. Two of the Arrephoroi
began the weaving of the sacred robe
presented periodically to Athena. The
festival here described was called Arre-
phoria, and was held in the month of Sci-
rophorion (June-July). (Cf. Ar. Lys.
641 sq., and Schol.; Etymol. Magn.
p. 149, s.vv. ἀρρηφόροι and ἀρρηφορεῖν ;
Ilesych. and Suid. s.v. ἀρρηφορία, etc.)

ζ9
fda |

40

136 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

9 A. ¥ Y 9.2 a 9 τς Ain
Αθηνᾶς ἔστι μὲν... εὐήρις πρεσβῦτις ὅσον τε πήχεος
Xx , ὃ 4 > , ¥ de 9 aN
μάλιστα, φαμένη διάκονος εἶναι Λυσιμάχη, ἔστι δὲ ayad-
ω A Ὁ Ν
ματα μεγάλα χαλκοῦ διεστῶτες ἄνδρες ἐς μάχην. καὶ τὸν
μὲν ᾿Ερεχθέα καλοῦσι, τὸν δὲ Εὔμολπον καίτοι λέληθέ γε
ἠδὲ "AG ’ 9 ‘ 9 A ν Ἶ ’᾽ ὃ >
οὐδὲ ᾿Αθηναίων ὅσοι Ta ἀρχαῖα ἴσασιν, Ippapadory εἶναι
παῖδα Εὐμόλπον [τοῦτον] τὸν ἀποθανόντα ὑπὸ ᾿Ἐρεχθέως.
> N A A 4 A 3 , 3 Ἃ 4 ἃ 3
ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ βάθρον καὶ ἀνδριάντες εἰσὶ Θεαίνετος ὃς ἐμαν-
τεύετο Τολμίδῃ καὶ αὐτὸς Τολμίδης, ὃς ᾿Αθηναίων ναυσὶν
ε , ¥ 9 ’ Ἃ ’ Α 4
ἡγούμενος ἄλλους TE ἐκάκωσε Kal Πελοποννησίων THY Ko-
ραν ὅσοι νέμογται τὴν παραλίαν, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ
, N Chr, » YA , \ a \
Γυθίῳ τὰ νεώρια ἐνέπρησε καὶ τῶν περιοίκων Βοιὰς εἷλε καὶ
Ν , ~ 3 Ν Ν ’ , > ,
τὴν Κυθηρίων νῆσον. ἐς δὲ τὴν Σικνωνίαν ποιησάμενος ἀπό-
ν ε 5 fast fas aA 3 , , ,
βασιν, ὡς οἱ δῃόυντί τὴν γῆν ἐς μάχην κατέστησαν, τρεψά-
“A , Ν Ν , ν \ ε
μενος σφᾶς κατεδίωξε πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. ὕστερον δὲ ὡς
ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς ᾿Αθήνας, ἐσήγαγε μὲν ἐς Εὔβοιαν καὶ Νάξον
"AO , λ , 3 έβ λ δὲ 3 Β ‘ oe
θηναίων κληρούχους, ἐσέβαλε δὲ ἐς Βοιωτοὺς στρατῷ
, mast A A
πόρϑήσας δὲ τῆς γῆς τὴν πολλὴν καὶ παραστησάμενος πο-
λιόρκίᾳ Χαιρώνειαν, ὡς ἐς τὴν ᾿Αλιαρτίαν προῆλθεν, αὐτός
τε μαχόμενος ἀπέθανε καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἤδη στράτευμα ἡττᾶτο.
AS \ 3 4 “Ὁ 3 4 » » \ 3
Ta μὲν ἐς Τολμίδην τοιαῦτα ἐπυνθαμόμην ὄντα, ἔστι δὲ ᾿Αθη-
yas ἀγάλματα ἀρχαῖα. καί σφισιν ἀπετάκη μὲν οὐδέν,
LOM Oy.

33. εὐήρις πρεσβῦτις... Λυσιμάχη:
this is probably the statue, made by
Demetrius, of Lysimache who was
priestess of Athena for sixty-four
years (Pliny, N. H. 34, 76). Plutarch
(de vitioso pudore, 14) tells an anec-
dote of her. Demetrius was a realist
who cared more to produce a good
likeness than a beautiful work of art
(Lucian, Philops. 18-20; Quint. 12, 10,
9). He probably flourished in the first
half of the fourth century πιο, This
statue was doubtless one of a series of

figures of priestesses of Athena, which
stood near the Erechtheum. Inscribed
bases of some have been found (C.I.A.
HI, 1877, 1378, 1886, 13928, 350) and
perhaps the archaic femalestatues inthe
Acropolis Museum were of this group.

40. ToAplSy: with the following ac-
count of Tolmides cf. Thuc. 1, 108 and
118; Diod. 9, 84; 12, 6; Plutarch,
Pericles, 18. The battle of, Coronea
in which Tolmides fell was fought in
447 ΒΘ. He and his men were buried
in the outer Ceramicus (1, 29, 14).

55

65

70

15

THESEUS 1387

a iy δ᾿ ‘ ‘\ 3 a 3 3 , > 7
μελάντερα δὲ Kat πληγὴν ἐνεγκεῖν ἐστιν ἀσθενέστερα. ἐπέ.
λαβε γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα ἡ φλόξ, ὅτε ἐσβεβηκότων ἐς τὰς ναῦς

| ᾿Αθηναίων βασιλεὺς εἷλεν ἔ ἔρημον τῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τὴν πόλιν.

ἔστι δὲ συός τε 'ϑήρα, περὶ οὗ σαφὲς οὐδὲν οἶδα εἰ τοῦ Καλυ-
Swriov, καὶ Κύκνος Ἡρακλεῖ μαχόμενος. τοῦτον τὸν Κύκνον
“ ¥ A Ἃ , ee /
φασὶν ἄλλους τε φονεῦσαι καὶ Λύκον Θρᾷκα προτεθέντων
id , ¥ Ἁ A N ν Ν Ν

σφίσι μονομαχίας ἄθλων, περὶ δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Πηνειὸν
9 ’ ε 36ε ,

ἀπέθανεν ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους.

Τῶν δὲ ἐν Τροιζῆνι λόγων οὖς ἐς Θησέα λέγουσιν ἐστὶν 7

ὡς Ἡρακλῆς ἐς Τροιζῆνα ἐλθὼν παρὰ Πιτθέα καταθεῖτο ἐπὶ
~ ’ “~ , “ , 3 ’ A > 9 AN
τῷ δείπνῳ τοῦ λέοντος τὸ δέρμα, ἐσέλθοιεν δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν

ἄλλοι τε Τροιζηνίων παῖδες καὶ Θησεὺς ἔβδομον μάλιστα «!

Ἁ ¥ ‘ δ. Ἁ Ἁ A e “ ’
γεγονὼς ἔτος: τοὺς μὲν δὴ λοιποὺς παῖδας, ὡς τὸ δέρμα
εἶδον, φεύγοντάς φασιν οἴχεσθαι, Θησέα δὲ ὑπεξελθόντα

9 ¥ “ , “ “ ’, ε ’ ’
οὐκ ἄγαν σὺν φόβῳ παρὰ τῶν διακόνων ἁρπάσαι πέλεκυν

Α > 29 4 , a , > \ , e ,
καὶ αὐτίκα ἐπιέναι σπουδῇ, λέοντα εἷναι τὸ δέρμα ἡγούμε-

νον. ὅδε μὲν τῶν λόγων πρῶτος ἐς αὐτόν ἐστι Τροιζηνίοις " 8

ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦτ κρηπῖδας Αἰγέα ὑπὸ πέτρᾳ καὶ ξίφος θεῖναι
γνωρίσματα εἶναι τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ἀποπλεῖν,
Θησέᾳ͵ O¢, ὡς ἕκτον καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ἐγεγόνει, τὴν πέτραν
ata td
ἀνώσαντα Ob οἴχεσθαι τὴν παρακαταθήκην τὴν Αἰγέως φέροντα.
τούτου δὲ εἰκὼν ἐν ἀκροπόλει πεποίηται τοῦ λόγον, χαλκοῦ
4 € 4 aS ~ ‘4 > ld Ἁ “ ¥
πάντα ὁμοίως πλὴν τῆς πέτρας: ἀνέθεσαν δὲ Kai ἄλλο Θη-

? ¥ \ ¢ ‘4 9 3 > oN ¥ ‘ ,
σέως ἔργον, καὶ ὁ λόγος οὕτως ἐς αὐτὸ ἔχει. Κρησὶ τὴν τε

58. Κύκνος Ἡρακλεῖ μαχόμενος : cf.
Hesiod, Scutum Herculis, 345 sqq.;
Eur. Herc. Fur. 389 sqq.; Apollod. 2,
7, 7; Diod. 4, 37.

71. κρηπῖδας Alyéa: cf. 2, 32, 7;

Plut. Thes. 8, 6; Diod. 4, 59. The sub- -

ject of Theseus lifting the rock and
finding under it the tokens of his
birth is represented on coins of Ath-

ens and on other ancient monuments.
See Baumeister, Denkmaler, Ὁ. 1786;
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Nun.
Comm. on Paus. p. 146, with pl. DD, ii.

76. ἄλλο Θησέως ἔργον : on Theseus’s
capture of the Marathonian bull, see
Plut. Thes. 14; Diod. 4, 59; Hygi-
nus, Fab. 38. Pausanias says Theseus
sacrificed the bull to Athena; the other

oath

80

138 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

κι Ch. 27, 10

πάλαι δὲ ἄρα τὰ θηρία φοβερώτερα Hv τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὡς ὅ
395.» ld », Ne , Ἁ , ~ e ,
τ᾽ ἐν Νεμέᾳ λέων καὶ ὁ Παρνάσιος καὶ δράκοντες τῆς Ἑλλά-
δος πολλαχοῦ καὶ ὗς περί τε Καλυδῶνα καὶ ᾿Ερύμανθον καὶ
ἴον ’, 3 A 9 ΛΞ. 2 δ dS 3 “
τῆς Κορινθίας ἐν Κρομνῶνι, wore καὶ ἐλέγετο τὰ μὲν ἀνεῖναι

‘ al Ν δὲ ε ε Ν » θ »“ dS de \ 3 , 3 θ ’,’
- τὴν γὴν, TA OE ὡς ἱερὰ εἰὴ θεων, Ta O€ καὶ ἐς τιμωρίαν ἀνθρω-

85

95

100

πων ἀφεῖσθαι. Kat τοῦτον οἵ Κρῆτες τὸν ταῦρον ἐς THY γῆν
πέμψαι σφίσι Ποσειδῶνά φασιν, ὅτι θαλάσσης ἄρχων Mi-
νως τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς- οὐδενὸς Ποσειδῶνα ἦγεν ἄλλον θεοῦ
μᾶλλον ἐν τιμῇ. κομισθῆναι μὲν δὴ τὸν ταῦρον τοῦτόν

φασιν ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἐκ Κρήτης καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ τῶν δώ-

’ 9 \ ΜᾺ », ᾿ν εκ ε \
dexa καλουμένων ἕνα καὶ τοῦτον γενέσθαι τὸν ἄθλον: ws δὲ
ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἀφείθη τὸ ᾿Αργείων, φεύγει διὰ τοῦ Κορινθίον
3 ~ , A 3 ἰοὺ A 9 A Ἁ ἰφὺ > “Ὁ 9
ἰσθμοῦ, φεύγει δὲ ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐς

~ “ , Ἁ ¥ ε ’ 3 ? Ἃ
δῆμον τὸν Μαραθωνίων, καὶ ἄλλους τε ὁπόσοις ἐπέτυχε καὶ
“A ‘ >
Μίνω παῖδα ᾿Ανδρόγεων ἀπέκτεινε. Μίνως δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθή-
νας πλεύσας --- οὐ γὰρ ἐπείθετο ἀναιτίους εἶναι σφᾶς τῆς
~ ~ a ἔσει
᾿Ανδρόγεω τελευτῆς --- ἐς τοσοῦτον ἐκάκωσεν, ἐς ὃ συνεχω-
’ e 4 3 ’ ε A Α “ ¥ ¥
ρήθη οἱ παρθένους ἐς Κρήτην ἑπτὰ καὶ παῖδας ἴσους ἄγειν
τῷ λεγομένῳ Μί jow τὸν ἐν Καὶ »p Λαβύρινθον oixn-
ᾧ λεγομένῳ Μίνω ταύρῳ τὸν ἐν Κνωσσῴ Λαβύρινθον οἰκῆ
Ν \ 9 ΄ “ ἴω ν ‘ 3 ‘
σαι: τὸν de ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι ταῦρον ὕστερον Θησεὺς ἐς τὴν
3 ’ 3 4 ‘ ~ , ~ ~ ‘ \ 3 ld ,
ἀκρόπολιν ἐλάσαι καὶ θῦσαι λέγεται TH θεῷ, καὶ τὸ ἀνάθημά
t [2
~ , “~
ἐστι τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Μαραθωνίων.

authorities, to, Apollo. Thisexploit was excavated by Mr. Arthur Evans. See

represented on one of the metopes of
the so-called ‘‘Theseum’’; and on a
fine red-figured vase in the British Mu-
seum (J.H.S. II, 1881, 64, with pl. X).

97. τὸν ἐν Κνωσσῷ ΔΛαβύρινθον: on
the story of the Cretan Labyrinth, see
Roscher, Lexikon, I], 1778ff. The
Labyrinth has in recent years been
identified as the palace of King Minos
in Cnossus, and has been thoroughly

Annual of the British School at Athens,
Nos. vi-xi (1899-1905); Roland M. Bur-
rows, The Discoveries in Crete, Lon-
don, 1907. The excavations brought to
light numerous clay tablets, sculptures,
frescoes, and the like, and -have made
known a pre-Mycenaean civilization,
called the Minoan, which will probably

_ prove to be the connecting link be-

tween the arts of Egypt and of Greece.

i aaa

¥ ~ ἃ Α > N ~ , a) 3 ΤᾺ
ἄλλην γὴν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ ποταμῷ Τεθρίνι ταῦρος ἐλυμαίνετο.

10

Δα." {

28

or

10

BRONZE ATHENA

Ch. 28, 2

139

KvAwva δὲ οὐδὲν ἔχω σαφὲς εἰπεῖν ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ χαλκοῦν ἀνέθε- 1

4 9 4 ΄ pI φ
σαν τυραννίδα ὅμως βουλεύσαντα: τεκμαίρομαι δὲ τῶνδε

ἕνεκα, ὅτι εἶδος κάλλιστος καὶ τὰ ἐς δόξαν ἐγένετο οὐκ ἀφα-

νὴς ἀνελόμενος διαύλον νίκην ᾿Ολυμπικὴν καί οἵ θυγατέρα

ὑπῆρξε γῆμαι Θεαγένους, ὃς Μεγάρων ἐτυράννησε. χωρὶς

δὲ ἦ ὅσα κατέλεξα δύο μὲν ᾿Αθηναίοις εἰσὶ δεκάται πολε-

μήσασιν, ἄγαλμα ᾿Αθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Μήδων τῶν ἐς Μα-

A 3 a , , o ε΄ AN 2 \ A
ραθῶνα ἀποβάντων τέχνη Φειδίου --- καί oi τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς

ἀσπίδος μάχην Λαπιθῶν πρὸς Κενταύρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα
Cana

9 ‘ 9 ’ id A A ~ A ϑ. A 4
ἐστιν ἐπειργασμενα λέγουσι τορευσαι Muv, tw δὲ Mut ταῦτά

28. Cylon — Athena of Phidias —
Reliefs on the shield of the Promachos
— Bronze chariot and Lemnian Athena
of Phidias — Walls of the Acropolis —
Clepsydra — Caves of Apollo and Pan
— The Areopagus — Sanctuary of the
Semnai— Statues of Pluto, of Hermes,
and of Ge— Grave of Odysseus — Ex-
cursus on the Athenian courts.

1. KéA@va: Pausanias’s explanations
are hardly right. In all probability the
statue was set up as an expiatory offer-
ing for the massacre of Cylon’s follow-
ers in violation of promises given to
them when in sanctuary on the Acropo-
lis. See Hdt. 5, 71; Thuc. 1, 126;
Plut. Solon, 12. Cylon’s Olympic vic-
tory was won in Ol. 35, 640 B.c. (See
J. H. Wright, Harv. Stud. in Class.
Phil. ITT, 1 ff.)

7. ἄγαλμα ᾿Αθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν : this is
the image styled by Demosthenes (19,
272) ‘*the great bronze Athena,’’ and
usually known as the Promachos or
champion, though this epithet was first
applied to it in Schol. Dem. 22, 13, p.
597. (Cf. C.I.A. TIT, 638.) It was prob-
ably set up at the close of the Persian
war. Observe that Pausanias does not

say the point of the spear and the crest
of the helmet were visible from Sunium,
but on the voyage from Sunium to Ath-
ens. The Acropolis can be seen only
after Cape Zoster is passed. The mis-
conception of this passage has led to the
false calculation formerly given as to
the height of the statue, namely seventy
feet or thereabout. Michaelis (A.M.
II (1877), 89 sq.) calculates that it was
about twenty-five feet, or with the ped-
estal thirty feet high. W.Gurlitt (Ana-
lecta Graeciensja, Graz, 1893, pp. 101-
121) presents an interesting argument to
the effect that the bronze Athena was
preserved at Constantinople down to
1205a.p.and hasbeen described in detail
bya Byzantineauthor. A quadrangular
platform, suitable for a pedestal about
eighteen feet in diameter, which is cut
in the Acropolis rock about thirty feet
from the Propylaea, is usually identi-
fied as the site of the statue. — 10. ro-
ρεῦσαι Μῦν: Athenaeus (11, p. 7828)
speaks of Mys as famous for chasing or
working in relief on metal, and men-
tions a cup representing in relief the
sack of Troy with an inscription attrib-
uting the design to Parrhasius and the

1

1.0

THE ATTICA ΟΕ PAUSANIAS

Ch. 28, 3

δ ‘N Ν ~ ¥ 4 4 ἃ
τε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων Παρράσιον καταγράψαι τὸν
4 9 4 “~ > “Ὁ e ~ 4 3 Ἁ x ε
Εὐήνορος- ταύτης τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ
λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν ἐστιν ἤδη
σύνοπτα --- καὶ ἅρμα κεῖται χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Βοιωτῶν δεκάτη
καὶ Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ. δύο δὲ ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἀναθή-
; A ε θί Ν A ¥ A ὃ ,
ματα, Περικλῆς ὁ Ἐανθίππον καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν Φειδίον
θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἀπὸ τῶν ἀναθέντων κα-
λουμένης Λημνίας. τῇ δὲ ἀκροπόλει, πλὴν ὅσον Κίμων ᾧκο- 8
δόμησεν αὐτῆς ὁ Μιλτιάδου, περιβαλεῖν τὸ λοιπὸν λέγεται

workmanship to Mys. Mys is men-
tioned as a famous artist in his line by
Pliny (N. H. 838, 155), by Propertius
(4, 9, 14, ed. Paley), and by Martial
(8, 34 and 51; 14, 95). He doubtless
flourished in the latter part of the
fifth century. Cf. H. Brunn, Gesch.
d. griech. Kiinstler, II, 97, 409 sq. —
14. ἅρμα: the victory over the Boeo-
tians and Chalcidians occurred about
507 p.c. The prisoners were kept in
chains until ransomed, when their fet-
ters were hung on the Acropolis. Out
of the tithe of thé ransom the Athe-
nians made the four-horse chariot of
bronze. Herodotus (5, 77) says it stood
on the left as one entered the Propy-
laea, and quotes the inscription in
elegiac couplets. From fragments of
the inscription that have been found
(C.I.A. 1V, 834a, 78; I, 334) Frazer
infers that the original chariot set up
about 507 5.0. was carried off by the
Persians, and that a new chariot was

set up in its place after 450 B.c. The

chariot must have been moved between
the time of Herodotus and that of Pausa-
nias from outside to within the Acropo-
lis precinct. — 16. Περικλῆς: see on 1,
25, 1.—18. Anpvlas: Lucian (Imagi-

*

nes, 4, 6) speaks of this statue in ex-
travagant terms as the most praise-
worthy of Phidias’s works, and for his
ideal of feminine beauty selects from
the _Lemnian Athena ‘the outline of
the whole face, and the tenderness
of the cheeks, and the shapely nose.”’
For similar exalted praise cf. Aristi-
des, Or. 1, Vol. II, 554, ed. Dindorf;
Pliny, N. H. 84, 54; Himerius, Or. 21,
5; Anthol. Append. Planud. 169 and
170. Furtwdngler (Meisterw. pp.3sqq.,
with pls. i, ii, iii, xxxii, 2) argues that
copies of the Lemnian Athena are to
be seen in two marble statues of Athena
in Dresden, another at Cassel, and a
head in Bologna. The Dresden statues
and the Bologna head are in the style
of Phidias, he argues, and copies of a
bronze original. He thinks the statue
was dedicated by the Athenian colo-
nists in Lemnos before they set out
from Athens, between 451 and 447 B.c.

18. τῇ δὲ ἀκροπόλει: the southern
wall of the Acropolis was built out
of the produce of the spoils won from
the Persians by Cimon, especially at
the great victory of the Eurymedon
(Plut. Cimon, 13; de glor. Ath. 7;
Corn. Nepos, Cimon, 2). The ancient

20

25

ACROPOLIS FORTIFICATIONS

Ch. 28, 4

141

A 4 ‘ 3 4 Ud ε \ Ν 3 ,
Tov τείχους Πελασγοὺς οἰκήσαντας ποτε ὑπὸ THY ἀκρόπο-

λιν. φασὶ γὰρ ᾿Αγρόλαν καὶ Ὑπέρβιον. ..

πυνθανόμενος

δὲ οἵτινες ἦσαν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐδυνάμην μαθεῖν ἢ Σικελοὺς τὸ

9 3 »" » 3 3 ,’ “Ὁ
ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὄντας ἐς ᾿Ακαρνανίαν μετοικῆσαι.
“A ‘ 9 > Ν 4 , > > & e \ Ν
Καταβᾶσι δὲ οὐκ ἐς τὴν κάτω πόλιν ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον ὑπὸ. τὰ

προπύλαια πηγή τε ὕδατός ἐστι καὶ πλησίον ᾿Απόλλωνος
ρ nyt ἡ

masonry of the circuit wall is still
standing, though in some parts ob-
scured by a mediaeval or modern cas-
ing. At the southeast corner a piece
of Cimon’s wall is visible, forty-five
feet in height. Westward of this point
it is pretty well hidden by the later
casing and buttresses. The north wall
is ancient Greek work, probably of
Themistocles’s or Cimon’s time ; pieces
of the colonnade of the old Athena
temple, destroyed 480 z.c., are built
into it. The eastern wall seems to
have been entirely rebuilt on the old
foundations in the Middle Ages. Be-
sides these extensive remains of Ci-
mon’s wall, there exist at various points
pieces of a much older fortification
wall. Thus a well-preserved section,
twenty feet thick, extends from the
Propylaea to the southern wall. Other
pieces have been uncovered at thesouth-
east corner of the Acropolis and to the
southwest of the Parthenon. This
primitive wall is built of polygonal,
almost unhewn blocks, measuring from
three to four and one half feet in
length. It probably ran originally all
round the edge of the Acropolis. This
prehistoric fortification is doubtless the
Pelasgic wall here mentioned by Pau-
sanias. Other writers speak of this

Pelasgic or Pelargic wall (Hdt. 6, 187 ;.

Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom. 1, 28; Photius

8.V. Πελαργικόν ; Schol. Ar. Aves, 832,
1189; Etymol. Magn. p. 689, s.v. Πε-
λαργικόν; Bekker, Anecd. Graec. p. 299,
1. 16 sqq.). This Pelasgic wall appears
to have had nine gates (Suidas, s.v.
ἄπεδα; Bekker, Anecd. Graec. p. 419,
1. 27 sqq.; Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 489).
These were probably arranged within
each other at the western entrance of

- the Acropolis, where the wall may have

been trebled or quadrupled. It seems
to have subsisted as a fortress as late
as 510 8.c., when Hippias was besieged
‘in the Pelasgic fortress’? (Hdt. 5, 64;
Arist. Resp. Ath. 19). If not already
pulled down by the Athenians, it was
doubtless dismantled by the Persians in
480 B.c. (Hdt. 8, 53; 9, 18). Yet ἃ pre-
cinct to the northwest of the Acropolis
continued to bear down to Roman
times the name of Pelasgicum or
Pelargicum (Thuc. 2, 17; Lucian, Pis-
cator, 42, 47). --- 20. Πελασγοὺς οἰκή-
σαντάς ποτε ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν : both
Herodotus (6, 187) and Strabo (9, p. 401)
state that the Pelasgians dwelt at the
foot of Mt. Hymettus.

25. πηγή: Pausanias, passing through
the Propylaea, turns to the right and
descends by a stairway to the spring
called the Clepsydra. The spring is
still to be seen, situated on the north-
west face of the Acropolis rock and
reached by a narrow flight of steps

30

35

142 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 28, δ
ἱερὸν ἐν σπηλαίῳ: Κρεούσῃ δὲ θυγατρὶ ᾿Ερεχθέως ᾿Απόλ-
ὡς πεμφθείη
Φιλιππίδης ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἄγγελος ἀποβεβηκότων Μήδων

λωνα ἐνταῦθα συγγενέσθαι νομίζουσι. .\.

ἐς τὴν γῆν, ἐπανήκων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὑπερβαλέσθαι φαίη
τὴν ἔξοδον, εἶναι γὰρ δὴ νόμον αὐτοῖς μὴ πρότερον μαχου-
μένους ἐξιέναι πρὶν 4 πλήρη τὸν κύκλον τῆς σελήνης γενέ-
σθαι: τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα ὁ Φιλιππίδης ἔλεγε περὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐντυ-
, εν" , , ε ¥ 9 ᾿ , ¥
χόντα οἱ τὸ Παρθένιον φάναι τε ws evvovs ᾿Αθηναίοις εἴη
\ 9 3 A σ , * Ν 4 ε
καὶ ὅτι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἥξει συμμαχήσων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ
θεὸς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ἀγγελίᾳ τετίμηται: [καθὸ καὶ ὁ “Apetos δ
ίγος.] ἔστι 88” A iyos καλού ὅτι πρῶτος ΓΑ
πάγος.] ἔστι δὲ Apevos πάγος καλούμενος, ὅτι πρῶτος ᾿Αρης

back of the pedestal of Agrippa. For
ancient references to it, see Ar. Lys.
9118q. and Schol., and Hesychius, s.v.
Κλεψύδρα ; Schol. Ar. Aves, 1694; Plut.
Antonius, 84. ----᾿ Απόλλωνος ἱερόν : for
the tale of Apollo, Creusa, and the
infant Ion, see Eur. Ion, 10 sqq., 283
sqq., 492 sqq., 936 sqq., 1398 sqq.,
1482 sqq. After the mention of Apol-
lo’s cave there is a lacuna, but the
subsequent account of Pan leaves no
doubt that Pausanias had mentioned
Pan’s cave, which was adjacent. Cf.
Eur. Ion, 938: ἔνθα Πανὸς ἄδυτα καὶ βωμοὶ
πέλας. The two caverns which are side
by side at the northwest corner of the
Acropolis just beyond the Clepsydra
are usually identified as the caves of
Apollo and Pan. On the sanctuary of
Apollo, see Excursus III and Miss Har-
rison, Primitive Athens, pp. 66-83. He-
rodotus (6,105) tells the story of the
institution of the worship of Pan in
Athens. Lucian (Bis Acc. 9) locates
the cave of Pan a little above the
Pelargicum. Aristophanes (Lys. 911)
couples it with the Clepsydra.

35. "Ἄρειος πάγος : the site of the

Areopagus or Mars’ Hill is determined
by Herodotus (8, 52), who says that it
was opposite the Acropolis, occupied
by the Persians when they laid siege to
Athens; by Aeschylus (Eum. 686 sq.),
who says the Amazons occupied it in
their contest with Theseus; and by
Lucian, who represents Pan sitting in
his cave and listening to the speeches
in the court of the Areopagus (Bis
Acc. 12). Hence it is the rocky height,
three hundred and seventy-seven feet
high, west of the Acropolis, from which
it is separated by a depression. On
the top of the hill are the remains of
some rock-hewn seats where assembled
the court of the Areopagus in the open
air (Pollux, 8,118). E. Curtius thinks
that the apostle Paul was taken not to
the Areopagus hill, but before a com-
mittee of the council seated before the
Royal Colonnade (Ges. Abh. II, 527.
sqq.).— 36. ὅτι πρῶτος “Apns ἐνταῦθα
ἐκρίθη : Euripides (Electra, 1258 sqq.)
agrees with Pausanias in saying that
Ares was the first to be tried on this
hill. Cf. Dem. 23, 66, p. 641; Bekker,
Anecd. Gr. I, 444, 1.7sqq. According

40

AREOPAGUS 148

Ch. 28, 6 :
ἐνταῦθα ἐκρίθη, kai μοι καὶ ταῦτα δεδήλωκεν 6 λόγος ws
᾿Αλιρρόθιον ἀνέλοι καὶ ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ κτείνειε. κριθῆναι δὲ καὶ
9 > , , 5. Ν a φ “Ὁ i ‘
vatepov Ορέστην λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῆς μητρός: Kal
, 3 > A > , a 9. 2 3 N ἃ
βωμός ἐστιν ᾿Αθηνᾶς Αρείας, ὃν avelncey ἀποφυγὼν τὴν

δίκην. τοὺς δὲ ἀργοὺς λίθους, ἐφ᾽ ay ἑστᾶσιν ὅσοι δίκας

vas quad Seu

45

ὑπέχουσι καὶ οἱ διώκοντες, τὸν μὲν ὕγβρεως τὸν δὲ ᾽Αναι-

δείας αὐτῶν ὀνομάζουσι.

Πλησίον δὲ ἱερὸν θεῶν ἐστιν ds καλοῦσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι Σε- 6

μνάς, Ἡσίοδος δὲ Ἐρινῦς ἐν Θεογονίᾳ. πρῶτος δέ σφισιν

Αἰσχύλος δράκοντας ἐποίησεν ὁμοῦ ταῖς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ θριξὶν

εχ
ειναι"

Q y 9 ¥ A “~ ~ e ’
ρὸν ουτε οσα ἄλλα κεῖται θεῶν τῶν υπογαίων.
Πλούτων καὶ Ἑρμῆς καὶ Ρῆς ἄγαλμα.

“Ὁ \ 3 4 ¥ 4 » ΩΝ
τοῖς δὲ ἀγάλμασιν οὔτε τούτοις ἔπεστιν οὐδὲν φοβε-

A Q Ἁ
Κειταὶ δὲ και
ἐνταῦθα eset τῇ

ὅσοις ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐξεγένετο ἀπολύσας

to Hellanicus (cited by Schol. Eur. Or.
1648, 1651) Ares was the first to be
tried on the Areopagus; next, three
generations afterwards, Cephalus for
the murder of his wife Procris; then,
after three more generations, Daedalus
for the murder of his nephew Talus;
then, after three more generations,
Orestes for the murder of his mother
Clytaemnestra. It has been suggested
that Areopagus means ‘the hill of
cursing,’’ the first part of the com-
pound being from ἀρά ‘*a curse,’’ with
reference to the Furies, who had a
sanctuary on the hill, and were some-
times known as ‘‘ Arai.’? The deriva-
tion is possible. — 42. τὸν μὲν “YBpews
τὸν δὲ ᾿Αναιδείας : according to Zenob.

-4, 36, Theophrastus wrote of the altars

of Injury and Ruthlessness. Cicero,
de leg. 2, 11, 28, speaks of a Con-
tumeliae fanum et Impudi-
citiae. Euripides (Iph. Taur. 961)

represents Orestes as occupying one
seat, while the eldest of the Furies took
the other.

44, Σεμνάς : on this euphemistic
name, cf. 2, 11, 4: ναὸς θεῶν ds’ Αθηναῖοι
Σεμνὰς, Σικυώνιοι δὲ Evpevidas ὀνομάζουσι.
The situation is determined by Aesch.
Eum. 804 sqq.; Eur. Electra, 1270;
Iph. Taur. 961; Orest. 650 et al. See
Milchh. 8.Q. XXIX, 168sqq. The place
is doubtless the deep chasm at the foot
of the low precipice on the northeast
side of the hill. On the names, wor-
ship, and sanctuaries of the Furies, see
Roscher’s Lexikon, I, 13830 sqq. Ac-
cording to Schol. Aeschin. 1, 188;
Schol. Soph. 0.C. 39; Clem. Al. Protr.
47, p. 13 (Sylb.), there were three stat-
ues of the Furies, two by Scopas of
Parian marble, the third an older work
by Calamis. On a votive relief from
Argos they appear as three maidens of
mild aspect clad in long robes, each

60

144 TIE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

, \ , »¥ , e , \ 9 ὔ » ean’
θύουσι δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ξένοι τε ὁμοίως καὶ ἀστοί. ἔστι δὲ καὶ
3 Ἁ ~ 4 ~ 2Q 7 “A Ἧ
ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου μνῆμα Οἰδίποδος, πολυπραγμονῶν δὲ

9 \ 3 a ». a , Ν \ 2 τι
εὑρισκον Ta ὀστᾶ ἐκ Θηβῶν κομισθέντα: τὰ yap ἐς τὸν

, A , Ν 5 9 ¥
θάνατον Σοφοκλεῖ πεποιημένα τὸν Οἰδίποδος Ὅμηρος οὐκ εἴα
μοι δόξαι πιστά, ὃς ἔφη Μηκιστέα τελευτήσαντος Οἰδίποδος
ἐπιτάφιον ἐλθόντα ἐς Θήβας ἀγωνίσασθαι.

Ἔστι δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ ἄλλα δικαστήρια οὐκ ἐς τοσοῦτο
δόξης ἢ as ii TO μὲν οὖν καλούμενον Παράβυστον καὶ Τρί-
γωνον, τὸ μὲν ἐν ἀφανεῖ τῆς πόλεως ὃν καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐλαχίστοις
συνιόντων ἐς αὐτό, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος ἔχει τὰ ὀνόματα"
Βατραχιοῦν δὲ καὶ Φοινικιοὺν ἀπὸ χρωμάτων καὶ ἐς τόδε δια-

, 3 ’ Ν \ ’ \ 59 ἃ “
μεμένηκεν «ὀνομάζεσθαι. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ ἐς ὃ πλεῖστοι

4 € ’ ΄
συνίασιν, Ἡλιαίαν καλοῦσιν.

with ἃ serpent in her right hand and ἃ
flower in her left. See A.M. FV, Pl. 9.

52. μνῆμα Οἰδίποδος : according to
Val. Max. 5, 3, ext. 3, it was situated
inter ipsum Arium pagum...
et... Minervae arcem. After
the Areopagus was included in the
city through the building of the wall
of Themistocles, the grave of Oedipus
with the entrance to the lower world
and the Semnai was transferred to the
Colonus Hippius. See v. Wilamowitz,
Aus Kydathen, p. 108.

57. ἄλλα δικαστήρια : the excursus
on the Athenian law courts is occa-
sioned by the mention of the Areopa-
gus. The term δικαστήριον is applied
both to the aggregate judges sitting in
court and to the place in which they
held their sittings. Pausanias’s refer-
ence is primarily to the latter. He
enumerates ten courts: 1. Areopagus;
2. Parabystum; 3. Trigonum; 4. Ba-
trachium; 5. Phoenicium; 6. Heliaea;
7. Palladium; 8. Delphinium; 9. Pry-

€ ’ “ 9. ἃ “A a)
ὁπόσα δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς φονεῦσιν,

taneum; 10. Phreattys. Kalkmann,
pp. 65sq., seeks to prove that the source
of Pausanias was the same as that of
Pollux, book 8, namely a manual origi-
nating from Caecilius. Gurlitt, p. 274,
also recognizes the use of a literary
source. — 58. Παράβυστον: said to have
received its name from its position in a
remote quarter of the city. Cf. Etymol.
Magn. p.651, 50. It is mentioned also
in Poll. 8, 121, and Schol. Ar. Vesp. 120,
etc., who also name the Tplywvor. —
61. Βατραχιοῦν δὲ καὶ Φοινικιοῦν : the
Green Court and the Red Court, not
elsewhere mentioned. Arist. Resp. Ath.
p. 88 confirms the distinction of cer-
tain Athenian courts by color. Possi-
bly these designations have obscured
their real names, and these two are
identical with the Metichion and the
court ἐπὶ Λύκῳ mentioned in Pollux’s
list, as the other eight in the two lists
are the same. — 63. ᾿Ἡλιαίαν : this, the
greatest court of Athens, which fre-
quently gave its name to all the courts

7

Re Se

65

70

75

80

COURTS OF JUSTICE 145

Ch. 28, 10
ἔστιν adda: καὶ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ καλοῦσιν, ἧ i τοῖς ἀποκτείνα-

σιν ἀκουσίως κρίσις ead coraiice! καὶ ὅτι μὲν Δημοφῶν πρῶ-

11 Aas al @ hs ak

τος ἐνταῦθα ὑπέσχε δίκας, ἀμφισβητοῦσιν οὐδένες. ἐφ᾽ OTH

δέ, διάφορα ἐς τοῦτο εἴρηται. Διομήδην φασὶν ἁλούσης

9 , “Ἂ ‘ > 4 ’ \ ¥ ’ 3 ’,
IXiov ταῖς ναυσὶν ὀπίσω κομίζεσθαι, καὶ ἤδη τε νύκτα ἐπέ.

yew ὡς Kata Φάληρον πλέοντες γίνονται καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αργείους

ε 3 ’ 3 ~ \ ~ ¥ ’ 3
ως ἐς πολεμίαν ἀπόρηναιὶ ιι Τὴν γὴν; ἄλλην πον δόξαντας ἐν
τῇ νυκτὶ καὶ oy τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν εἶναι. ἐνταῦθα Δημοφῶντα
λέγοῦσιν € ἐκ οηθήσαντα, οὐκ ἐπιστάμενον οὐδὲ τοῦτον τοὺς
ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ὡς εἰσὶν ᾿Αργεῖοι, καὶ ἄνδρας αὐτῶν ἀπο-
κτεῖναι καὶ τὸ Παλλάδιον ἁρπάσαντα οἴχεσθαι, ᾿Αθηναῖόν
τε ἄνδρα οὐ προ ἰδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἵππου τοῦ Δημοφῶντος

er becky PL haus

ἀνατραπῆνάί καὶ συμπάτηθέντα ἀποθανεῖν- ἐπὶ τούτῳ Δη-
μοφῶντα ὑποσχεῖν δίκας οἱ μὲν τοῦ συμπατηθέντος τοῖς προ-
, εν» , 7 8 La a 2 , \
σήκουσιν, οἱ δὲ Αργείων φασὶ τῷ κοινῷ. ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ δὲ
κρίσις καθέστηκεν ἐργάσασθαι φόνον σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ φαμέ.
pias Τῇ ΡΎ ἔΐ p pee
e asl ἃ ‘ 4 3 4 9 4
VOLS, ὁποῖόν TL καὶ Θησεὺς παρεχόμενος ἀπέφυγεν, ore Παλ-
λαντα ἐπαναστάντα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἔκτεινε: πρότερον δὲ

πρὶν ἡ Θησεὺς ἀφείθη. καθειστήκει πᾶσι φεύγειν κτείναντα᾽

ἢ κατὰ ταὐτὰ θνήσκειν μένοντα: τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ
ἢ νήσκειν μένοντα. ρυτανείς

collectively, lay probably in the neigh-
borhood of the Areopagus, to the east
side of the political agora between the
upper part of the Theseum precinct
and the gymnasium of Ptolemy. See
Judeich, Topog. p. 315. The deriva-
tion of the word is uncertain. See
Wachsmuth, IT, 361 ff. — 64. ἐπὶ Παλ-
λαδίῳ: the Palladium, a sacred place
in the southeastern part of Athens
(ἀπὸ Παλλαδίου καὶ ᾿Αρδηττοῦ καὶ Λυκείου,
Plut. Thes. 27). According to Aristotle
(Resp. Ath. 57) cases tried in the court
of the Palladium were ‘involuntary
homicide, and conspiracy (against life),

and the killing of a slave, a resident
alien, or a foreigner.”

78. ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ : on the site of this
sanctuary, see 1, 19, 1 and note. Cf.
Arist. Resp. Ath. 57: ‘‘ If a man con-
fesses a homicide but asserts that it
was legal, ... he is tried in the court
of the Delphinium.’’ Dem. 23, 74, and
Poll. 8, 119, tell the same legend as
Pausanias with regard to the found-
ing of the court. — 83. τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ Πρντα-
velp: as to the Prytaneum, see 1, 18,
3 and note, and cf. Dem. 23, 76: “1
a stone or a piece of iron or any such
thing fall and strike a man, and the

10

95

146 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

, Ὁ» “ ὃ 4 ‘ ~ e , A .3 ai “ἢ
καλούμενον, ἔνθα τῳ σιδήρῳ Kal πασιν ομοίως τοις ἄψύχοις

δικάζουσιν, ἐπὶ τῷδε ἄρξασθαι νομίζω. ᾿Αθηναίων βασιλεύ-
3 ’ 4 -~ “~ » ε 4 5. N
οντος Ἐρεχθέως, τότε πρῶτον βοῦν ἔκτεινεν ὁ βουφόνος ἐπὶ
“A “A “A , 4 Ve ‘ 3 Ν 4 ‘
τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Πολιέως Atos: Kat ὁ μὲν ἀπολιπὼν ταύτῃ τὸν
a, > ~ 3 ~ 4 4 ε Ὶ
πέλεκυν ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας φεύγων, ὁ δὲ πέλεκυς παραν-
τίκα ἀφείθη (ἐς θάλασσαν) κριθεὶς καὶ ἐς τόδε ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος
a , Ἁ Ἁ ‘ ¥v ~ 3 ’ > ld
κρίνεται. λέγεται μὲν δὴ καὶ ἄλλα τῶν ἀψύχων αὐτόματα
> Ὁ “N ~ 4 ,’ 2 a ¥ ‘\ ’
ἐπιθεῖναι σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ τιμωρίαν ἀνθρώποις - ἔργον δὲ Kah-

λα.

or 7 at
ἰδὲ

11

λιστον καὶ δόξῃ φανερώτατον ὃ KapBvaov παρέσχετο ἀκι- δ΄"

a y Q “~ a) ον ’ o
νάκης. ἔστι δὲ τοῦ Πειραιῶς πρὸς θαλάσσῃ Φρεαττύς:
3 “ ε , A 2 , Ld 2 ’ “A
ἐνταῦθα ot πεφευγότες, ἣν ἀπελθόντας ἕτερον ἐπιλάβῃ σφᾶς

tad a ay ay

» : N 9 τὺ 9 A “A > A 4 9

ἔγκλημα, πρὸς ἀκρόωμένους ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀπὸ νεὼς ἀπολο-.

γοῦνται: Τεῦκρον πρῶτον λόγος ἔχει Τελαμῶνμ οὕτως ἀπο-.......
A ἐς

! A
λογήσασθαι μηδὲν ἐς τὸν Αἴαντος θάνατον εἰῤγάσθαι. τάδε
μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι τῶνδε ἕνεκα, ὁπόσοις μέτεστι σπουδῆς

A \ 3 ) ὃ ΄ 57 A de 3 , 4 X ,
γνῶναι τὰ ἐς Ta δικαστήρια. {Tov δὲ ᾿Αρείου πάγου πλησίον
δείκνυται ναῦς ποιηθεῖσα ἐς τὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων πομπήν.

person who threw the thing is not
known, but they do know and are in
possession of the thing which killed the
man, then the thing is brought to trial
at the court of the Prytaneum.”’

93. Φρεαττύς : Milchhoefer (Karten
v. Att. Text i, δ6 f.) locates Phre-
attys at the extreme point of the
peninsula which bounds the entrance
of the harbor of Zea on the east, con-
trary to the earlier view of Ulrichs,
Reisen und Forschungen, I, 173 ff., who
puts it at a point on the shore a little
to the southeast of the entrance to Zea.
Dem. 24, 77 ff. states that before this
court were tried men who, banished
for an involuntary homicide, were ac-
cused of another and voluntary homi-
cide, and that the accused spoke from

the ship while his accusers listened
from the shore; if convicted he was
punished with death, if acquitted he
returned into banishment. Cf. Arist.
Resp. Ath. 57.

29. The Panathenaic Ship — The
Academy — Grove of Artemis with im-
ages of Artemis, Artemis Ariste, and
Artemis Kalliste— Temple of Diony-
sus Eleuthercus — Tombs in the outer
Ceramicus on the street from the Dipy-
lum to the Academy.

2. ναῦς: the ship was moved on
wheels, and to its mast was fastened
the new robe, embroidered with scenes
from the battles of the Gods and Giants,
which was presented to Athena every
fourth year at the great Panathenaic
festival. The crew of the ship consisted

10

ROAD TO ACADEMY 147

Ch. 29, 2
Ν » :
Kal ταύτην μὲν ἤδη πού τις ὑπερεβάλετο- τὸ δὲ ἐν Δήλῳ
πλοῖον οὐδένα πω νικήσαντα οἶδα, καθῆκον ἐς ἐννέα ἐρέτας
ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων.
3 ’ ‘ \ » , 3 “A la Ἁ δ ‘
Αθηναίοις δὲ καὶ ἔξω πόλεως ἐν τοῖς δήμοις καὶ κατὰ τὰς
ε Ἁ ~ 3 e ‘\ ἃ e ’ ‘ > “A , 3
ὁδοὺς θεῶν ἐστιν ἱερὰ καὶ ἡρώων καὶ ἀνδρῶν τάφοι- ἐγγυ-
4 \ 3 4 τς ὧδ ἃ 3 N > 4 4
τάτω δὲ ᾿Ακαδημία, χωρίον ποτὲ ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτον, γυμνάσιον
\ 395 9 3 le) “ > 93 9. AN ΄ 4 2 3 ’
δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ. κατιοῦσι δ᾽ ἐς αὐτὴν περίβολός ἐστιν ᾿Αρτέμι-
‘ 4 > 4 \ , ε δὶ 9 ‘ “a
dos καὶ ξόανα ᾿Αρίστης καὶ KadXiorns: ws μὲν ἐγὼ δοκῶ
Ἁ ε “ 5 ¥ νὴ ld A. 9 , 4, 3 3
καὶ ὁμολογεῖ τὰ ἔπη τὰ Πάμφω, τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδός εἰσιν ἐπι-
΄ κὰ , \ \ » 9 9A , 90 Ν
κλήσεις αὗται, λεγόμενον δὲ καὶ ἄλλον ἐς αὐτὰς λόγον εἰδὼς
ὲ Ν ἃ ~
ὑπερβήσομαι. καὶ ναὸς ov μέγας ἐστίν, ἐς ὃν τοῦ Διονύσου

of priests and priestesses wearing gold-
en crowns and garlands of flowers.
According to Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2, 1,
7, the route followed by the procession
with the ship was from the Ceramicus
to the Eleusinium, then round the Eleu-
sinium to the Pythium, identified by
Dorpfeld with the Cave of Apollo,
where the ship was moored. Cf. A. G.
Leacock, de pompis graecis, in Harv.
Studies, XI, 1 ff., and the derivation
of carnival there given (p. 6, note).

6. ἔξω πόλεως : Pausanias has now
completed his account of the city itself,
and, quitting Athens by the Dipylum,
he describes the monuments of the
Ceramicus. Of important omissions
made by him, perhaps the most note-
worthy is that of the Pnyx, or place of
public assembly, the site of which is in
all probability determined, being on the
northeast slope of the low rocky hill
lying between the Museum hill, the
Areopagus, and the Hill of the Nymphs,
Here are extensive remains indicating
the use of the site as a meeting-place.
—8 ᾿Ακαδημία: the road to the Acad-
emy, which Pausanias now follows, left

Athens by the Dipylum (Livy, 31, 24;
Cic. De fin. 5, 1, 1; Lucian, Scytha,
2). So Pausanias quitted Athens by
the same gate by which he had entered.
Three roads started from the Dipylum
gate; one northwest to the Academy ;
one west to Eleusis; and one south-
west to Piraeus. The suburb outside
the Dipylum was called the Ceramicus,
or Potters’ Quarter. As the adjoining
quarter, inside the walls, bore the same
name, modern writers call the one the
Outer Ceramicus, the other the Inner
Ceramicus. In the former the remains
of the Athenians who fell in battle were
buried by the state. Public graves
lined the road on both sides, and in-
scriptions bore the names of the dead
and told where they had fallen. —
9. ᾿Αρτέμιδος : this Artemis appears
to have been identified with Hecate.
Cf. Hesych. s.v. KadNlorn: ἡ ἐν τῷ Ke-
ραμεικῷ ἱδρυμένη ‘Exdrn, ἣν ἔνιοι Ἄρτεμιν
λέγουσι. --- 13. ναὸς οὐ μέγας : as to the
image of Eleutherian Dionysus, see 1,
20, 38, note. This procession seems to
have taken place at the city Dionysiac
festival in the month of Elaphebolion

15

20

25

148 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

~ 3 ’ δ ¥ 3. N ~ ¥ ,’ 65 ais
τοῦ ‘Edevfepéws τὸ ἄγαλμα ava πᾶν eros κομίζουσιν ἐν
τεταγμέναις ἡμέραις.
τάφοι δὲ Θρασυβούλον μὲν πρῶτον τοῦ Λύκου, ἀνδρὸς τῶν

ἱερὰ μέν σφισι ταύτῃ τοσαῦτά ἐστι,

9 ,. 9g Ν 3 le) , 3 4 la

TE ὕστερον Kal ὅσοι πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγόνασιν ᾿Αθηναίοις Adyt-
μοι τὰ πάντα ἀρίστου --- παρέντι δέ μοι τὰ πλείω τοσάδε ἐς
πίστιν ἀρκέσει τοῦ λόγον: τυραννίδα γὰρ ἔπανσε τῶν τριά-
κοντα καλουμένων σὺν ἀνδράσιν ἑξήκοντα τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς
ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ Θηβῶν, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίους στασιάζοντας διαλλα-
γῆναι καὶ συνθεμένους ἔπεισε μεῖναι ----πρῶτος μέν ἐστιν

4 ’᾽ > N A 3 “Ὁ 4 ‘ 4 N
οὗτος τάφος, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Περικλέους τε καὶ XaBpiov καὶ
Φορμίωνος. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πᾶσι μνῆματα ᾿Αθηναίοις ὁπόσοις 4
ἀποθανεῖν συνέπεσεν ἕν τε ναυμαχίαις καὶ ἐν μάχαις πεζαῖς
πλὴν ὅσοι Μαραθῶνι αὐτῶν ἠγωνίσαντο: τούτοις yap κατὰ᾽

ld > AN ς 4 ὃ > 9 ὃ ’ ε δὲ ¥ N N
χώραν εἰσὶν ot τάφοι Ou ἀνδραγαθίαν, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι κατὰ THY
εῶν ω Ν 9. 3 ’ δ “ ε aa 5. δ A
ὁδὸν κεῖνται THY ἐς ᾿Ακαδημίαν, καὶ σφῶν ἑστᾶσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς

4 nr \ 9 ld ‘ Ν ὃ ~ e , λ ,
τάφοις στῆλαι τὰ ὀνόματα Kat τὸν δῆμον ἑκάστον λέγουσαι.

(March-April). Cf. Mommsen, Feste
der Stadt Athen, pp. 894 ff. The return

Munychia, and overthrew the Thirty
(403 n.c.). He brought about an alli-

procession took place in the evening;
and the epheboi after sacrificing at the
shrine escorted the image by the light
of torches to the theatre (C.I.A. II,
470, 471). A gay troop of dancers,
disguised as Seasons, Nymphs, and
Bacchanals, appear to have attended
the image, moving to the music of
flutes (Philostr. Vit. Apollon. 1, 21).
16. Θρασυβούλον : Thrasy bulus took
part in the victory of Cynossema (411
B.c.), reduced the revolted cities of
Thrace (407 B.c.), was superseded after
the battle of Notium (407 B.c.), but
took part in the victory of Arginusae
(406 B.c.). He was banished by the
Thirty Tyrants, but, collecting a small
band at Thebes, took Phyle, then with
a larger force gained the Piraeus and

ance between Athens and Thebes (395
B.c.), and, after doing good service
for Athens at Byzantium, Chalcedon,
and Lesbos, was killed at Aspendos
(389 B.c.). Pausanias seems to have
been ignorant of, or ignored, the trea-
sonable charges brought against Thra-
sybulus. Cf. Lysias, 28 and 29.—
23. Περικλέους τε καὶ Χαβρίου καὶ
Φορμίωνος : according to Cic. de fin.
5, 2, 5, the tomb of Pericles lay to the
right of the road. Pericles died in
429 s.c. Chabrias defeated the Spar-
tans in Aegina (888 B.c.) and the
Spartan fleet off Naxos (3876 B.c.);
he was killed at the siege of Chios
(357 B.c.). Phormio won the naval
victory off Naupactus (429 B.c.), and
died shortly after.

30

35

40

45

50

GRAVES OF HEROES 149

ee δὲ ὁ id ἃς δ 12 A ,
πρώτοι Oe ἐτάφησαν ovs ἐν Θρᾷκῃ ποτε ἐπικρατοῦντας μέχρι
A ~ > ἃ 4
Δραβησκοῦ τῆς χώρας “Hdwvoi φονεύουσιν ἀνέλπιστοι ἐπι-
θέμενοι - λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς κεραυνοὶ πέσοιεν ἐς αὐτούς.

Α ¥ 4 Α 4 * 4 3
στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἄλλοι τε ἦσαν καὶ Λέαγρος, ᾧ μάλιστα ἐπε-
», ε 4 Ἁ ἃ , ἃ ‘N > As
τέτραπτο ἡ δύναμις, καὶ Δεκελεὺς Σωφάνης, Os τὸν ᾿Αργεῖόν
ποτε πένταθλον Νεμείων ἀνῃρημένον νίκην ἀπέκτεινεν Εὐρυ-
βάτην βοηθοῦντα Αἰγινήταις. στρατὸν δὲ ἔξω τῆς “EAAa-

9 A ’ ἴω » 4, Ἁ N ἃ
δος ᾿Αθηναῖοι τρίτον τοῦτον ἔστειλαν: Πριάμῳ μὲν γὰρ καὶ
N ,’ 9 > \ “A 4 ld 3
Τρωσὶ πάντες Ελληνες ἀπὸ κοινοῦ λόγον κατέστησαν ἐς
πόλεμον, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἰδίᾳ μετ᾽ Ἰολάου τε ἐς Σαρδὼ καὶ δευτέ.
ραν ἐς τὴν νῦν ᾿Ιωνίαν ἐστράτευσαν καὶ τρίτον δὴ τότε ἐς τὴν
’ ¥ αν le) , , ,
Θράκην. ἔστι δὲ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ μνήματος στήλη μαχομένους
¥ e ~ 4 4 4 3 Ἁ 4
ἔχουσα ἱππεῖς: Μελανωπός σφισίν ἐστι Kat Μακάρτατος
> 4 a 4 9 A 3 , 4
ὀνόματα, οὕς κατέλαβεν ἀποθανεῖν ἐναντία Λακεδαιμονίων
Ἁ “ ’ ¥ ”~ > 4 > “ 4
καὶ Βοιωτῶν τεταγμένους, ἔνθα τῆς ᾿Ελεωνίας εἰσὶ χώρας
N , 2 δ A , 9 Ve ,
πρὸς Tavaypatovs opo.. καὶ Θεσσαλῶν τάφος ἐστὶν ἱππέων
κατὰ παλαιὰν φιλίαν ἐλθόντων, ὅτε σὺν ᾿Αρχιδάμῳ Πελο-
ποννήσιοι πρῶτον ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν στρατιᾷ, καὶ
πλησίον τοξόταις Κρησίν: αὖθις δέ ἐστιν ᾿Αθηναίων μνή-
θέ ® ee Ν ἊΝ ἃ a 6 A
ματα Κλεισθένους, @ τὰ ἐς Tas φυλὰς at νῦν καθεστᾶσιν
ε 4 \ e ~ > ~ ε , 4 e
εὑρέθη, καὶ ἱππεῦσιν ἀποθανοῦσιν ἡνίκα συνεπελάβοντο οἱ

80. πρῶτοι δὲ ἐτάφησαν. .. μέχρι tal combat having been given and ac-

Δραβησκοῦ κτλ.: about 465 B.c. ten
thousand of the Athenians and their
allies, who had been sent to colonize
Ampbhipolis, were cut to pieces by the
Edonians at Drabescus or Datum
(Thuc. 1, 100; 4, 102; Hdt. 9, 75; Isoc.
8,86). Leagrus and Sophanes were the
leaders of this expedition. Eurybates,
the pentathlete, who led a thousand
Argive volunteers to aid the Aegine-
tans against Athens, killed three adver-
saries in single combat, but was himself
slain by Sophanes, a challenge to mor-

cepted (Hdt. 6, 92; 9, 75).

42. Μελάνωπος... καὶ Μακάρτατος:
Melanopus and Macartatus probably
fell in the battle (457 n.c.) in which the
*“Yeloponnesians and Boeotians were en-
gaged against the Athenians, Argives,
and Thessalian cavalry. The Thessa-
lians deserted carly in the action. —
45. Θεσσαλῶν τάφος : see Thuc. 2, 18-
22. The first invasion of Attica by the
Peloponnesian army under Archida-
mus took place in 481 n.c.— 49. KaAe-
σθένους: Cleisthenes increased the Attic

55

60

65

150 TIIE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 29, 7

~

Θεσσαλοὶ τοῦ κινδύνον. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Κλεωναῖοι κεῖνται,
μετὰ ᾿Αργείων ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐλθόντες - ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ δέ, γράψω
ἴω , 4 3 ‘N 3 a \ 3 ’
τοῦ λόγον μοι κατελθόντος ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους. καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων

δ᾽ » ΄ ἃ - “Δ A \ no 3 ’
ἔστι τάφος, οἱ πρὶν ἣ στρατεῦσαι τὸν Μῆδον ἐπολέμησαν
Ν 9 4 » de ¥ “ ὃ δί Ἃ 9
πρὸς Αἰγινήτας. ἦν δὲ ἄρα καὶ δήμου δίκαιον βσύλευμα, εἰ
oT \ 3 θ aA “ὃ ὃ 4 ὃ ’ A ‘
ἡ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι μετέδοσαν δούλοις δημοσίᾳ ταφῆναι Kat
\ 9 4 3 "Ὁ , “A δὲ 3 ‘ “A 9
τὰ ὀνόματα ἐγγραφῆναι στήλῃ: δηλοῖ δὲ ἀγαθοὺς σφᾶς ἐν
“ ’ 4 0 Ἁ ‘ ὃ 4 » δὲ \ 9 ὃ »"»
τῷ πολέμῳ γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς δεσπότας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν
3 4 ¥ 4 4 4 ’ “Ὁ 9 ’
ὀνόματα ἄλλων, διάφορα δέ σφισι τὰ χωρία τῶν ἀγώνων.
καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἐπ᾽ οΟλυνθον ἐλθόντων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι καὶ Μελή-
9 ᾿ ¥ ’ N 9 4 A ~
σανδρος ἐς τὴν ἄνω Καρίαν ναυσὶν ἀναπλεύσας διὰ τοῦ
Μαιάνδρου (ἐτάφησαν... ἐτάφησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τελευτήσαντες 8
πολεμοῦντος Κασσάνδρον καὶ οἱ συμμαχήσαντές ποτε ᾽Αρ-
4 ~ A 7 4 N \ > , ,
yeiwv. πραχθῆναι δὲ οὕτω σφίσι τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αργείους λέ:-
γουσι συμμαχίαν - Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν πόλιν τοῦ θεοῦ σείσαν-
e 9 > 9 ’ 3 ,’ 3 4 Q €
Tos οἱ εἵλωτες ἐς ᾿Ιθϑώμην ἀπέστησαν, ἀφεστηκότων δὲ οἱ.

tribes from four to ten. See Hdt. ὅ, aid, consistingof twothousand infantry

66, 69; Aristot. Resp. Ath. 21.

51. KXewvator: these men took sides
with the Athenians at the battle of
Tanagra (457 B.c.). There exists an
inscription (C.I.A. I, 441) which is
conjectured to be a list of the Cleonae-
ans who fell in this battle. — 56. δού-
λοις: in great emergencies, as toward
the close of the Peloponnesian War and
before the battle of Chaeronea, the
Athenians appear to have freed and
armed their slaves (Lyc. c. Leocr. 41;
Justin, 5, 6). —60. ἐπ᾽ "Ὄλυνθον : the
Athenians sent three expeditions to
the relief of Olynthus when hard
pressed by Philip. The first two had
only mercenary soldiers. On the third
occasion, at the special request of the
Olynthians, a native Athenian force
commanded by Chares went to their

and three hundred cavalry. This was
probably in the year 349n.c. See Dem.
21, 197, p. 578; Philochorus, Frag. 132
in Frag. Hist. Gr., ed. Miiller, I, 405
8q.— MeAfravdpos: on Melesander see
Thuc. 2, 69. During the winter of 430-
429 B.c. he was sent to the coasts of
Caria and Lycia with six ships to levy
contributions and put down the ene-
my’s privateers. 116 landed in Lycia,
but was defeated and slain with some
of his men.

63. ᾿Αργείων : at the battle of Tana-
gra (457 B.c.) one thousand Argives
fought with the Athenians against the
Lacedaemonians (Thuc. 1, 107 sq.;
Diod. 11, 80). Pausanias here follows
Thuc. 1, 101 sq., who tells the occa-
sion of the alliance between Athens
and Argos.

70

75

80

85

GRAVES OF HEROES ᾿ 151

Ch. 39, 11
Λακεδαιμόνιοι βοηθοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων μετε-

a e ὃ 4 9 ’ ¥ ὃ 9 a N
πέμποντο᾽" οἱ δέσφισιν ἐπιλέκτους AVOpas ἀποστέλλουσι Kal
Q ’᾽ AQ (ὃ »’ 9 »»
στρατηγὸν Κίμωνα τὸν Μιλτιάδον. τούτους ἀποπέμπουσιν
ς ὃ ’ Q ε a 9 4 de 3 “1 A
οἱ Aake QULOVLOL προς υποψιαν- Αθηναίοις € οὐκ ἀνεκτα

3 ’ 4 ΝΥ ε 3 a 4 a ’
ἐφαίνετο περιυβρίσθαι, καὶ ὡς ἐκομίζοντο ὀπίσω συμμαχίαν
ἐποιήσαντο ᾿Αργείοις Λακεδαιμονίων ἐχθροῖς τὸν ἅπαντα
4 4 9 δὲ λ ᾽ 9 θ , 9 ,
οὖσι χρόνον. ὕστερον δὲ μελλούσης ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν Τανάγρᾳ
γίνεσθαι πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους μάχης, ἀφίκοντο
9 4 9 A ~ A ,’ \ »
Αθηναίοις Αργειοι βοηθοῦντες - καὶ παραντικα μεν ἔχοντας
πλέον τοὺς ᾿Αργείους νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα ἀφείλετο τὸ σαφὲς τῆς
νίκης, ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπῆρξε κρατῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις
Θεσσαλῶν προδόντων ᾿Αθηναίους. καταλέξαι δέ μοι καὶ
τούσδε ἐπῆλθεν, ᾿Απολλόδωρον ξένων ἡγεμόνα, ὃς ᾿Αθηναῖος
μὲν ἦν, ἐκπεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ ᾿Αρσίτου σατράπου τῆς ἐφ᾽ Ἕλλη-
σπόντῳ Φρυγίας διεφύλαξε Περινθίαις τὴν πόλιν ἐσ βεβλη-
, 9 4 Ai 4 A ὃ)», Ψ
κότος ἐς τὴν Περινθίαν Φιλίππου στρατῳ: GUTOS τε οὗν
ἐνταῦθα τέθαπται καὶ Εὔβουλος ὁ Σπινθάρου καὶ ἄνδρες οἷς
ἀγαθοῖς οὖσιν οὐκ ἐπηκολούθησε τύχη χρηστή, τοῖς μὲν ἐπι-
θεμένοις τυραννοῦντι Λαχάρει, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Πειραιῶς κατάληψιν
9 ’ ὃ ra 4 Q ὃ Ἁ > 4 θ Α
ἐβούλευσαν Μακεδόνων φρουρούντων, πρὶν δὲ εἰργάσθαι τὸ
ἔργον ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων μηνυθέντες ἀπώλοντο. κεῖνται δὲ
Q e N ’ θ a 25 ’ δὲ 9 9 e
καὶ οἱ περὶ Κόρινθον πεσόντες: ἐδήλωσε δὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα ὁ
θεὸς ἐνταῦθα καὶ αὖθις ἐν Λεύκτροις τοὺς ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων
, 9 ὃ ,’ὔ Ἁ δὲ » 4 9 9 δὴ
καλουμένους ἀνὸρειους τὸ μηὸέν avev Τύχης εἶναι, εἰ δὴ
Λακεδαιμόνιοι, Κορινθίων τότε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων, ἔτι δὲ καὶ
᾿Αργείων καὶ Βοιωτῶν κρατήσαντες, ὕστερον ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν

82. ἐς τὴν Περινθίαν : see Diod. 16, supplies. The next year Philip was

75-77. Perinthus was besieged by
Philip in 840 n.c. The Persian king,
alarmed at the growth of Philip’s
power, commanded his satraps to aid
the city. Accordingly they threw into
Perinthus a force of mercenaries, with

obliged to raise the siege.— 83. Ev-
BovAos: Eubulus, the adversary of
Demosthenes, was an able demagogue
and orator (Dem. 18, 21, p. 283; 21,
207, p. 581; Aeschin. 2, 8 and 184; 3,
25; Din. 1, 96; Plut. Phocion, 7).

10

μ-

1

105

152

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

- Ch. 29, 12

4 3 4 3 “~ 3 ’ ‘ N ‘N
μόνων ἐν Λεύκτροις ἐς τοσοῦτον ἐκακώθησαν. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς
9 4 9 ’ ’ 9 oN A ε 4 4
ἀποθανόντας ἐν Κορίνθῳ στήλην ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἑστάναι τὴν
95 αὐτὴν σημαίνει τὰ ἐλεγεῖα, τοῖς μὲν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ Χίῳ

αὐτὴν σημαίν γεῖα, τοῖς μ

Ἁ Ἁ Ἁ ΄Ν ’ ~ 9 ~ ,
τελευτήσασι, Tous δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῆς ᾿Ασιανῆς ἠπεί-

ρον διαφθαρῆναι δηλοῖ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ. γεγραμμένοι δέ 12

εἶσιν οἵ τε στρατηγοὶ πλὴν Νικίου, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁμοῦ
τοῖς ἀστοῖς Πλαταιεῖς: Νικίας δὲ ἐπὶ τῷδε παρείθη, γράφω
100 δὲ οὐδὲν διάφορα ἢ Φίλιστος, ὃς ἔφη Δημοσθένην μὲν σπον-

Ν, ’ ~ ¥ Ἁ ε “~ N e e ’ ε
Sas ποιήσασθαι τοῖς ἄλλοις πλὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ ὡς ἡλίσκετο αὖ-

Ἁ ϑ “A 3 “ ’ \ BS ld 3 ~
τὸν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀποκτεῖναι, Νικίᾳ δὲ τὴν παράδοσιν ἐθελοντῇ

’ θ [4 Ld 9 3 4 4 ~ ’’
γενέσθαι" τούτων ἕνεκα οὐκ ἐνεγράφη Νικίας τῇ στήλῃ» κατα-
- 3 , 20 ‘ Φ ν 9 3 Ἁ ,
γνωσθεὶς αἰχμάλωτος ἐθελοντὴς εἶναι καὶ οὐκ ἀνὴρ πολέμῳ

4 9. ON A > > ¥ , N ς ’ Ἁ
πρέπων. εἰσὶ δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ στήλῃ καὶ οἱ μαχεσάμενοι περὶ

94. ἐν Κορίνθῳ : the Lacedaemonians
defeated the allied army of Athenians,
Argives, Boeotians, and Corinthians at
Corinth in 394n.c. The Athenian force
numbered six thousand foot and six
hundred horse; their losses were heavy.
See Xen. Hell. 4, 2, 9-18. Demosthe-
nes (20, 52, p. 472) spoke of this fight
as ‘‘the great battle’? at Corinth.
C.I.A. II, 1673, gives a partial list of
Athenians engaged. Among them was
Dexileus, whose private monument is
preserved in its original position, with
an inscription (C.I.A. II, 2084). —
95. ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ Χίῳ: the reference to
Euboeais probably tothe subjugation of
the whole island by Pericles in 445 B.c.
(Thuc. 1, 114). Upon the revolt of
Chios from Athens in 412 B.c. an ex-
pedition was sent by the Athenians
which landed in Chios, defeated the
rebels, besieged them in the capital,
and ravaged the island (Thuc. 8, 14 sq.,
24, 55, etc.). The reference is doubt-
less to those who fell in this expedition

rather than to the second revolt of
Chios in the Social War (857-355 B.c.),
when the force dispatched probably
consisted of mercenaries (Diod. 16, 7;
Corn. Nep. Chabrias, 4).

98. πλὴν Nexlov: the account of the
conduct of Nicias during the last terri-
ble days in Sicily, as given by Thu-
cydides (7, 76-85), does not justify the
harsh criticism of Pausanias. It is true,
however, that the responsibility of the
disaster rested mainly on him, and if
he had listened to Demosthenes the
Athenian force would probably have
escaped destruction. This apparently
the Athenians had in mind in omitting
his name from the roll of honor.

105. περὶ Θράκην καὶ ἐν Μεγάροις :
as to the fallen in Thrace, cf. C.I.A.
IV, 2, 446a. ἴῃ 44 Βιο. the Megarians
revolted from Athens and put the gar-
rison to the sword (Thuc. 1, 114).—
107. ᾿Αλκιβιάδης: in 420n.c. Alcibiades
effected an alliance between Athens,
Argos, Mantinea, and Elis. In the

110

GRAVES OF HEROES 1538

Ch. 29, 13
Ἁ
Θράκην καὶ ἐν Μεγάροις καὶ ἡνίκα ᾿Αρκάδας τοὺς ἐν Μαν-
A
τινείᾳ καὶ Ἠλείους ἔπεισεν ᾿Αλκιβιάδης Λακεδαιμονίων
ε

ἀποστῆναι καὶ οἵ πρὶν ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφικέσθαι Δημοσθέ-
νὴν Συρακουσίων pact ct ἐτάφησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ
Ν ε ’ N 9 4
Tov Ἑλλήσποντον ναυμαχήσαντες καὶ ὅσοι Μακεδόνων
3 ’ 3 ’ 3 ’ Ἁ ε 4 ’ 3
ἐναντία ἠγωνίσαντο ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ καὶ οἱ μετὰ Κλέωνος ἐς
᾿Αμφίπολ ὕσαντες, οἵ τε ἐν Δηλίῳ τῷ T f
μφίπολιν στρατεύσαντες, ν Δηλίῳ τῳ Ταναγραίων
’ . 9 9 , , Ψ
τελευτήσαντες καὶ ὅσους ἐς Θεσσαλίαν Λεωσθένης ἤγαγε

“ e ’ > 4 e a) 4 ζω. 4
καὶ οἱ πλεύσαντες ἐς Κύπρον opov Κίμωνι, τῶν τε σὺν

summer of 418 π5.ο. the Lacedaemo-
nians defeated the allies in the battle
of Mantinea. See Thuc. 5, 438-47, 63-
74. A fragment of the treaty of al-
liance, of which Thucydides gives us
the complete text, was found engraved
on a slab of Pentelic marble between
the theatre of Dionysus.and the Odeum
of Herodes Atticus (C.I.A. IV, 460,
14 sq.). Thucydides’s copy may be
from this very stone. — 109. κρατήσαν-
τες: before the arrival of Demosthenes
(413 5.6.) with large reénforcements
the Athenians had been successful in
several engagements with the enemy
(Thuc. 6, 67-71, 98-102; 7, 5, 22 8sq.).
- περὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον : a tomb-
stone, found in Athens about 1882, in
all probability stood over the grave of
these men in the Ceramicus. It is a
slab of Pentelic marble, five feet high
and twenty inches wide. The inscrip-
tion contains a list of men, arranged
according to tribes, who fell in the
Chersonese, in Byzantium, and ‘in
other wars,’’ and underneath it is an

epigram to the effect that they perished .

in the flower of their youth. They
probably fell in the campaign of 409
B.c. when Alcibiades captured Selym-

bria and Byzantium, laid siege to Chal-
cedon, and levied contributions about
the Hellespont. See Xen. Hell. 1, 3;
TDiod. 18, 66 sq.; Plut. Alcib. 29-31;
for the inscription, C.I.A. IV, 446a,
108 sqq.— 110. ὅσοι Μακεδόνων évav-
tla nywvlcavro ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ: Lycur-
gus (c. Leocr. 142) says that one thou-
sand Athenians fell in the battle, and
that they received a public burial; he

‘also speaks of the inscriptions carved

on their tombstones at the entrance of
the city.—111. ἐς ᾿Αμφίπολιν : see
Thuc. 5, 7-11. The Athenians lost six
hundred men; the enemy only seven.
Both generals were slain, Cleon from a
stab in the back as he was fleeing,
Brasidas while charging at the head of
his men. — 112. ἐν Δηλίῳ : see Thue. 4,
91,101. The Athenians were defeated
by the Boeotians, with the loss of about
one thousand regular infantry. — 118.
Λεωσθένης : see 1, 1,3; 1, 25, 3-5.—
114. és Κύπρον : Cimon sailed with a
fleet to Cyprus, where, after defeating
the Persians and capturing a number
of cities, he died. After his death the
Athenian fleet and army won another
great victory by sea and land over the
Persians at Salamis in Cyprus. See

154 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 29, 14

115 ᾿Ὀλυμπιοδώρῳ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐκβαλόντων τριῶν καὶ δέκα ἄν-

ὃρες οὐ πλείους. φασὶ δὲ ᾿Αϑηναῖοι καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὁμόβόν᾽ τὲ
τινα πολεμοῦσι πόλεμον στρατιὰν οὐ πολλὴν πέμψαι, καὶ
ὕστερον ναυμαχίας Ῥωμαίων πρὸς Καρχηδονίους γινομένης
τριήρεις πέντε ᾿Αττικαὶ παρεγένοντο: ἔστιν οὖν καὶ τούτοις

120 ἐνταῦθα τοῖς ἀνδράσιν 6 τάφος. Τολμίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν σὺν
> ~ 4 \ ¥ , » via 4, 3 4
αὐτῷ δεδήλωται μὲν ἤδη μοι τὰ ἔργα καὶ ὃν τρόπον ἐτελεύτη-
¥ V9 , , A VN ean ,
σαν" ἴστω δὲ ὅτῳ φίλον κειμένους σφᾶς κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην.
κεῖνται δὲ καὶ οἵ σὺν Κίμωνι τὸ μέγα ἔργον πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶν
9 N 4 id Ν N , N 4,
αὐθημερὸν κρατήσαντες: τέθαπται δὲ καὶ Κόνων καὶ Τιμό- 15

’ὔ δ ’ ’ 4 “N ἃ

θεος, δεύτεροι μετὰ Μιλτιάδην καὶ Κίμωνα οὗτοι πατὴρ καὶ

A » 9 4 4 A \ N 4
mais ἔργα ἀποδειξάμενοι λαμπρά. κεῖται δὲ καὶ Ζήνων
ἐνταῦθα 6 Μνασέον καὶ Χρύσιππος 6 Σολεύς, Νικίας τε 6
Νικο ὃ C ~ ¥ 4 A 9" ε A \ “A 4
μήδου Coa ἄριστος γράψαι τῶν ἐφ᾽ αὑτοῦ, καὶ ᾿Αρμό-

A 9

dios καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων οἱ τὸν Πεισιστράτου παῖδα ἵππαρ-.

180 ner ἀποκτείναντες, ῥήτορές τε Ἐφιάλτης, ὃς τὰ νόμιμα

ALAA.

Ta ἐν Apeéiw πάγῳ μάλιστα ἐλυμήνατοι κα καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὁ

Thuc. 1, 112; Diod. 12, 8 βα.; Plut.
Cimon, 18 sq.; Corn. Nep. Cimon, 3.
—115. ᾿Ολυμπιοδώρῳ: see 1, 26, 1 Βα.

120. ToAp(Sov: see 1, 27, 5. 123. τὸ
μέγα ἔργον : on the great victory over
the Persians at the mouth of the Eury-
medon in Pamphylia, see Thuc. 1, 100;
Diod. 11, 61; Plutarch, Cimon, 12 sq.
As a monument of this victory, the
Athenians dedicated a bronze palm-
tree at Delphi (10, 15, 4). The date
assigned this victory varies among his-
torians from 469 to 465 B.c.

126. Ζήνων: Diog. Laert. 7, 11 and
29, gives a decree of the Athenians ‘‘in
which the thanks of the state are ren-
dered to Zeno in his lifetime for his
services in the cause of virtue, and it
is provided that a tomb shall be built

for him in the Ceramicus at the public
expense; in this tomb the philosopher
was afterwards laid.’’— 127. Νικίας re
ὁ Νικομήδονυ : the expression here used,
tga ἄριστος γράψαι τῶν ἐφ᾽ αὑτοῦ, is com-
monly understood to mean ‘‘ the great-
est figure-painter of his time,” ζῷα
meaning either human or animal fig-
ures. See Brunn, Gesch. d. gr. Kiinst-
ler, II, 194-200. Pliny (N. H. 385,
130-183) gives a list of his subjects,
most of which are mythological, and
says also that he painted dogs very suc-
cessfully. — 131. Δυκοῦργος : the par-
ticulars as to the public services of
Lycurgus are probably derived from
the decree of the Athenians in his
honor, proposed by Stratocles in the
archonship of Anaxicrates (807-306

ACADEMY

Ch. 30, 1

155

Λυκόφρονος. Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἐπορίσθη μὲν τάλαντα ἐς τὸ δημό-
σιον πεντακοσίοις πλείονα καὶ ἑξακισχιλίοις ἡ ὅσα Περικλῆς

ὁ Ἐανθίππον συνήγαγε; κατεσκεύασε δὲ πομπεῖα τῇ θεῷ καὶ
Νίκας χρυσᾶς καὶ παρθένοις κόσμον ἑκατόν, ἐς δὲ πόλεμον
ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ τετρακοσίας ναυμαχοῦσιν εἶναι τριήρεις"
9 , N 3 4 Ν Ἅ , ¢ 9 ε
οἰκοδομήματα δὲ ἐπετέλεσε μὲν τὸ θέατρον ἑτέρων ὑπαρξα-

id Ν δὲ 3. AN ῪΝ 9 Re) 4 ἃ 3 ὃ 4 3
μένων, Ta O€ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ πολιτείας ἃ ῳκοδόμησεν ἐν Πει-

A , 9 3 δ δ δ A , ,
paver νεώς εἰσιν οἶκοι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῳ Λυκείῳ καλουμένῳ

γυμνάσ ον».

ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἦν καὶ χρυ-
σοῦ, Λαχάρης καὶ ταῦτα ἐσύλησε τυραννήσας᾽
δομήματα καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι ἦν.

Q A 3
τὰ δὲ οἶκο-

Πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς ἐς ᾿Ακαδημίαν ἐστὶ βωμὸς Ἔρωτος

B.c.). For a copy, perhaps condensed,
see Ps.-Plut. Vit. x. Or. pp. 844, 852.
After enumerating his many services,
the decree concludes with a list of hon-
ors to be conferred on the memory of
Lycurgus, and a provision that all de-
crees in his honor should be engraved
on stone tablets and set up on the
Acropolis. For extant fragments, see
C.I.A. II, 240. The various buildings
of Lycurgus here mentioned have been
already noticed by Pausanias (1, 1, 2;

1, 19,3; 1, 19,6; 1, 21, 1), or referred -

to in the notes.

30. Altars of Eros, of Anteros, and
of Prometheus — The Torch-Race —
Other altars in the Academy — Plato’s
tomb — Tower of Timon — Altar of
Poseidon Hippius and of Athena Hip-
pia — Heroums of Theseus and Piri-
thous, of Oedipus and Adrastus.

1. ἐς ᾿Ακαδημίαν : tradition assigns
the name of Academy to a place three
quarters of a mile northwest of the
Dipylum, in the broad belt of olive
wood bordering the banks of the Ce-

phisus. The exact spot is just south of
the rocky knoll, identified as Colonus
Hippius, on which are the graves of
Charles Lenormant and K. O. Miiller.
The testimony of ancient writers ac-
cords well with tradition (Paus. 1, 30,
4; Cic. De fin. 5, 1,1; Livy, 31, 24).
No remains of buildings once upon this
site have been discovered. The Acad-
emy derived its name from one Acade-
mus or Hecademus, whose shrine, as a
hero, was in the Academy (see 1, 29, 2;
Schol. Dem. 24, 114, p. 736; Schol. Ar.
Nub. 1005, etc.). The first mention of
it in historical times is when Hip-
parchus, son of Pisistratus, built a wall
around it at great expense, which he
compelled the Athenians to pay (Suidas
8.v. τὸ ἱππάρχου τειχίον). Cimon first
converted it from a dry and dusty
place into a well-watered grove with
trim avenues and shady walks (Plut.
Cimon, 13; cf. id. Sulla, 13; Diog.
Laert. 3, 7). Read the beautiful de-
scription of it in Aristophanes, who
mentions the gymnasium it contains

σι

10

15

156 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

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(Nub. 1002 sqq.). Here Plato held his
school, which became known in conse-
quence as the Academy (Diog. Laert.
3,7; 4,1, 1; Cic. De fin. 5, 1, 2; Suidas
s.v. Axadnula, etc.). After his death,
the Academy continued to be the
headquarters of his school (Plut. De

exilio, 10; Diog. Laert. 4, 2, 6; 4, 3, °

19; 4, 8, 60). When Sulla laid siege
to Athens, he cut down the trees of the
Academy to make siege engines (Plut.
Sulla, 12; Appian, Bellum Mithrid.
80). — βωμὸς "Epwros . . . Avrépwros:
according to Ath. 13, p. 609p, Charmus,
who dedicated the altar of Eros, was a
friend of the tyrant Hippias. Athe-
naeus also gives the metrical inscrip-
tion. Suidas (s.v. Μέλητος) tells the
story of the altar of Anteros, with
some variations from the account of
Pausanias.

.13. TIpopnbéws βωμός : Apollodorus,
quoted in Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 56,
gives a fuller description of this altar.
He states that it was dedicated jointly to
Prometheusand Hephaestus. Thealtar
was at the entrance to the Academy,
and from this altar the torch-race ap-
pears to have started. — 15. λαμπάδας :
torch-races were held at eight Athenian
festivals at least, namely the Panath-
enaea, the festivals of Prometheus,
Hephaestus, Pan, Bendis, Hermes, The-
seus, and the festival in honor of the
dead. See Frazer’s note. The course
in the Ceramicus, probably that here
mentioned, was followed in the first
three. Pausanias mentions one way of
running the race; the other way was
to have lines of runners posted at inter-
vals, and the first man after lighting
his torch at the altar ran with it at full

TOMB OF PLATO 157

Ch. 30, 4
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20 Μουσῶν τε βωμὸς καὶ ἕτερος Ἑρμοῦ καὶ ἔνδον ᾿Αθηνᾶς, τὸν

2ὅ

80

35

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πον εὐδαίμονα εἶναι γενέσθαι πλὴν τοὺς ἄλλους φεύγοντα

9 4
ἀνθρώπους.

speed and passed it on to the second,
he to the third, etc. —21. ἐλαίας : the
sacred olive trees called μορίαι grew in
the Academy; their number was at first
twelve, and they were believed to be
offshoots of the original olive tree on
the Acropolis (1, 27,2; Ar. Nub. 1005;
Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 701; Suidas and
Photius, Lexicon, s.v. poplar), The
penalty for injuring one of the sacred
olives was originally death, later ban-
ishment; the case was tried by the
court of the Areopagus (Lysias, 7, 41 ;
Ar. Resp. Ath. 60). The penalty was
not enforced in Aristotle’s time.

23. Πλάτωνος μνῆμα : according to
Pausanias it was not far from the Acad-
emy; according to Diog. Laert. 3, 41,

δείκνυται δὲ καὶ χῶρος καλούμενος Κολωνὸς

it was situated ἐν τῇ ᾿Ακαδημίᾳ. ----
27. ὄνειρον: this story is told more
fully by Diog. Laert. ὃ, δ; Biogr. Gr.,
ed. Westermann, p. 389; Apuleius, De
dogmate Platonis, 1, 1.

33. πύργος Τίμωνος : cf. Biogr. Gr.,
ed. Westermann, Ὁ. 3938, where it is
said that Plato established a school
near the abode of Timon the misan-
thrope, who, though he was embittered
againstall men, bore thesociety of Plato
with much benignity. — 35. Kodowvds
ἵππιος : Thucydides (8, 67) locates Co-
lonus about ten. furlongs outside of
Athens. Hence it has been identified
with arocky knoll about fifty feet high,
about a mile and a quarter north-north-
west of the Dipylum. Here Sophocles

158 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 31, 1
ἵππιος, ἔνθα τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς πρῶτον ἐλθεῖν λέγουσιν Oidi-
ποδα ---- διάφορα μὲν καὶ ταῦτα τῇ Ὁμήρου ποιήσει, λέγουσι
δ᾽ οὖν ----καὶ βωμὸς Ποσειδῶνος Ἱππίου καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς Ἱππίας,
ἡρῷον δὲ Πειρίθου καὶ Θησέως Οἰδίποδός τε καὶ ᾿Αδράστον.

40 τὸ δὲ ἄλσος τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐνέπρησεν ᾿Αντί-

γονος ἐσβαλών, καὶ ἄλλοτε στρατιᾷ κακώσας ᾿Αθηναίοις

τὴν γῆν.

81 Δῆμοι δὲ οἱ μικροὶ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ὡς ἔτυχεν ἕκαστος

placed the scene of the Oedipus at
Colonus. He describes its luxuriant
vegetation (Oed. Col. 668 sqq.); he
himself belonged to the township of
Colonus (Suidas 8.v. Σοφοκλῆς). He
speaks of the spot as sacred ground, the
possession of Poseidon, and inhabited
also by Prometheus; here also was a
sanctuary of the Furies (Soph. Oed. Col.
37 8qq.).

31. Objects of interest in the smaller
demes of Attica —The Hyperboreans —
Artemis Colaenis and Amarysia,

1. Δῆμοι : leaving Athens and its sub-
urbs to the northwest, Pausanias now
takes up the description of the rest of
Attica embraced in cc. 31, 1—39, 3;
the rest of the book (1, 39, 4—1, 44, 10)
is devoted to Megara, the city and its
territory. He first mentions the chief
points of interest in the small Attic
demes(1, 31, 1—1, 32, 1); hethennames
the Attic mountains (1, 32, 2); then de-
scribes more demes (1, 32, 3—1, 33, 8);
then Oropus (1, 34); then the islands
of Attica (1, 35, 1—1, 36, 2); then
the road from Athens to Eleusis (1,
36, 3—1, 38, 5); next Eleusis itself
(1, 36, 6-7); then the road from Eleu-
sis to Boeotia (1, 38, 8-9); finally the
road from Eleusis to the borders of

Megara (1, 39, 1-8). Thus the order is
not strictly topographical (see Intro-
duction, pp.6,7). Thesystem of demes
or townships in Attica, local divisions
with independent municipal govern-
ment, was first organized or at least
fully developed by Cleisthenes in 508
B.c. (Aristot. Resp. Ath. 21). Thenum-
ber instituted by him is uncertain; it
is inferred from IIdt. 5, 69, to have been
one hundred. At a later time we hear
of one hundred and seventy-four demes
(Strabo, 9, p. 896). The names of one
hundred and forty-five are authentica-
ted by inscriptions or the testimony of
ancient writers. Out of these one hun-
dred and forty-five demes, we know the
location of twenty-eight with tolerable
exactness, and of thirty-seven more
approximately ; while the sites of the
remaining eighty arestill undetermined
(see A. Milchhoefer, Sitzungsb. Preuss.
Akad., Berlin (1887), p. 42; Pauly-Wis-
sowa, 8.v. Attika). Pausanias mentions
about twelve in this and following chap-
ters. Elsewhere he names a few more,
namely Sunium (1, 1, 1), Piraeus (1, 1,
2), Phalerum (1, 1, 2), Ceramicus (1,
3, 1), Aphidna (1, 17, 5), Colonus
(1, 30, 4), Laciadae (1, 37, 2), Scambo-
nidae (1, 38, 2), Anaphlystus (2, 30, 9),

.

10

DEMES OF ATTICA 159

σι Ὁ" : ’ a 3 , ΄ ζά 3 4 \
οἰκισθείς, τάδε ἐς μνήμην παρείχοντο: ᾿Αλιμουσίοις μὲν

Θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος καὶ Κόρης ἐστὶν ἱερόν, ἐν Ζωστῆρι δὲ

ἐπὶ θαλάσσης καὶ βωμὸς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ ᾿Αρτέ-

μιδος καὶ Λητοῦς. τεκεῖν μὲν οὖν Λητὼ τοὺς παῖδας ἐνταῦθα
οὔ φασι, λύσασθαι δὲ τὸν ζωστῆρα ὡς τεξομένην, καὶ τῷ
3 ¢
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‘N ’ ld N » [2 ’ 3 4 N
καὶ τούτοις Κόρης καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερόν, ᾿Αναγυρασίοις δὲ
Μητρὸς θεῶν ἱερόν - Κεφαλῆσι δὲ οἱ Διόσκουροι νομίζονται
, , ‘ nA ε , \ 5 ,
μάλιστα, Μεγάλους γὰρ σφᾶς οἱ ταύτῃ θεοὺς ὀνομάζουσιν.

Sphettus (ib.), Decelea (8, 8,6), and
Stiria (10, 35, 8).—2. ᾿Αλιμουσίοις :
Halimus was a deme of the tribe Leon-
tis. According to Strabo, 9, 398, it lay

between Phalerum and Aixone, at a-

distance of thirty-five stadia from Ath-
ens (Dem. 57, 10, p. 876). In accord-
ance with our location of Phalerum,
Halimus must be along the coast be-
tween St. George (Trispyrgi) and St.
Cosmas (see Excursus ἢ. The histo-
rian Thucydides belonged to Halimus
(Biogr. Gr., ed. Westermann, pp. 199,
208). ---ὃ. Ζωστῆρι: according to
Strabo, 9, p. 398, Zoster was the name
of a cape on the south coast of Attica,
to the south of Aixone, the deme south
of Halimus; and he adds that off the
cape there is an island called Phabra. —
7. IIpoowaArlos: Prospalta was a deme
of the tribe Acamis (Dem. 48, 64,
p. 1071; Harpocr. and Suid. s.v. Προσ-
πάλτιοι). Eupolis named one of his
comedies The Prospaltians, after the
inhabitants who had the reputation of
being litigious (Athen. 7, p. 3264).
This deme was doubtless on or near
the site of the modern village gf Kaly-
via Kuvara, which is in the interior of
Attica about midway between Athens

and Sunium. To the west of this vil-
lage ancient blocks and vestiges of
walls have been found, and also in-
scriptions bearing the names of men of
Prospalta. See Milchhoefer, A.M. XII
(1887), 281-286; Karten von Attika,
Text iii-vi, 12.—8. ᾿Αναγυρασίοις :
Anagyrus wasa deme of the tribe Erech-
theis (Harpocr. and Suid. s.v.’ Avayupd-
ows). Strabo (7, p. 398) locates it on the
south coast of Attica, between thedemes
of Halae Aexionicae and Thorae. It is
commonly placed at Vari, a small vil-
lage to the east of Cape Zoster. See
Milchhoefer, A.M. XIII (1888), 360-
362; Karten von Attika, Text ilii—vi,
15.—9. Κεφαλῆσι: Cephale was a
deme of the tribe Acamis (Schol. Ar.
Aves, 476; Harpocr. and Suid. s.v.
Κεφαλῆθεν). Cephale is located near
Keratea, a village in the interior of
Attica eleven or twelve miles north of
Sunium. Here sepulchral inscriptions
have been found containing the names
of natives of Cephale (C.I.A. II,
2151, 2154); also a stone bearing the
inscription ‘*boundary of Aphrodite
at Cephale.’’ See Milchhoefer, A.M.
XII (1887), 286-291; Karten von At-
tika, Text iii-vi, 12, 19.

15

20

160 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 31, 2
ἐν δὲ Πρασιεῦσιν ᾿Απόλλωνός ἐστι ναός - ἐνταῦθα τὰς Ὕπερ-
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δὲ τούτων Σκύθας ἐς Σινώπην κομίζειν, ἐντεῦθεν δὲ φέρεσθαι
διὰ Ἑλλήνων ἐς Πρασιάς, ᾿Αθηναίους δὲ εἶναι τοὺς ἐς Δῆλον
» Q Ά 9 A 4 ᾿ 9 4 “A
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γινώσκεσθαι O€ UT OVOEVWY. ἐστι OE μνημα ἔπι Πρασιαις
> 4 ς 9 a 9 4 Q + ’᾽ 9 a
Ερυσίχθονος, ws ἐκομίζετο ὀπίσω μετὰ τὴν θεωρίαν ἐκ Ay-
λου, γενομένης οἱ κατὰ τὸν πλοῦν τῆς τελευτῆς. Κραναὸν
δὲ τὸν βασιλεύσαντα ᾿Αθηναίων ὅτι μὲν ἐξέβαλεν ᾿Αμφι-
κτύων κηδεστὴν ὄντα, ἔτι πρότερον εἴρηταί po: φυγόντα
δὲ αὐτὸν σὺν τοῖς στασιώταις ἐς τὸν δῆμον τὸν Λαμπτρέα

11. ἐν δὲ Πρασιεῦσιν : Prasiae was a
deme of the tribe Pandionis(Steph. Byz.
8.V. Πράσιαι). It was situated on the
east coast of Attica, on the spacious
bay now called Porto Raphti, about
sixteen miles northeast of Sunium, be-
tween the demes of Potamus on the
south and Stiria on the north. It was
in ancient times a port of Attica (Schol.
Ar. Pac. 242; Thuc. 8, 95; Livy, 31,
45). --- Ὑπερβορέων : Herodotus (4, 33)
gives, on the authority of the Delians,
an entirely different route by which the
offerings of the Hyperboreans were for-
warded to Delos. He has them con-
veyed first to the Scythians; thence
westward from people to people until
they reached the Adriatic sea; thence
southward to the people of Dodona
who transmitted them over to the
gulf of Malea and across to Euboea;
thence from city to city to Carystus,
and finally by the Carystians to Tenos,
whence the Tenians took them to De-
los. Frazer thinks Herodotus gives us
the original Delian version, Pausanias

the revised Athenian version of the
fifth century B.c.—18. μετὰ τὴν θεω-
ρίαν ἐκ Δήλου: the ‘sacred embassy ”’
referred to is the one which the Athe-
nians sent annually to Delos. The
ship in which Theseus was believed to
have sailed to Crete conveyed the en-
voy to Delos; in the ship were also the
chorus that was to sing the hymn to
Apollo, and the victims for sacrifice.
Before the sailing of the ship the priest
of Apollo crowned its stern; and from
that moment till the ship returned no
one might be put to death in Athens.
This gave a respite to Socrates. See
Plato, Phaedo, 58 a-c, 59p; Xen. Mem.
4, 8, 2; Plut. Thes. 23; id. Nicias, 3.
22. Λαμπτρέα : this deme belonged
to the tribe Erechtheis ; it included two
villages, Upper Lamptrae and Lower
(or Seaside) Lamptrae (Harpocr,. Suid.,
and Phot. Lex. s.v. Λαμπτρεῖς ; Hesych.
s.v. Aaurpd). It was on the southern
coast of Attica, between the demes of
Thorae and Aegilia (Strabo, 9, p. 398).
Upper Lamptrae has been identified

30

35

PHLYA — MYRRHINUS 161

cael e a“ 9 ω δ ~ 4 \ »¥ Ἁ 3 3. 6A
ἀποθανεῖν Te αὐτοῦ καὶ ταφῆναί φασι, καὶ ἔστι Kal ἐς ἐμὲ

Ἁ 9 ἴω A “A “A »ν δὲ A — ,
[καὶ] ἐν rots Λαμπτρεῦσι Κραναοῦ μνῆμα. Ἴωνος δὲ τοῦ Rov-

ἃ Ν is »ν \ 3 , \ 93 4
dov — kat yap οὗτος ῴᾧκησε παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων
> ἃ A , A N 3 ld 9 4 4
ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς ᾿Ελευσινίους ἐπολεμάρχησε --- τά-
A A A 9

pos ev Ποταμοῖς ἐστι τῆς χώρας. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω héye-
ται, Φλνεῦσι δέ εἰσι καὶ Μυρρινουσίοις τοῖς μὲν ᾿Απόλλωνος

᾿Διονυσοδότον καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος Σελασφόρον βωμοὶ Διονύσον

τε ᾿Ανθίον καὶ νυμφῶν ᾿Ισμηνίδων καὶ Τῆς, ἣν Μεγάλην
θεὸν ὀνομάζουσι. ναὸς δὲ ἕτερος ἔχει βωμοὺς Δήμητρος
᾿Ανησιδώρας καὶ Διὸς Κτησίον καὶ Τιθρωνῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ
Κόρης Πρωτογόνης καὶ Σεμνῶν ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν. τὸ δὲ
ἐν Μυρρινοῦντι ξόανόν ἐστι Κολαινίδος - ᾿Αθμονεῖς δὲ τιμῶ-

σιν ᾿Αμαρυσίαν Αρτεμιν. πυνθανόμενος δὲ σαφὲς οὐδὲν ἐς 5

with the modern Lambrika, a deserted
village about four miles northeast of
Vari. — 27. ἐν IIorapois: Potami was a
deme of the tribe Leontis (Harpocr. s.v.
Ποταμός; Suid. s.v. dpvaxapved). It lay
on the east coast of Attica between Tho-

. ricus and Prasiae (Strabo, 9, p. 398;

Pliny, N. H. 4, 24). It comprised three
Potami, known as Upper, Lower, and
Diradiotian (Schol. Hom. Il. 2, 645;
C.I.A. II, 864. See A.M. X (1885),
105 sqq.). It is commonly identified
with some ruins bordering on the bay
of Daskalio,southof Prasiae. Pausanias
fails to mention the deme of Thoricus.

28. @Avetor: this deme belonged
originally to the tribe Cecropis, and was
afterwards transferred to the new tribe
Ptolemais (Steph. Byz. 8.v. Φλνεῖς ;
Suid. s.v. Φλνεία ; Harpocr. s8.v. Φλυέα).
Euripides was a native of Phlya (Har-
pocr. l.c.). Phlya is identified on the
authority of inscriptions with the mod-
ern Chalandri, a thriving village about
five miles northeast of Athens, and

about three and one fourth miles south
of Cephisia. It bordered on the deme
Athmonia, which was certainly on the
site of the modern Marusi, two miles
north of Chalandri. (See C.I.A. ITE,
61a, col. 2, 1. 18; II, 2646; II, 1113.)
— Μυρρινουσίοις : this deme belonged
to the tribe Pandionis (Steph. Byz.
and Phot. Lex. s.v. Muppivois). It
was on the site of Merenda, a ruined
village in the interior of Attica, east, of
Mt. Hymettus, about one and three
fourths miles southeast of the large
village of Markopoulo. (See C.I.A.
11, 575; A.M. ΧΗ (1887), 277 sq.).
— 34. ᾿Αθμονεῖς : Athmonia or Athino-
num was a township of the tribe Ce-
cropis (Harpocr. s.v. ᾿Αθμονεύς;; Suid.
8.0. ᾿Αθμονία ; Steph. Byz. s.v. Λθμονον).
At a later time, apparently, it was
transferred to the new tribe Attalis
(Schol. Ar. Pac. 190; cf. 1, 5, 5). In-
scriptions prove that Athmonia was on
or near thesite of Marusi, a village in the
Athenian plain, seven miles northeast

40

45

50

162 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

9 Q 3 4 ΝΥ 9 Ἃ 4Ὅ 9 AQ A ras
αὐτὰς ἐπισταμένους τοὺς ἐξηγητὰς εὗρον, αὐτὸς δὲ συμβάλ-
λομαι τῇδε. ἔστιν ᾿Αμάρυνθος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ταύτῃ

~ 9 yd e ΝΥ A xa 3 nw “~ 9 ᾽’
τιμῶσιν ᾿Αμαρυσίαν, ἑορτὴν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῆς Αμαρυσίας
¥ 4 yd 4 ’ 9 ’ ’᾽ Ά 4
ἄγουσιν οὐδέν τι Εὐβοέων apavéorepov: ταύτῃ μὲν γενέσθαι

NX »” 3 N 4 x. 93 A e ἴων Q A 9
τὸ ὄνομα ἐπὶ τούτῳ παρὰ ᾿Αθμονεῦσιν ἡγοῦμαι, τὴν δὲ ἐν
Μυρρινοῦντι Κολαινίδα ἀπὸ Κολαίνου καλεῖσθαι. γέγρα-

> "ν “A ΕῚ A , ’ Ἁ ε Ἁ

πται δ᾽ ἤδη μοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς δήμοις φάναι πολλοὺς ὡς καὶ
Q A 9 A 9 4 ΄ὉΝ ’ » δε 4
πρὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐβασιλεύοντο THs Κέκροπος" ἐστι δὲ ὁ Κό-
λαινος ἀνδρὸς ὄνομα πρότερον ἣ Κέκροψ ἐβασίλευσεν ---- ὡς

ε , 3 ¥ »ν» Δ 93 4
οἱ Μυρρινούσιοι λέγουσιν ---- ἄρξαντος. ἔστι δὲ Αχαρναὶ
δῆμος: οὗτοι θεῶν ᾿Απόλλωνα τιμῶσιν ᾿Αγυιέα καὶ Ἡρα-
κλέα. καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς βωμός ἐστιν Ὑγιείας- τὴν δ᾽ Ἱππίαν
᾿Αθηνᾶν ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Διόνυσον Μελπόμενον καὶ Κισσὸν

N > ON a N N N ΝΥ 9 ἴων A “~
τὸν αὐτὸν θεόν, τὸν κισσὸν τὸ φυτὸν ἐνταῦθα πρῶτον φανῆ-

4
ναι λέγοντες.

of Athens, and one and one half miles
south of Cephisia. Marusi obviously
preserves the surname of Amarysian
Artemis. See C.I.A. II, 1722, 1728,
1724. .

37. ᾿Αμάρυνθος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ: Amaryn-
thus was a village distant seven stadia
from Eretria (Strabo, 10, p. 448), where
an annual festival was held by the
Carystians as well as the Eretrians in
honor of the Amarynthian Artemis
(Livy, 35, 38). Cf. Strabo 1.6. on the
part of the Eretrians in this festival.
The site of the sanctuary has been iden-
tified, with some probability, in the
foundations of some buildings to the
east of Eretria (see Lolling, A.M. X
(1885), p. 354).

45. “Axapval δῆμος: Acharnae be-
longed to the tribe Oeneis (Steph. Byz.
s.v. Axdpva). It was the largest of all
the demes of Attica, and furnished to

the Athenian army at the beginning of
the Peloponnesian War no less than
three thousand infantry (Thuc. 2, 20).
It was situated sixty stadia from Ath-
ens (id. 2, 21), in a fertile and well-
cultivated district (Luc. Icarom. 18).
The people dealt in charcoal (Ar. Ach.
34 and 332, and Schol. Ach. 34); they
were regarded as stout soldiers (Ar.
Ach. 180 sq.). From Thuc. 2, 1, 20,
and Diod. 14, 32, it follows that Achar-
nae was seven miles northwest of Ath-
ens at the foot of Mt. Parnes. It
doubtless occupied with its suburbs the
territory embraced by the villages of
Menidi and Epano-Liossia, one and one
half miles from each other, where traces
of an ancient township and ruins have
been found. On Acharnae see Leake,
Athens, II, 35-38; Bursian, Geogr. I,
334; Milchh. Karten von Attika, Text
ii, 42; and A.M. XIII (1888), 337 ff.

PENTELICUS — PARNES — HYMETTUS

Ch. 32, 1

163

Ὄρη δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστὶ Πεντελικὸν ἔνθα λιθοτομίαι, καὶ 1

, ld ’ A 9 ’ Ν » Ἁ
Πάρνης παρεχομένη θήραν συῶν ἀγρίων καὶ ἄρκτων, καὶ

ε Ν a 4 Ν 4 3 ld N ~
Ὑμηττὸς ὃς φύει νομὰς μελίσσαις ἐπιτηδειοτάτας πλὴν τῆς

32. Mountains of Attica with their
images and altars — Marathon and its
objects of interest —The spring Maca-
ria — The marsh.

1. Πεντελικόν : the correct ancient
name for Pentelicus was _ Brilessus
(Thuc. 2, 23; Strabo, 9, p. 399, etc.),
but it was sometimes called Pentelicus,
as by Pausanias and Vitruvius (2, 8, 9),
a name derived from Pentele, an At-
tic deme (Steph. Byz. s.v. Πεντέλη) on

the southern slope of the mountain,

near which were the quarries (Strabo,
Le.; Theoph. De lapid. 1, 6; cf. Xen.
De vectig. 1, 4; Livy, 31, 26). Mt.
Pentelicus is the pyramid-like moun-
tain, at the northeast extremity of the
Athenian plain, ten miles from Athens.
The white surface of the ancient quar-
ries can be clearly seen from the Acrop-
olis. Its height is three thousand six
hundred and thirty-five feet. The mon-
astery of Mendeli borders on the site
of the ancient deme Pentele. The
quarries are in the gullies above the
monasteries. — 2. IIdpwns: Parnes
was one of the three chief ranges of
mountains in Attica, the other two be-
ing Hymettus and Brilessus or Pente-
licus (Theoph. De sign. temp. 3, 43).
As the location of these two is known,
it follows that Parnes is the still loftier
range (four thousand six hundred and
thirty-five feet) which bounds the plain
of Athens on the north, forming with
its offshoots the great mountain bar-
rier between Attica and Boeotia. This
is confirmed by ancient authorities.
Cf. Plato, Critias, p. 110 pv, with Schol. ;

Thuc. 4, 96; Athen. 5, p. 2164, ete.
On the west Parnes joins Mt. Cithae-
ron. The modern name of the range
is Ozea. See also Thuc. 2, 23; Ar.
Nub. 824; Aristot. Resp. Ath. 19;
Strabo, 9, p. 399; Lucian, Bis acc. 8;
id. Icarom. 11; Stat. Theb. 12, 6208q.;
Steph. Byz. s.v. Πάρνης. --- 8. ‘Ypnr-
ros: Hymettus is the regular, flat-
topped chain of hills which bounds the
plain of Athens on the east. It rises
south of Mt. Pentelicus, from which it
is divided by a valley about three miles
wide, and extends southward almost
in a straight line until it ends at Cape
Zoster. The higher portion of the
range (three thousand three hundred
and seventy feet) north of the glen of
Pirnari, which divides the chain into
two, was called in ancient times the
Great Hymettus; the lower part to the
south of the glen was called the Les-
ser or Waterless (Anydrus) Hymettus
(Theoph. De.sign. temp. 1, 20). The
honey of Hymettus was renowned (Hor.
Odes, 2, 6, 13 sqq.; id. Sat. 2, 2, 15; Cic.
De fin. 2, 34, 112 ; Ovid, Met. 10, 2848q. ;
Strabo, 9, p. 399, etc.). The story goes
that when Plato was a babe the bees
of Hymettus filled his mouth with
honey (Aelian, Var. Hist. 10, 21; Biogr.
Gr., ed. Westermann, pp. 382, 390).
Poets spoke of the flowery and fragrant
Hymettus (Ovid, Met. 7, 72; Stat.
Theb. 12, 622). Hymettus was also
famous for its marble, which isa bluish-
gray streaky marble, far inferior to
Pentelic in quality (Strabo, 9, p. 399;
Hor. Odes, 2, 18, 38sq. Pliny, N. H.

40

45

50

162 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

> AN 3 , Ν 3 Ν κὰ 3.ϑ Ν Ν cee
αὐτὰς ἐπισταμένους τοὺς ἐξηγητὰς εὗρον, αὐτὸς δὲ συμβαλ-
“A 3 ’
λομαι τῇδε. ἔστιν ᾿Αμάρυνθος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ταύτῃ
“A 3 4 e Ἁ \ \ 9 A A 9 4
τιμῶσιν ᾿Αμαρυσίαν, ἑορτὴν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῆς ᾿Αμαρυσίας
¥ 9 , 3 4 3 4 a Ν id
ἄγουσιν οὐδέν τι Εὐβοέων ἀφανέστερον - ταύτῃ μὲν γενέσθαι
τὸ ὄνομα ἐπὶ τούτῳ παρὰ ᾿Αθμονεῦσιν ἡγοῦμαι, τὴν δὲ ἐν
Μυρρινοῦντι Κολαινίδα ἀπὸ Κολαίνου καλεῖσθαι. γέγρα-
> » “A > A 4 ’ δ. € “N
πται δ᾽ ἤδη μοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς δήμοις φάναι πολλοὺς ws Kal
Q A 9 A 9 4 a ’ 4 \ ¢€ ’
πρὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐβασιλεύοντο τῆς Κέκροπος: ἔστι δὲ ὁ Κό-
λαινος ἀνδρὸς ὄνομα πρότερον ἢ Κέκροψ ἐβασίλευσεν ---- ὡς
ε 4 , "Ὁ » Ν 5» νΝ
οἱ Μυρρινούσιοι λέγουσιν --- ἄρξαντος. ἔστι δὲ ᾿Αχαρναὶ
A @ A 39 , A 9 , ve
δῆμος: οὗτοι θεῶν ᾿Απόλλωνα τιμῶσιν ᾿Αγυιέα Kat “Hpa-
κλέα. καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς βωμός ἐστιν Ὑγιείας- τὴν δ᾽ Ἱππίαν
᾿Αθηνᾶν ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Διόνυσον Μελπόμενον καὶ Κισσὸν
Ν > A 4 Ν Ν Ν Ν 3 A A a
τὸν αὐτὸν θεόν, Tov κισσὸν τὸ φυτὸν ἐνταῦθα πρῶτον φανῆ-

4
ναι λέγοντες.

of Athens, and one and one half miles
south of Cephisia. Marusi obviously
preserves the surname of Amarysian
Artemis. See C.J.A. II, 1722, 1723,
1724. .

87. ᾿Αμάρυνθος ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ: Amaryn-
thus was ἃ village distant seven stadia
from Eretria (Strabo, 10, p. 448), where
an annual festival was held by the
Carystians as well as the Eretrians in
honor of the Amarynthian Artemis
(Livy, 35, 38). Cf. Strabo l.c. on the
part of the Eretrians in this festival.
The site of the sanctuary has been iden-
tified, with some probability, in the
foundations of some buildings to the
east of Eretria (see Lolling, A.M. X
(1885), p. 354).

45. ᾿Αχαρναὶ δῆμος: Acharnae be-
longed to the tribe Oeneis (Steph. Byz.
s.v.’Axdpva). It was the largest of all
the demes of Attica, and furnished to

the Athenian army at the beginning of
the Peloponnesian War no less than
three thousand infantry (Thuc. 2, 20).
It was situated sixty stadia from Ath-
ens (id. 2, 21), in a fertile and well-
cultivated district (Luc. Icarom. 18).
The people dealt in charcoal (Ar. Ach.
84 and 332, and Schol. Ach. 34); they
were regarded as stout soldiers (Ar.
Ach. 180 8sq.). From Thuc. 2, 1, 20,
and Diod. 14, 82, it follows that Achar-
nae was seven miles northwest of Ath-
ens at the foot of Mt. Parnes. It
doubtless occupied with its suburbs the
territory embraced by the villages of
Menidi and Epano-Liossia, one and one
half miles from each other, where traces
of an ancient township and ruins have
been found. On Acharnae see Leake,
Athens, II, 35-38; Bursian, Geogr. I,
334; Milchh. Karten von Attika, Text
ii, 42; and A.M. XIII (1888), 337 ff.

PENTELICUS — PARNES — HYMETTUS

Ch. 32, 1

163

Ὄρη δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστὶ Πεντελικὸν ἔνθα λιθοτομίαι, kat 1

, , , ω 3 , \ » Ν
Πάρνης παρεχομένη θήραν συῶν ἀγρίων καὶ ἄρκτων, καὶ

ε N a 4 \ ’ 3 ld N ~
Tpytros ὃς φύει νομὰς μελίσσαις ἐπιτηδειοτάτας πλὴν τῆς

32. Mountains of Attica with their
images and altars — Marathon and its
objects of interest —The spring Maca-
ria —The marsh.

1. Πεντελικόν : the correct ancient
name for Ventelicus was _ Brilessus
(Thuc. 2, 23; Strabo, 9, p. 899, etc.),
but it was sometimes called Pentelicus,
as by Pausanias and Vitruvius (2, 8, 9),
ἃ name derived from Pentele, an At-
tic deme (Steph. Byz. s.v. Πεντέλη) on

the southern slope of the mountain,

near which were the quarries (Strabo,
l.c.; Theoph. De lapid. 1, 6; cf. Xen.
De vectig. 1, 4; Livy, 31, 26). Mt.
Pentelicus is the pyramid-like moun-
tain, at the northeast extremity of the
Athenian plain, ten miles from Athens.
The white surface of the ancient quar-
ries can be clearly seen from the Acrop-
olis. Its height is three thousand six
hundred and thirty-five feet. The mon-
astery of Mendeli borders on the site
of the ancient deme Pentele. The
quarries are in the gullies above the
monasteries. — 2. Πάρνης : Parnes
was one of the three chief ranges of
mountains in Attica, the other two be-
ing Hymettus and Brilessus or Pente-
licus (Theoph. De sign. temp. 3, 43).
As the location of these two is known,
it follows that Parnes is the still loftier
range (four thousand six hundred and
thirty-five feet) which bounds the plain
of Athens on the north, forming with
its offshoots the great mountain bar-
rier between Attica and Boeotia. This
is confirmed by ancient authorities.
Cf. Plato, Critias, p. 110», with Schol.;

Thuc. 4, 96; Athen. 5, p. 2164, etc.
On the west Parnes joins Mt. Cithae-
ron. The modern name of the range
is Ozea. See also Thuc. 2, 23; Ar.
Nub. 824; Aristot. Resp. Ath. 19;
Strabo, 9, p. 399; Lucian, Bis acc. 8;
id. Icarom. 11; Stat. Theb. 12, 6208q. ;
Steph. Byz. s.v. Πάρνης. --- 8. “Ypyr-
vos: Hymettus is the regular, flat-
topped chain of hills which bounds the
plain of Athens on the east. It rises
south of Mt. Pentelicus, from which it
is divided by a valley about three miles
wide, and extends southward almost
in a straight line until it ends at Cape
Zoster. The higher portion of the
range (three thousand three hundred
and seventy feet) north of the glen of
Pirnari, which divides the chain into
two, was called in ancient times the
Great Hymettus; the lower part to the
south of the glen was called the Les-
ser or Waterless (Anydrus) Hy mettus
(Theoph. De sign. temp. 1, 20). The
honey of Hymettus was renowned (Hor.
Odes, 2, 6, 18 sqq.; id. Sat. 2, 2, 15; Cic.
De fin. 2, 34, 112; Ovid, Met. 10, 284 sq. ;
Strabo, 9, p. 399, etc.). The story goes
that when Plato was a babe the bees
of Hymettus filled his mouth with
honey (Aelian, Var. Hist. 10, 21; Biogr.
Gr., ed. Westermann, pp. 382, 390).
Poets spoke of the flowery and fragrant
Hymettus (Ovid, Met. 7, 72; Stat.
Theb. 12, 622). Hymettus was also
famous for its marble, which is a bluish-
gray streaky marble, far inferior to
Pentelic in quality (Strabo, 9, p. 399;
Hor. Odes, 2, 18, 38q. Pliny, N. H.

10

15

164 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 32, 2
᾿Αλαζώνων. ᾿Αλαζῶσι γὰρ συνήθεις ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐς
νομὰς ἰοῦσιν εἰσὶν ἄφετοι καὶ μέλισσαι, οὐδὲ σφᾶς ἐς σίμ-
βλους καθείρξαντες ἔχουσιν ai δὲ ἐργάζονταί τε ὡς ἔτυχον
τῆς χώρας καὶ συμφυὲς τὸ «ἔργον αὐταῖς ἐστιν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ οὔτε
κηρὸν οὔτε μέλι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ποιήσεις. τοῦτο μὲν τοιοῦτόν
3 3 , Ν , ἃ ~ 3 ’ ¥
ἐστιν, ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ τὰ ὄρη καὶ θεῶν ἀγάλματα ἔχει: Πεντε-
λῇσι μὲν ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ἐν Ὑμηττῷ δὲ ἀγαλμά ἐστιν Ὑμηττίου
Διός, βωμοὶ δὲ καὶ Ὀμβρίου Διὸς καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνός εἰσι
Προοψίον. καὶ ἐν Πάρνηθι Παρνήθιος Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς ἐστι
καὶ βωμὸς Σημαλέονυ Διός ἔστι δὲ ἐν TH Πάρνηθι καὶ ἄλλος
, 4 \ 3 5» 9 A Ν \ » b V3? 4
βωμός, θύουσι δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοτὲ μὲν Ὄμῥβριον τοτὲ δὲ ᾿Απή-
μιον καλοῦντες Δία. καὶ ᾿Αγχεσμὸς ὄρος ἐστὶν οὐ μέγα καὶ

Διὸς ἄγαλμα ᾿Αγχεσμίου.

Q\ A A ~ ? 9 9 ’ , Ν 3 ἈΝ
Πρὶν δὲ ἢ τῶν νήσων ἐς ἀφήγησιν τραπέσθαι, τὰ ἐς τοὺς

δήμους ἔχοντα αὖθις ἐπέξειμι.

17,6; 86, 7,114). Hymettus is still, as
of old (Ovid, Ars Ain. 3, 687), remark-
able for the wonderful purple glow
which comes over it as seen from Ath-
ens by evening light. Socrates drained
the cup of hemlock at the hour when
the sunset glow was on Hymettus
(Plato, Phaedo, 1168, c).

15. ᾿Αγχεσμός : this mountain, not
elsewhere mentioned in ancient writ-
ers, is probably the range of hills now
known as Tourko-Vouni, extending
northward from Athens in the direc-
tion of Cephisia, which forms the water-
shed of the Athenian plain. Thechain
terminates in the conical rocky hill
which towers aloft northeast of Ath-
ens, nine hundred and ten feet above
the sea, and is doubtless the ancient
Lycabettus (cf. Plato, Critias, p. 1124;
Antig. Histor. Mirab. 12; Phot. Lex.
8.v. Πάρνης, etc.). Pausanias fails to

δῆμός ἐστι Μαραθὼν ἴσον

mention Mt. Aegaleus, ἃ chain of hills,
extending southwest from Mt. Parnes
to the strait of Salamis. It forms the
western boundary of the Athenian
plain, dividing it from the Thriasian
plain, in which is Eleusis.

18. δῆμός ἐστι Μαραθών: Marathon
was a member of an ancient confeder-
acy called the Tetrapolis, consisting of
Marathon, Oenoe, Probalinthus, and
Tricorythus (Strabo, 8, p. 383; Steph.
Byz. s.v. Τετράπολις ; Plut. Theseus,
14; Diod. 4, 57), four towns said to
have been founded by Deucalion and
later merged by Theseus into a single
state with the other petty communities
of Attica. Three of these towns were
situated between Prasiae and Rham-
nus on the east coast of Attica, in the
following order from south to north:
Probalinthus, Marathon, Tricorythus
(Strabo, 9, p. 399). Oenoe was near

25

MARATHON

Ch. 32, 4

165

οὐ , “Ὁ 9 ’ 9 ’ ἃ 4 ~ 3
τῆς πόλεως τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπέχων καὶ Καρύστου τῆς ἐν
9 » , ~ 9 ~ » e ld ἃ 4
20 Εὐβοίᾳ: ταύτῃ τῆς Αττικῆς ἔσχον οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ μάχῃ
ε “A A
τε ἐκρατήθησαν Kai τινας ὡς ἀνήγοντο ἀπώλεσαν τῶν νεῶν.
’ Ν 3 ~ ’ 3 ’ 3 4 s UN μι 9 “ “~
τάφος δὲ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐστίν, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ στῆλαι
τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἀποθανόντων κατὰ φυλὰς ἑκάστων ἔχουσαι,
δ ν ‘eo A Ν 4 3 4
καὶ ἕτερος Πλαταιεῦσι Βοιῳτῶν καὶ δούλοις: ἐμαχέσαντο
Ν ἃ ὃ ~ , ~ Ν 9 ὃ ld 9 ἰδί ~
yap καὶ δοῦλοι τότε πρῶτον. καὶ ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἰδίᾳ μνῆμα
A 9 A A
Μιλτιάδον τοῦ Κίμωνος, συμβάσης ὕστερόν of τῆς τελευτῆς
4 ε ld ἃ 3 > ἃ 3 ’ 3 ,
Πάρου τε ἁμαρτόντι καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ és κρίσιν ᾿Αθηναίοις κατα-
’ “ A \ 9
στάντι. ἐνταῦθα ἀνὰ πᾶσαν νύκτα Kal ἵππων χρεμετιζόντων
N “Ὁ A
καὶ ἀνδρῶν μαχομένων ἔστιν αἰσθέσθαι: καταστῆναι δὲ és

the others, but somewhat inland. The
plain of Marathon, in which occurred
the famous contest in 490 n.c. between
Athenians and the Persians, is a cres-
cent-shaped stretch of flat land curving
round the shore of aspacious bay, and
bounded westward by a'semicircle of
steep mountains rising abruptly from
the plain. The northeast corner is a
narrow rocky promontory running
southward far-into the sea, now known
as Cape Stomi or Cape Marathon; the
southern end of the plain is terminated
by Mt. Agrieliki, an eastern spur of
Mt. Pentelicus. The length of the plain
from northeast to southwest is about
six miles; its breadth varies from one
and one half to two and one half miles.
The shore is a shelving, sandy beach,
well suited for the disembarkation of
troops. A great swamp occupies most
of the northern end of the plain. —
22. τάφος : this is to be recognized in
a mound conical in shape, of light red-
dish mold, about thirty feet high and
two hundred paces in circumference,
situated in the southern part of the
plain, about half a mile from the sea

and about three fourths of a mile north
ofthemarsh. It is now popularly called
Soros. It was excavated by the Greek
government in. April—June, 1890. At
a depth of about nine feet below the
present surface of the plain was found
an artificial floor about eighty-five feet
long and twenty feet broad, upon which
rested a layer of ashes, charcoal, and
human bones. Also later a trench was
discovered containing the remains of
the victims sacrificed to the heroic
dead. The black-figured vases found
with the bones and ashes of the dead
belong to the period of the Persian
wars; hence there is no doubt that the
human remains are those of the one
hundred and ninety-two Athenians who
fell at Marathon (Hdt. 6, 117). No
traces have been found of the mound
over the remains of the fallen Platae-
ans and slaves.

26. Μιλτιάδου : Hat. 6, 182-136, and
Corn. Nep. Miltiades, 7 sq., narrate the
events which led to the trial and death
of Miltiades. — 30. οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ συνή-
νεγκεν: cf. Hdt.6, 117, where it is related
that in one instance blindness was the

166 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

3 ~ 4 9 rd . 9 9 4 Ch. 32, 5
30 ἐναργῆ θέαν ἐπίτηδες μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ συνήνεγκεν, ἀνη-
, \ » , » Ν 3 » 9 “Ὁ 4
κόῳ δὲ ὄντι καὶ ἄλλως συμβὰν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων
9 4 4 Ά ς 4 ’᾽ Δ N Q
ὀργή. σέβονται δὲ οἱ Μαραθώνιοι τούτους τε ot παρὰ τὴν
, >» 9 > , \ A “979 @
μάχην ἀπέθανον ypwas ὀνομάζοντες καὶ Μαραθῶνα ἀφ᾽ ov
TW δή .»ν 5 t‘H λέ φά 4 Ἕλλγηγ-
Ὁ δήμῳ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλέα, φάμενοι πρώτοις ἡ
35 νων σφίσιν Ἡρακλέα θεὸν νομισθῆναι. συνέβη δὲ ὡς λέ 5
γουσιν ἄνδρα ἐν τῇ μάχῃ παρεῖναι τὸ εἶδος καὶ τὴν σκενὴν
» .- A , ‘ 4 9 9
αἀγροικον: οὗτος τῶν βαρβάρων πολλοὺς καταφονεύσας ἀρό-
N NX » > > 4 9 4 de 9 θ 4 »
τρῳ μετὰ TO ἔργον ἣν ἀφανής" ἐρομένοις ὃε ᾿Αθηναίοις ado
Ἁ ε \ 9 9 AN » δέ A de > λ a 9 ld
μὲν ὁ θεὸς ἐς αὐτὸν ἔχρησεν οὐδέν, τιμᾶν δὲ ᾿Εχετλαῖον éxé-
ν ’ AQ .Y ᾽’ ’᾽ La) Q
40 λευσεν Nowa. πεποίηται δὲ Kat τρόπαιον λίθον λευκοῦ. τοὺς
δὲ Μήδους ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν θάψαι λέγουσιν ὡς πάντως ὅσιον
9 ’ Α ~ 4 4 A 9 4 e A 9 4
ἀνθρώπου νεκρὸν γῇ κρύψαι, τάφον δὲ οὐδένα εὑρεῖν ἐδυνά-
yy: οὔτε γὰρ χῶμα οὔτε ἄλλο σημεῖον ἦν ἰδεῖν, ἐς ὄρυγμα
δὲ φέροντες σφᾶς ὡς τύχοιεν ἐσέβαλον. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ Μαρα- 6
ρ Χ ° < ρ
A N 4 ᾿ N 4 9 9 Ἁ 4
dave πηγὴ καλουμένη Μακαρία, καὶ τοιάδε ἐς αὐτὴν λέγου-
ς a € 9 4 »ν 9 , Ἃ
σιν. Ἡρακλῆς ὡς ἐκ Τίρυνθος ἔφευγεν Εὐρυσθέα, παρὰ
Κήνκα φίλον ὄντα μετοικίζεται βασιλεύοντα Τραχῖνος. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἀπελθόντος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων Ἡ ρακλέους ἐξήτει τοὺς παῖδας
> 4 9 > , a A ς 4 9 4 4
Εὐρυσθεύς, és ᾿Αθήνας πέμπει σφᾶς ὁ Τραχίνιος ἀσθένειάν
, \ ε κ δ , 9 :5 , 3 A
τε λέγων τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ Θησέα οὐκ ἀδύνατον εἶναι τιμωρεῖν:
9 ’ Ά e A e a, ~ a 4
ἀφικόμενοι δὲ οἱ παῖδες ἱκέται πρῶτον τότε Πελοποννησίοις
ΝᾺ ’ ᾿ N > , 4 ~ 9 9 4
ποιοῦσι πόλεμον πρὸς Αθηναίους, Θησέως σφᾶς οὐκ ἐκδόν-

δ0

> la) 9 A
Tos αἰτοῦντι Evpvo et.

result of meeting a hero; cf. Schol.
Ar. Av. 1490. —82. σέβονται... “Hpa-
κλέα: cf.1, 15,3. This was one of the
two most revered shrines of that hero
in Attica; the other was at Cynosarges
(Harpocr. s.v. Ἡράκλεια). Hadt. 6, 108,
116, tells how, before the battle, the
Athenians encamped in the precinct of
Heracles at Marathon. Here games
were celebrated in honor of the hero;

λέγουσι δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις γενέσθαι

the prizes were silver cups (Pind.
Olymp. 9, 184 sqq., and Schol.).

45. Μακαρία: the story of Eurys-
theus’s defeat and death in Attica,
whither he had marched against the
children of Heracles who had found a
refuge in the Tetrapolis, is told also by
Strabo, 8, p. 377; Diod. 4, 57; and is
the theme of Euripides’s Ieraclidae.
Cf. Thuc. 1, 9; Isoc. Paneg. 58 sq.

55

60

65

70
33

BRAURON 167

Ὁ; 59: 1 Y ~ ’ 9 [ω “~ ~ e ’ Ν
χρησμὸν τῶν παΐδων ἀποθανεῖν χρῆναι τῶν Ἡρακλέους τινὰ

ἐθελοντήν, ἐπεὶ ἄλλως γε οὐκ εἶναι νίκην σφίσιν: ἐνταῦθα
Μακαρία Δηιανείρας καὶ Ἡρακλέους θυγάτηρ ἀποσφάξασα
ἑαυτὴν ἔδωκεν ᾿Αθηναίοις τε κρατῆσαι τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τῇ
A AQ 3, 9 9 e ἴω Ἦν» δὲ 9 ~ ων 4
πηγῇ TO ὄνομα ad αὑτῆς. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι λίμνη
Q λλ A ἐλώδ 2 9 ’ 9 , ~ 50W Y
τὰ πολλὰ EAWONS* ἐς ταύτην ἀπειρίᾳ τῶν ὁδῶν φεύγοντες
3 , [2 a ia Q a AQ A
ἐσπίπτουσιν ot βάρβαροι, kat σφισι τὸν φόνον τὸν πολὺν
,.Ν , A , eon Se . ve ’
ἐπὶ τούτῳ συμβῆναι λέγουσιν: ὑπέρ OE τὴν λίμνην φάτναι
9 + 4 ~ ν ~ 9 ia A A 9 ,
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τραις σκηνῆς. ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ ποταμὸς ἐκ τῆς λίμνης, τὰ μὲν
πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ λίμνῃ βοσκήμασιν ὕδωρ ἐπιτήδειον παρεχό-
A δὲ A 9 A Ἁ 9 Q 4 € Q 70
μενος, κατὰ O€ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τὴν ἐς TO πέλαγος αλμυρὸς NOY
a \ 9 4 ἴω ’ὔ ’ 9 ’ δὲ 9
γίνεται καὶ ἰχθύων τῶν θαλασσίων πλήρης. ὀλίγον € ἀπω-
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τέρω τοῦ πεδίου Πανός ἐστιν ὄρος καὶ σπήλαιον θέας ἀξιον.
» ὃ Ἁ 9 9 68 a “A δέ 9 > Q
ἔσοδος μὲν ἐς αὐτὸ στενή, παρελθοῦσι δέ εἰσιν οἶκοι καὶ
λουτρὰ καὶ καλούμενον Πανὸς αἰπόλιον, πέτραι τὰ πολλὰ
αἰξὶν εἰκασμέναι.
Μαραθῶνος δὲ ἀπέχει τῇ μὲν... Βραυρών, ἔνθα ᾿ἸΙφιγέ.
Ἁ 9 ld 9 TA » AQ ¥
νειαν τὴν ᾿Αγαμέμνονος ἐκ Ταύρων φεύγουσαν τὸ ἄγαλμα
9 ld \. 93 ’ ὃ 9 A λέ ᾿ λ “A de
ἀγομένην τὸ ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἀποβῆναι λέγουσι, καταλιποῦσαν δὲ

58. λίμνη: cf. 1, 15, 8. This swamp
occupies most of the northern end of
the plain. It is nowcovered with reed-
grass, and is separated from the sea
by a narrow strip of sandy beach. Be-
tween the marsh and the mountain
slopes is the modern village of Kato-
Souli. Herodotus, in his account of
the battle, does not mention the marsh,
but it was represented in the painting
of the Painted Porch (1, 15, 3) and is
mentioned Schol. Plat. Menex. 358, and
Aristid. Panath. p. 203.

33. Brauron — Image of Artemis —
Rhamnus and Nemesis Rhamnusia —

Different Peoples of Ethiopia — Atlas
— Nemesis without wings.

1. Bpavpov: Brauron was one of
the twelve confederate towns of Attica
before Theseus’s time (Strabo, 9, p.397).
Strabo (9, p. 399) locates it on the east
coast of Attica between the demes of
Prasiae and Stiria to the south, and
Myrrhinus, Probalinthus, and Mara-
thon to the north of it. Its position on
the coast is known from Hat. 4, 145;
6, 188; and there was a river Erasinus
at Brauron (Strabo, 8, p. 371). This
leads to its identification with Vraona,
a village which meets the conditions

σι

10

108

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 33, 2

, » , \ 3 9 , , 9 > » 3
τὸ ἄγαλμα ταύτῃ καὶ ἐς ᾿Αθήνας καὶ ὕστερον ἐς Apyos ἀφι-

, , Ν ᾿ Ν 3. » 3 ν 93 4 3 a
κέσθαι: ξόανον μὲν δὴ καὶ αὐτόθι ἐστὶν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἀρχαῖον,
τὸ δὲ ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων οἵτινες κατὰ γνώμην ἔχουσι τὴν
3 4 3 e 4 4 ὃ ’ θῶ δὲ δί a
ἐμήν, ev ἑτέρῳ λόγῳ δηλώσω: Μαραθῶνος o€ atadtiovs pa-

ε ’ 3 »’ ε “Ὁ Ἁ Ἁ , 9 A
λιστα ἑξήκοντα ἀπέχει Ῥαμνοῦς τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἰοῦσιν

ἐς ᾽Ωρωπόν.

Ἁ ε A 3 4 > N 4 A 3 ζά
καὶ αἱ μὲν οἰκήσεις ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τοῖς ἀνθρώ-

> , ‘\ \ 3 Ἃ 4 ¥ 4 4 3 ε ’
ποις εἰσί, μικρὸν δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω Νεμέσεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν,

and the name of which appears to be
the modern equivalent of Brauron. —
5. ξόανον: see 1, 23,7; 8, 16, 7-11; 8,
46, 3, with Frazer’s notes.

8. Ῥαμνοῦς : Rhamnus was a deme
of the tribe Aiantis (Steph. Byz. s.v.
‘Payuvois), situated on the northeast coast
of Attica, north of Tricorythus (Strabo,
9, p. 399). It was one of the fortresses
of Attica into which the people col-
lected their property when in dread of
Philip of Macedon (Dem. 18, 88, p. 238).
The place was chiefly famous for its
temple and image of Nemesis (Strabo,
9, pp. 396, 399; Pliny, N. H. 36, 17;
Hesych., Suid., and Phot. Lex. s.v.
‘Papvovola Νέμεσις, etc.). The orator
Antiphon belonged to Rhamnus (Suid.
s.vv. Avripdv and ἹῬαμνοῦς). It is about
six and one half miles north of Kato-
Souli, which agrees well with the sixty
stadia estimated by Pausanias. The
site is an isolated rocky height of con-
siderable natural strength, jutting out
into the sea, and upon which are the
ruins of the fortress. Not far away
on a terrace at the head of a deep and
woody glen are the ruins of two tem-
ples, that of Nemesis and a smaller
one, probably of Themis. — 10. Nepé-
σεως. .. ἱερόν: upon the terrace al-
ready mentioned, one hundred and
fifty feet wide and facing the sea, lie

the remains of the two temples. They
stand side by side, but not quite paral-
lel to each other, the larger being on
the north side toward the sea. The
larger temple is seventy-one feet long
by thirty-three feet broad on the stylo-
bate. It was a peripteral hexastyle
Doric temple, with twelve columns on
each of the long sides. The outer col-
umns are unfluted except for a very
small distance at the top and near the
bottom, which indicates that the tem-
ple was never finished. The interior
consisted of pronaos, cella, and opis-
thodomos, arranged in the usual way.
The lower portions of seven columns
on the south side and one in the pro-
naos are still standing. The architec-
tural features render it probable that
the temple was built about the middle
of the fifth century n.c. The discovery
of an inscription (C.I.A. III, 811) on a
statue dedicated to Nemesis, and of
fragments of the sculptures described
by Pausanias, prove that this was the
sanctuary of Nemesis. Thesmallertem-
ple was a templum in antis, con-
sisting of cella and pronaos, thirty-five
feet long by twenty-five feet wide. In-
scriptions and statues found in the tem-
ple prove that it was in use at least
from the fifth to the second century B.c.
and was in all probability a temple of

2

RHAMNUS 169

τὰ 33, τ , 9 ’ e “A 3 3 4

ἢ θεῶν μάλιστα ἀνθρώποις ὑβρισταῖς ἐστιν ἀπαραίτητος.
~ 4 Ἁ ωω 9 ~ 3 ἊὉ ~ ,

δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀποβᾶσιν ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῶν βαρβάρων

ἀπαντῆσαι μήνιμα ἐκ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης: καταφρονήσαντες

γὰρ «μηδέν» σφισιν ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἑλεῖν, λίθον

15 Πάριον ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐξειργασμένοις ἦγον ἐς τροπαίου ποίησιν.

A , \ , 3 , Ἂν A Φ ,
τοῦτον Φειδίας τὸν λίθον εἰργάσατο ἄγαλμα μὲν εἶναι Nepe- 3

κι A . ¥ A a , δ᾽ 29 »

σεως, τῇ κεφαλῇ δὲ ἔπεστι τῆς θεοῦ στέφανος ἐλάφους ἔχων

Ἁ , 3 , 9 ’ A Q Ἁ Ψ A Q
καὶ Νίκης ἀγάλματα ov μεγάλα: ταῖς δὲ χερσὶν ἔχει TH μὲν

4 4 ~ “~ \ 4 3 ’ N > ON ~
κλάδον μηλέας, τῇ δεξιᾷ δὲ φιάλην, Αἰθίοπες δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ

’

20 φιάλῃ πεποίηνται. συμβαλέσθαι δὲ τὸ ἐς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας
οὔτε αὐτὸς εἶχον οὔτε ἀπεδεχόμην τῶν συνιέναι πειθομένων,
ot πεποιῆσθαι σφᾶς ἐπὶ τῇ φιάλῃ φασὶ διὰ ποταμὸν ᾽Ὥκεα-

’ > “A Ν 329 > 95 ϑ “ , δ > 4
νόν- οἰκεῖν yap Αἰθίοπας ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ, Νεμέσει δὲ εἶναι παϊέρα
‘Oxeavov. ᾿Ωκεανῷ γὰρ οὐ ποταμῷ, θαλάσσῃ δὲ ἐσχάτῃ 4

5 ¢ Y P υ αμῷ, ἢ X ἢ

“ ε 9 ! A » Ἁ

2577S ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων πλεομένης προσοικοῦσιν Ἴβηρες καὶ
Κελτοί, καὶ νῆσον ᾽Ωκεανὸς ἔχει τὴν Βρεττανῶν- Αἰθιόπων

δ ~ ε δ ’ > AN , ¥ “\ 9 Ν
δὲ τῶν ὑπὲρ Σνήνης ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἔσχατοι τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν κα-
τοικοῦσιν ᾿Ιχθνοφάγοι, καὶ ὁ κόλπος ὃν περιοικοῦσιν Ἶχθυο-

, > , e Qa ,᾿ , , δ ΄
φάγων ὀνομάζεται. of δὲ δικαιότατοι Μερόην πόλιν καὶ πεδίον

3 ‘N 4 > “A 4 Ἁ Ἁ ε [4 ,

30 Αἰθιοπικὸν καλούμενον οἰκοῦσιν: οὗτοι Kal THY ἡλίου τράπε-

’ 9 ε , 2a 2 » ¥ “Δ 7 ¥
ζάν εἰσιν of δεικνύντες, οὐδέ σφισιν ἔστιν οὔτε θάλασσα οὔτε

Themis. Some authorities hold that it
was the original sanctuary of Nemesis;
if so, it continued in use after the
larger temple was built.

16. Νεμέσεως : the image of Nemesis
was ten cubits high (Zenob. v. 82;
Hesych. 8.v. ἱΡαμνουσία Νέμεσις), and
was much admired for its beauty and
size (Strabo, 9, p. 396; Pliny, N.H.
36,17). Ancient writers disagree as to
the sculptorof theimage. According to
Pausanias, Zenobius (l.c.), the lexicog-
raphers, and others, the image was by
Phidias ; according to Pliny and Strabo

(l.c.) it was the work of Agoracritus
of Paros, a pupil of Phidias. Probably
it was by the latter under the super-
vision of Phidias. The story of the
block of marble is doubtless a popular
fable. Part of the colossal head of the
statue is in the British Museum, and
fragments of reliefs from the pedestal
are in the National Museum at Athens.
Furtwingler conjectures that the Ceres
of the Vatican is a copy of the Nemesis
of Rhamnus (Meisterw. p. 119).

30. τὴν HAlov τράπεζαν : cf. 6, 26, 2.

_ The Table of the Sun was in the land

35

170 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 33, δ
ποταμὸς ἄλλος ye ἢ Νεῖλος. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι πρόσοικοι

Μαύροις Αἰθίοπες ἄχρι Νασαμώνων παρήκοντες. Νασαμῶ-
, ἃν ε ’ ε » , , A
ves yap, ovs “AtAavtas Ἡρόδοτος, οἱ δὲ μέτρα φάμενοι γῆς
εἰδέναι Λιξίτας καλοῦσι, Λιβύων οἱ ἔσχατοι πρὸς Ατλαντι
3 “A 4 \ 9 4 > “N \ 93 4 ~ > 4
οἰκοῦσι σπείροντες μὲν οὐδέν, ἀπὸ δὲ ἀμπέλων ζῶντες ἀγρίων.

᾿, ποταμὸς δὲ οὐδὲ τούτοις τοῖς Αἰθίοψιν οὐδὲ τοῖς Νασαμῶσίν

40

45

50

3 3 4 Ἃ δ ἃ ay 9 4 ’
ἐστιν οὐδείς: τὸ γὰρ πρὸς τῷ Ατλαντι ὕδωρ, τρισίΐ παρεχό-
μενον ἀρχὰς ῥεύμασιν, οὐδὲν τῶν ῥευμάτων ποιεῖ ποταμόν,
3 \ ~ ε ld 9 9 ¥ ~ e 4 y
ἀλλὰ πᾶν ὁμοίως αὐτίκα ἔχει συλλαβοῦσα ἡ ψάμμος. οὕτως
Αἰθίοπες ποταμῷ γε οὐδενὶ προσοικοῦσιν ᾽Ωκεανῷ. τὸ δὲ
ὕδωρ τὸ ἐκ τοῦ AtAavTos θολερόν τέ ἐστι καὶ πρὸς τῇ ἢ
ρ ρ Pos ΤΏ ΠΉΥῃ
4 , 4. 9 3 4 δ ~
κροκόδειλοι διπήχεων ἦσαν οὐκ ἐλάσσους, προσιόντων δὲ τῶν
9 θ ~- 34 ὃ 4 3 Ἁ , ’ δὲ 9 ὁλί
ἀνθρώπων κατεδύοντο ἐς τὴν πηγήν. παρίστατο δὲ οὐκ ὀλί-
ν A A
yous τὸ ὕδωρ τοῦτο ἀναφαινόμενον αὖθις ἐκ τῆς ψάμμου
ποιεῖν τὸν Νεῖλον Αἰγυπτίοις. 6 δὲ ἴΑτλας (ὄρος) ὑψηλὸν
Y 4 Ἁ A A A
μέν ἐστιν οὕτως ὠστε καὶ λέγεται ταῖς κορυφαῖς ψαύειν τοῦ
9 A ¥ de e oN "ὃ Ν δέ ὃ ἃ ὃ bY δ
οὐρανοῦ, αβατον ὃε ὑπὸ νδατος καὶ ὀένορων a διὰ παντὸς
πέφυκε: τὰ μὲν δὴ πρὸς τοὺς Νασαμῶνας αὐτοῦ γινώσκεται,
‘\ \ 3 Ἀ ld 3 4 a ¥ ,
Ta δὲ ἐς TO πέλαγος οὐδένα πω παραπλεύσαντα ἴσμεν. τάδε
μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω: πτερὰ δ᾽ ἔχον οὔτε τοῦτο τὸ
» ’ ¥ ¥ , A 9 , 9 Ν
ἄγαλμα Νεμέσεως οὔτε ἀλλο πεποίηται τῶν ἀρχαίων, ἐπεὶ
ἃ [4 Ν ε ’ ’ὔ » ’ ε αν
μηδὲ Σμυρναίοις τὰ ἁγιώτατα ξόανα ἔχει πτερά- οἵ δὲ ὑστε-
3 a \ Ν Ν , > AN ON 3S 9 4
pov — ἐπιφαίνεσθαι yap τὴν θεὸν μάλιστα ἐπὶ τῷ ἐρᾶν ἐθέ.
λουσιν --- ἐπὶ τούτῳ Νεμέσει πτερὰ ὥσπερ Ἔρωτι ποιοῦσι.
A δὲ "ὃ δί ε ’ > A “Ὁ β iO a 59 Xr , 3 δ
νῦν δὲ non δίειμι ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγαάλματός ἐστιν

of the long-lived Ethiopians, who dwelt
on the Indian ocean. ‘‘It was said to be
a meadow in the suburb of their city ;
every night the rulers set forth great
piles of the boiled flesh of all kinds of
quadrupeds, and every day all who
chose came and partook of the meat,
in the belief that it was produced spon-

taneously from the ground.”’ According
to Hdt.3, 17sq., and others, King Cain-
byses sent spies to see and report on it.

33. Νασαμῶνες : cf. Hdt. 4, 184, 172
and 182, who says that the inhabitants
of Mt. Atlas were called Atlantes, but
does not identify them with the Nasa-
monians, whom he describesseparately.

60

65

OROPUS 171

Ch. 34, 1
εἰργασμένα, τοσόνδε ἐς TO σαφὲς προδηλώσας. Ἑλένῃ Νέ:
μεσιν μητέρα εἶναι λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες, Λήδαν δὲ μαστὸν
9 ~ 9 ~ A 4 a A N 4 A 1 4
ἐπισχεῖν αὐτῃ καὶ θρέψαι- πατέρα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι καὶ πάντες
\ > ue ,ὕ , Α 9 , - ’,
κατὰ ταὐτὰ Ἑλένης Δία καὶ οὐ Τυνδάρεων εἶναι νομίζουσι.
A 9 Ἁ , , e , eon , 9
ταυτα ἀκηκοως Φειδίας πεποίηκεν Ἑλένην ὕπο Λήδας ayo-
, Ἁ Q a a δὲ ὃ ’ , A Q
μένην παρὰ τὴν Νέμεσιν, πεποίηκε 0€ Tuvdapewy τε καὶ TOUS
παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρα σὺν ἵππῳ παρεστηκότα Ἱππέα ὄνομα"
ἔστι δὲ ᾿Αγαμέμνων καὶ Μενέλαος καὶ Πύρρος ὁ ᾿Αχιλλέως,
A 4 ε , Q e y ~ , 9 a
πρῶτος οὗτος Ἑρμιόνην τὴν Ελένης γυναῖκα λαβών. Ορέ
στης δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς τὴν μητέρα τόλμημα παρείθη, παραμεινά-
ons τε ἐς ἅπαν Ἑ), ρμιόνης αὐτῷ καὶ τεκούσης παῖδα. ἑξῆς
δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ καὶ Ἔποχος καλούμενος καὶ νεανίας ἐστὶν
4 9 , ¥ Q ¥ 9Q 2 9 | Ἀ 4
ETEPOS* ἐς τούτους ἄλλο μὲν ἤκουσα οὐδέν, ἀδελφοὺς δὲ εἶναι

70 σφᾶς Οἰνόης, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐστι τὸ ὄνομα τῷ δήμῳ.
Τὴν δὲ γῆν τὴν ᾿Ωρωπίαν μεταξὺ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς καὶ Τανα-
γρικῆς, Βοιωτίαν τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς οὖσαν, ἔχουσιν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν

94

57. Ἑλένῃ Νέμεσιν μητέρα : for the
story that Nemesis, and not Leda, was
the mother of Helen, see Apollod. 3,
10, 7; Tzetzes, Schol. Lycophr. 88.

70. Οἰνόης, ἀφ᾽ rs ἐστι τὸ ὄνομα τῷ
δήμῳ: there were two demes in Attica
called Oenoe, one near Marathon, which
is probably here referred to, and one
on the Boeotian frontier, four miles
southeast of Eleutherae (see 1, 15, 1,
note; Hdt. 5, 74; Thuc. 2, 18).

34. Oropus— Temple of Amphiaraus
— The Dream Oracle.

1. τὴν ᾽Ωρωπίαν : the district of Oro-
pus was long a bone of contention be-
tween Attica and Boeotia (Strabo, 9,
p. 399). Originally it was Boeotian. It
fell into the hands of the Athenians
probably at the end of the sixth cen-
tury (Hdt. 5, 77), and continued under

their control until the fortification of
Decelea (Thuc. 8, 60), when the Boeo-
tians recovered it. Probably in 383
n.c. the Oropians voluntarily surren-
dered their land to the Athenians (Isoc.
14, 20), but in 366 B.c. the Boeotians
regained possession (Diod. 15, 76; Xen.
Hell. 7, 4, 1; Aesch. 2, 85); but in 338
B.c., after his conquest of Thebes,
Philip restored Oropus to Athens.
There were further changes of control,
as in Strabo’s time, when it was Boeo-
tian (Strabo, 9, pp. 391, 403), but after-
wards it became and continued Athe-
nian, as in Pausanias’s day. The plain
of Oropus extends along the shore for
about five miles; inland it narrows to
ἃ point two or three miles from the
shore where the Asopus issues from a
beautiful defile. The site of the town

10

15

20

"Appa καλούμενον.

172 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

"AG ~ λ ’ A ‘N 4 e ‘ >: A ee um ᾽
᾿Αθηναῖοι, πολεμήσαντες μὲν τὸν πάντα ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς χρόνον,
κτησάμενοι δὲ οὐ πρότερον βεβαίως πρὶν ἢ Φίλιππος Θήβας
ε Ἁ » 9 ε \ 4 ’ 9 Ν 353.» ’
ἑλὼν ἔδωκέ σφισιν. ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης
ld δὲ 3 “\ 4 3 , δὲ ὃ ἠὃ
μέγα οὐδὲν ἐς συγγραφὴν παρεχομένη: ἀπέχει δὲ δώδεκα
“A 4 δί 4 e Ν a 3 4 λ ,’
τῆς πόλεως σταδίους μάλιστα ἱερὸν τοῦ Αμφιαράον. λέγε-
: , 3 a , 4 A ἴω Q a) .Y
ται δὲ ᾿Αμφιαράῳ φεύγοντι ἐκ Θηβῶν διαστῆναι THY γὴν καὶ
ὡς αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ ἅρμα ὑπεδέξατο: πλὴν οὐ ταύτῃ συμ-
βῆναί φασιν, ἀλλὰ (ἦ) ἐστιν ἐκ Θηβῶν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Χαλκίδα
θεὸν δὲ ᾿Αμφιάραον πρώτοις ᾿Ωρωπίοις
’ ’ 9 N Ἁ ε ’ ν 9
κατέστη νομίζειν, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες nynv-
Ud ‘ Ἁ ¥ ¥ 4 4 3 ’
ται. καταλέξαι δὲ καὶ ἄλλους ἔχω γενομένους τότε ἀνθρώ-
ἃ A 0 Ν » A δὲ \ 3 ,
πους, ot θεῶν παρ᾽ Ἑλλησι τιμὰς ἔγουσι, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἀνάκεινται
πόλεις, ᾿Ἐλεοῦς ἐν Χερρονήσῳ Πρωτεσιλάῳ, Λεβάδεια Βοιω-
~ 4 , 93 4 4 , 59 3 4 Ἁ
τῶν Τροφωνίῳ: καὶ ᾿Ὡρωπίοις ναός τέ ἐστιν ᾿Αμφιαραου καὶ
παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη: τὸ μὲν
Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ

ἄγαλμα λευκοῦ λίθου.

ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἕστίας καὶ Ἕρ-
μοῦ καὶ ᾿Αμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων ᾿Αμφιλόχον: ᾿Αλκμαίων
δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς ᾿Εριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν ᾿Αμφιαράον τινά, οὐ

οὗ Oropus is now occupied by Skala
Oropou, a hamlet on the shore of a bay
within sight of Eretria, from which it
is separated by a strait forty stadia in
width. —7. ἱερὸν rod ᾿Αμφιαράου : the
sanctuary of Amphiaraus is distant
about four miles southeast of Oropus.
The distance is greatly understated by
Tausanias. The place is now called
Mavrodhilissi. The ruins of the sanc-
tuary were excavated by the Greek
Archaeological Society in 1884-1887.
The remains of the temple are in the
western end of the precinct. It appears
to have becn a Doric temple, about
ninety-five feet long by forty-three feet

wide, consisting of a cella, fronted by
a portico of six columns between two
antae; it was not peripteral. In front
of the temple, about thirty feet from
it, are the foundations, twenty-eight
feet by fourteen feet, of the large altars
here described by Pausanias. Amphi-
araus, the seer and hero, took part in
the Calydonian boar hunt, the Argo-
nautic voyage, and the expedition of
the Seven against Thebes.

17. ὁ βωμός : the great altar was di-
vided into five parts, dedicated to vari-
ous gods and heroes here enumerated.
The existing remains seem to show
that it was formed by uniting several

25

30

35

40

SANCTUARY OF AMPHIARAUS 173

Ch 8 δὲ \ “a 3 4 Q ¥ ’ δέ 3
μὴν οὐὸὲ παρὰ τῳ ᾿Αμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη ὃέ ἐστι
rN ry A 9 , Q ’ ἦν 9 aA
τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα ᾿Αφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς
A ε ’ +. 9 ~ 4 , A id
καὶ Ὕγειας Kat Αθηνᾶς Ilawwvias: πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται
νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς ᾿Αχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ
δὲ ᾿Αμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς
καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῴ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ.

¥ , 9 ’ Q , “A w ἃ 9 4
ἔστι δὲ Ὡρωπίοις πηγὴ πλησίον του ναου, ἣν Αμφιαραον
~ » yd 9 A 9 9 A ¥Yy 39 3 A ’ <A
καλοῦσιν, οὔτε θύοντες οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὴν ovT’ ἐπὶ καθαρσίοις ἢ
’ὔ ἴω ’ , de 9 ’ 9 ὃ Ἀ
χέρνιβι χρῆσθαι νομίζοντες - νόσου δὲ ἀκεσθείσης ἀνὸρὶ μαν-
τεύματος γενομένον καθέστηκεν ἄργυρον ἀφεῖναι ἢ χρυσὸν
ἐπίσημον ἐς τὴν πηγήν, ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀνελθεῖν τὸν ᾿Αμφιάραον
λέγουσιν ἤδη θεόν. ᾿Ιοφῶν δὲ Κνώσσιος τῶν ἐξηγητῶν χρη-
σμοὺς ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ παρείχετο, ᾿Αμφιάραον χρῆσαι φάμενος
ἊΝ 9 a ~ 3 a ~~ ΝΥ » N 3 \
τοῖς ἐς Θήβας σταλεῖσιν ᾿Αργείων. ταῦτα τὰ ἔπη TO ἐς TOUS
Ἁ 9 N 9 ~ > A Ἁ N gy 9
πολλοὺς ἐπαγωγὸν ἀκρατῶς εἶχε: χωρὶς δὲ πλὴν ὅσους ἐξ
3 ’ “~ 4 NX 9 A 4 ’ 9 9 ΝΥ
Απόλλωνος μανῆναι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον, μάντεών γ᾽ οὐδεὶς
4 > 9 Ἁ δὲ 9 4 9 , θ Q ὃ
χρησμολόγος ἦν, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ ὀνείρατα ἐξηγήσασθαι καὶ δια-
δοκῶ δὲ

γνῶναι πτήσεις ὀρνίθων καὶ σπλάγχνα ἱερείων.
9 [4 ᾿ 9 ’ 4 4 ~ ἴω
Αμφιάραον ὀνειράτων διακρίσει μάλιστα προσκεῖσθαι: δῆ-

λ ὃ lA ε , 3 ld ’ ὃ > 3 4 ‘\

os δέ, ἡνίκα ἐνομίσθη θεός, du ὀνειράτων μαντικὴν KaTa-
“Ὁ 9

στησάμενος. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καθήρασθαι νομίζουσιν ὅστις

ἦλθεν ᾿Αμφιαράῳ χρησόμενος- ἔστι δὲ καθάρσιον τῷ θεῷ

separate altars which stood side by side.
Why the worship of the divinities men-
tioned should have been united ata sin-
gle altar can only be conjectured. — 27.
ἐν Μαλλῷ : according to Plutarch (De
defectu oraculorum, 45) and Dio Cas-
sius (72, 7), the oracles of Amphilochus
at Mallus, like those of his father at
Oropus, were imparted in dreams. The
charge for one of these infallible com-
munications of Amphilochus was only
two obols (Lucian, Alexander, 19; id.

Deor. concil. 12), while Amphiaraus
at Oropus charged not less than nine
obols (C.1.G.G.S. 235).

28. πηγή: the custom of throwing
money, as a thank offering, into springs
and rivers is often mentioned in ancient
writers. The younger Pliny (Ep. 8, 8,
2) speaks of coins at the bottom of the
Clitumnian spring. Romans threw
money annually into the Lacus Cur-
tius in fulfillment of a vow made for the
health of Augustus (Suet. Augustus,

174

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 35,1
~

, , \ Ν 3. “ἃ Ν “A ν 3 Ν 39. N
θύειν, θύουσι δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ πᾶσιν ὅσοις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῷ

β ‘on \ > » , ἕξ έ δὲ , XN AY
45 βωμῳ TA OVOPLATA’ προεξειργασμέενων OE τουτων κριον Uv-

‘ ‘N , ε ld , 9 4
σαντες καὶ τὸ δέρμα ὑποστρωσάμενοι καθεύδουσιν avape-

4 > ’
νοντες δήλωσιν ὀνείρατος.

Νῆσοι δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις οὐ πόρρω τῆς χώρας εἰσίν, ἡ μὲν
Πατρόκλου καλουμένη --- τὰ δὲ ἐς ἀὐτὴν ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται
--- ἄλλη δὲ ὑπὲρ Σουνίον τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ παρα-

[

4 3 v4 9 ~ , € 4 Ἁ ‘
πλέουσιν- ἐς ταύτην ἀποβῆναι λέγουσιν Edévyny μετὰ τὴν
9 “\ 9 », Α Ν ων » ’ 3 ε id “Ὁ
ἅλωσιν τὴν Ἰλίον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὄνομά ἐστιν “Ἑλένη τῇ

, δ N , 3 ~ , 4 .' 3
νήσῳ. Σαλαμὶς δὲ κατὰ Ἐλευσῖνα κειμένη παρήκει καὶ ἐς
τὴν Μεγαρικήν. πρῶτον δὲ τῇ νήσῳ... θέσθαι τοῦτο ἀπὸ

τῆς μητρὸς Σαλαμῖνος τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ, καὶ ὕστερον Αἰγινήτας

57). The Egyptian priests, at a certain
festival, threw money into the Nile (Sen-
eca, Quaest. Nat. 4, 2, 7).

35. The Attic islands: Patroclus,
Helene, Salamis— History of Salamis—
Objects of interest on the island — Vast
size of Ajax — Geryones and Hyllus.

1. Νῆσοι: on the island of Patro-
clus, see 1, 1, 1, note. The island be-
yond Sunium is now called Makronisi,
and lies off the southeast coast of At-
tica. It is bare and rugged, nine hun-
dred and twenty feet above the sea at
its highest point, and about eight miles
long from south to north. Strabo (9,
p. 899) and Pausanias (8, 14, 12) speak
of it as desert. The isle of Cranae,
according to Homer (Il. T, 445), was
the retreat of Paris and Helen. Pau-
sanias elsewhere (3, 22, 1) identified
Cranae with an island off Gytheum.
Others, however, identified it with this
island off Sunium (Eur. Helena, 1670
sqq.; Strabo, 9, p. 399; Schol. Hom.
Il. Τ', 445).

6. Σαλαμίς : the island of Salamis is

in the shape of an irregular crescent,

with its horns facing westward. Its
length from north to south is about
nine miles; its greatest breadth from
east to west is about ten miles; the
highest point is about twelve hundred
and fifty feet above the sea. In ancient
times the island produced honey and
olives (Eur. Troad. 794-799) and cheese
(Strabo, 9, p. 395). The town of Sala-
mis was on the Bay of Ambelaki, fac-
ing towards Piraeus. Strabo (9, p. 393)
says there was a still older city called
Salamis, facing towards Aegina. In
the agora of Salamis was a statue of
Solon, erected in the early part of the
fourth century B.c. (Aeschin. 1, 25;
Dem. 19, 251, p.420). Some ruinson the
northwest promontory near the mon-
astery of the Panagia Phanaromene
have been identified as those of the
fort Budorum, captured in 429 B.c. by
the Peloponnesians, who were, how-
ever, compelled to evacuate it the next
day (Thuc. 1, 93sq.; Diod. 12, 49). —
8. τῆς ᾿Ασωποῦ: Diodorus (4, 72) says

10

15

20

SALAMIS 175

Ch. 35, 3
τοὺς σὺν Τελαμῶνι ἐποικῆσαι: Φίλαιον δὲ τὸν Εὐρυσάκους

τοῦ Αἴαντος παραδοῦναι λέγουσιν ᾿Αθηναίοις τὴν νῆσον,
γενόμενον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ᾿Αθηναῖον. Σαλαμινίους δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι
ν A
τούτων ὕστερον πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἀναστάτους ἐποίησαν, KaTa-
’ 3 ΄Ὁ “~ 3 ~ 4 ~ N ,
γνόντες ἐθελοκακῆσαι σφᾶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς Κάσσαν-
ὃ δ ‘\ aN , δ λέ ὃ , 3 ὃ A
pov Kat τὴν πόλιν γνωμῃ TO πλέον Μακεόοσιν ἐνὸδουναι"
Ν ἃ 9
kat Αἰσχητάδον τε κατέγνωσαν θάνατον, os τότε ἤρητο ἐς
τὴν Σαλαμῖνα στρατηγός, καὶ ἐς τὸν πάντα ἐπώμοσαν χρό-
νον Σαλαμινίοις ἀπομνημονεύσειν προδοσίαν. ἔστι δὲ ἀγο-
A » 3 id ‘\ Ν ¥ ¥ de 3 952 2
pas τε ἔτι ἐρεΐπια καὶ ναὸς Αἴαντος, ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐξ ἐβένου
’ ὃ 4 de \ 3 “ὃ “A ¥ \ 3 θ ,
ξύλου- διαμένουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε τῷ Αἴαντι παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοις
Ἁ ϑ “Ὁ Ἁ 3 ’ Ἁ δ 3 4 4
TYLAL αὐτῷ TE καὶ EvpvoaKe, καὶ yap EvpvaaKovs βωμός

that Salamis, one of the twelve daugh-
ters of Asopus, was carried off by Po-
seidon to the island which afterwards
bore her name, where she bore to the
god a son Cychreus, who became king
of the island. The island is said to have
been once called Sciras and Cychrea
after the heroes Scirus and Cychreus
(Strabo, 9, p. 898; Steph. Byz. s.v.
Κυχρεῖος πάγος). Aeschylus (Pers. 570)
speaks of ‘‘the Cychrean shores.’’—
9. Φίλαιον: when the Lacedaemo-
nians acted as arbitrators between Ath-
ens and Megara for the possession of
Salamis, Solon is said to have alleged
that Philaeus and Eurysaces, two sons
of Ajax, received the Athenian citizen-
ship and surrendered the island to Ath-
ens (Plut. Solon, 10). Pausanias makes
Philaeus a son of Eurysaces and grand-
son of Ajax. But Pherecydes (quoted
Biogr. Gr., ed. Westermann, p. 187)
and Herodotus (6, 35), with whom later
writers agree, make Philaeus a son
of Ajax. Cf. J. Tépffer, Attische Ge-
nealogie, pp. 269 sqq.— 12. ἀναστά-

τους: the surrender of Salamis to Cas-
sander seems to have happened in 318
B.C. (Polyaen. 4, 11; Droysen, Gesch.
d. Hell. II, 1, 280). For the next
ninety years it was probably held by a
Macedonian garrison. In229B.c. Ara-
tus restored it to Athens (Plut. Aratus,
34; Paus. 2, 8,6; Droysen, III, 2, 57).
At this time the punishment here al-
luded to may have been inflicted.

19. τῷ Αἴαντι: the Athenian ephe-
boi regularly took part in the annual
festival of Ajax on the island of Sala-
mis, when the features were a proces-
sion, asacrifice to Ajax, athletic sports,
and a regatta. (Hesych. s.v. Αἰάντεια ;
C.I.A. II, 467-471.) See Pauly-Wis-
sowa, Real-Encycl. I, 926 sqq. s.v.
Aianteia. — 20. Ἐὐρυσάκους βωμός
ἐστιν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις: the τέμενος of Eu-
rysaces, named Εὐρυσάκειον, was in the
quarter of Melite, in the neighborhood
of the Colonus Agoraeus, beside or in
the agora. (Harpocr. s.vv. Εὐρυσάκειον
and Kodwyréras; Suid. s.v. Εὐρυσάκης,
etc.)

3

176 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 38, 4
ἐστιν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις. δείκνυται δὲ λίθος ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ov πόρρω
σι , > A , , oA ean ,
τοῦ λιμένος: ἐπὶ τούτου καθήμενον Τελαμῶνα ὁρᾶν λέγουσιν
9 N ἴω 9 ᾽ὔ e ~ a 9 > a 9 A \
ἐς τὴν ναὺν ἀποπλεόντων οἱ τῶν παίδων ἐς Αὐλίδα ἐπὶ τὸν
κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων στόλον. λέγουσι δὲ οἱ περὶ τὴν Σαλα- 4
: aA 3 aA 3 , ¥ N ¥ , 9 a
25 μίνα οἰκοῦντες ἀποθανόντος Αἴαντος τὸ ἄνθος σφίσιν ἐν Τῇ
γῇ τότε φανῆναι πρῶτον. λευκόν ἐστιν, ὑπέρυθρον, κρίνου
Q 4 UN ¥ A A ’ ’ »ν 4.
καὶ αὐτὸ ἔλασσον Kal Ta φύλλα" γράμματα δὲ ἔπεστιν οἷα
le) e a Q ’ a Ἁ ~ A 9 a “A
τοῖς ὑακίνθοις Kat τούτῳ. λόγον δὲ τῶν μὲν Αἰολέων τῶν
9 ᾿ 9 ’ ¥ 9 Ν ’ Q 9 δ A [2
VOTEPOV οἰκησάντων Ιλιον ἐς τὴν κρίσιν τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις
¥ ἃ A , 9 ὃ A , 9 A
ἤκουσα, οἱ τῆς vavayias ᾿Οδυσσεῖ συμβάσης ἐξενεχθῆναι
Q Q ’ X\ ¥ Q [-2 , Q AQ > AQ
κατα TOV τάφον τὸν Αἴαντος Ta o7Aa λέγουσι" τὸ δὲ ἐς τὸ
2 9 ΄ᾳ΄ὭὦἝἕῳἃ Q δ 9 [4 ἴω AY ’Ὄ \ N
μέγεθος αὐτοῦ Μυσὸς ἔλεγεν ἀνήρ. τοῦ yap τάφου τὰ πρὸς ὅ
Q 9 X » 9 a N 4 A Q ¥
TOV αἰγιαλὸν ἔφασκεν ἐπικλύσαι ΤῊΡ θάλασσαν καὶ THY ἔσοδον

80

ἐς τὸ μνῆμα οὐ χαλεπὴν ποιῆσαι, καΐ με τοῦ νεκροῦ τὸ μέγε-

, a > 2 , ‘ \ > »

35 Jos τεκμαίρεσθαι τῇδε ἐκέλενε: πεντάθλου yap παιδὸς εἶναί

ΝΥ ~ ~
οἱ κατὰ δίσκον μάλιστα τὰ ἐπὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ὀστᾶ, Kadoupe-
δε \ ~ > ~ 4, 3 ‘ ὃ , ε ’ \ > “~

vas δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν μύλας. ἐγὼ δέ, ὁπόσοι μὲν οἰκοῦσιν

ἔσχατοι Κελτῶν ἔχοντες ὅμορον τῇ διὰ κρυμὸν ἐρήμῳ, ovs

Καβαρεῖς ὀνομάζουσι, τούτων μὲν οὐκ ἐθαύμασα τὸ μῆκος,
ἃ ~ 3 4 4 » 3 ’ ε ’ \
40 οὗ νεκρῶν οὐδέν τι διαφόρως ἔχουσιν Αἰγυπτίων: ὁπόσα δὲ
¥ 3 [4 > , , , 4 “A

ἄξια ἐφαίνετο eivai μοι θέας, διηγήσομαι. Μαγνησι τοῖς 6
ἐπὶ Ληθαίῳ Πρωτοφάνης τῶν ἀστῶν ἀνείλετο ἐν ‘Oduptia

25. ἀποθανόντος Αἴαντος : the usual
legend is to the effect that when Ajax
fell on his sword at Troy the purple
hyacinth sprang from his blood in-
scribed with the letters Al Al, the first
syllable of his name twice repeated
(Ovid, Met. 10, 210 sqq.; 18, 391 sqq.;
Pliny, N. H. 21, 66; Schol. Theoc. 10,
28; Kustath. on Hom. 1]. B, 557, p. 285).
The legend given by Pausanias differs
in that the flower sprouted in Salamis,
and was not the hyacinth. —31. ἐς τὸ

μέγεθος : the story of the discovery of
Ajax’s bones is told also by Philostra-
tus (Heroica, 2, 3), who states that the
bones were those of a man eleven cu-
bits tall. The grave of Ajax was at
Rhoeteum in the Troad (Apollod. Epit.
Vat.,ed. Wagner, p.67; Quint. Smyrn.
5, 653 sqq.), where there was beside the
tomb a sanctuary, with a statue of the
hero, which Mark Antony carried off
and Augustus restored (Strabo, 13, p.
595).

45

50

55

60

65

36

SALAMIS 111
Ch. 86,1
4 ε , ἊΝ , Ἁ ’ ’ N
νίκας ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ παγκρατίου Kal πάλης. τούτου λῃσταὶ
~ ’ ~ 3 ~ 3 Ἁ 4, > AN A
κερδανεῖν πού τι δοκοῦντες ἐσῆλθον ἐς τὸν τάφον, ἐπὶ δὲ
τοῖς λῃσταῖς ἐσήεσαν ἤδη θεασόμενοι τὸν νεκρὸν τὰς πλευ-
\ 3 » ᾿ 5 , he e \ 5 9
pas οὐκ ἔχοντα διεστώσας, ἀλλα οἱ cuppves ἣν ὅσον
3 > ¥ 3 Ν 3 , 4 4 ‘ e Ἁ
ἀπ’ ὦμων ἐς τὰς ἐλαχίστας πλευράς, καλουμένας δὲ ὑπὸ
τῶν ἰατρῶν νόθας. ἔστι δὲ Μιλησίοις πρὸ τῆς πόλεως Λάδη
νῆσος, ἀπερρώγασι δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς νησῖδες- ᾿Αστερίου τὴν
ε ’ 9 ’ Ἁ δ 9 4 3 3 »Ὁ ~ 4
ἑτέραν ὀνομάζουσι καὶ τὸν ᾿Αστέριον ἐν αὐτῃ ταφῆναι λέ-
γουσιν, εἶναι δὲ ᾿Αστέριον μὲν “Avaxtos, “Avaxta δὲ Γῆς
A ¥ > 4, ε \ 50. 7 A κι , \
παῖδα" ἔχει δ᾽ οὖν ὁ νεκρὸς οὐδέν TL μεῖον πηχῶν δέκα. τὸ
> 9 Ἁ ~ ’ ’ ~ » ’ > ‘ 3
δ᾽ ἐμοὶ θαῦμα παρασχόν, Λυδίας τῆς ἄνω πόλις ἐστὶν οὐ
’ Ud 4 3 Ὺ ’ ’ δ
μεγάλη Τημένον θύραι: ἐνταῦθα περιρραγέντος λόφον διὰ
χειμῶνα ὀστᾶ ἐφάνη τὸ σχῆμα παρέχοντα ἐς πίστιν ὡς
» 3 , 3 Ἁ Ν ’ ϑ » 9 A ΕΝ
ἔστιν ἀνθρώπου, ἐπεὶ διὰ μέγεθος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως av ἔδοξεν.
αὐτίκα δὲ λόγος ἦλθεν ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς Γηρυόνου τοῦ Χρυ-
σάορος εἶναι μὲν τὸν νεκρόν, εἶναι δὲ καὶ τὸν θρόνον. καὶ
Ν θ 4 3 ὃ ’ 3 3 ld » λ θ "ὃ
γὰρ θρόνος ἀνὸρός ἐστιν ἐνειργασμένος ὄρους λιθώδει προ-
~ Ἁ ’ 4 Ν > Ν, 3 ’ N ἴω
Body: καὶ χείμαρρὸν τε ποταμὸν Ὠκεανὸν ἐκάλουν καὶ βοῶν
"ὃ 4 » , 3 A 3 “A ὃ , ¥ ,
non κέρασιν ἔφασαν τινας ἐντυχεῖν ἀροῦντας, διότι ἔχει λό-
~ > , 4 N ’ 3 N 4 3
γος βοῦς ἀρίστας θρέψαι τὸν Γηρνόνην. ἐπεὶ δέ σφισιν ἐναν-
τιούμενος ἀπέφαινον ἐν Γαδείροις εἶναι Γηρνόνην, οὗ μνῆμα
\ ¥ 5 , ὃ δὲ , ᾿ ὃ ’ , 3 ὴθ
μὲν οὐ, δένδρον O€ παρεχόμενον διαφόρους μορφας, ἐνταῦθα
eon A °9 NUN » 0 » , € ¥ \
οἱ τῶν Λυδῶν ἐξηγηταὶ Tov ὄντα ἐδείκνυον λόγον, ὡς εἴη μὲν
ὁ νεκρὸς Ὕλλου, παῖς δὲ Ὕλλος εἴη Γῆς, ἀπὸ τούτον δὲ ὁ πο-
ταμὸς ὠνομάσθη. Ἡρακλέα δὲ διὰ τὴν παρ᾽ Ὀμφάλῃ ποτὲ

ἔφασαν δίαιταν Ὕλλον ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καλέσαι τὸν παῖδα.

3 a δὲ 2 », \ 3 Ν ‘a ,
Ev Σαλαμῖνι d€ — ἐπάνειμι yap ἐς τὸν προκείμενον λό-
γον --- τοῦτο μὲν ᾿Αρτέμιδός ἐστιν ἱερόν, τοῦτο δὲ τρόπαιον

36. Other antiquities on Salamis— —War of Athenians with Philip, son
Psyttalia — Monuments on the sacred of Demetrius.
way to Eleusis — Anthemocritus — Mo- 2. τρόπαιον... ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἦν

lottus— The seer Scirus—Cephisodorus θεμιστοκλῆς κτλ.: during the festival

8

10

178 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

9 3 ἉἍ ~ a ἃ ~ € ld ee
ἔστηκεν ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἣν Θεμιστοκλῆς ὁ Νεοκλέους αἴτιος

9 »’ , “~ 9 Ἁ 4 3 Ἁ e ’
ἐγένετο γενέσθαι τοῖς Ἑλλησι: καὶ Κυχρέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν.
’ \ 3 [4 Ν ld ’ 3 A
ναυμαχούντων δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων πρὸς Μήδους δράκοντα ἐν ταῖς
Ἁ ld ~ ~ ε \ » ig 9 ’
ναυσὶ λέγεται φανῆναι: τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησεν ᾿Αθηναίοις
4 3 Q 9 ~ A ον ~ +4 3
Κυχρέα εἶναι τὸν ἥρωα. νῆσος δὲ πρὸ Σαλαμῖνός ἐστι κα-
4 ’ 3 4 ~ 4 9
λουμένη Vutradea: ἐς ταύτην τῶν βαρβάρων ὅσον τετρακο-
σίους ἀποβῆναι λέγουσιν, ἡττωμένου δὲ τοῦ Ξέρξον ναντικοῦ
Α ’ 9 4 ‘ 3 , 3 N ’
καὶ τούτους ἀπολέσθαι φασὶν ἐπιδιαβάντων ἐς τὴν Ψυττά-
λ py Ἑλλή ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐν τῇ νή ὺν τέ 1
ειαν τῶν ἥνων. ἄγαλμα ν τῇ νήσῳ σὺν τέχνῃ μέν
3 9 , “\ A e 9 » ,
ἐστιν οὐδέν, Πανὸς δὲ ws ἕκαστον ἔτυχε ξόανα πεποιημένα.
ἴω A A ἃ “A A
Ἰοῦσι δὲ ἐπ᾽’ "EXevoiva ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν ἣν ᾿Αθηναῖοι Kadov-
σιν ὁδὸν ἱεράν, ᾿Ανθεμοκρίτου πεποίηται μνῆμα. ἐς τοῦτον

of Ajax at Salamis the epheboi would
row to the trophy and offer sacrifice to
Zeus of the Trophy. For ancient ac-
counts of the battle of Salamis see
Aesch. Persae, 350sqq.; Hdt. 8, 78sqq.;
Diod. 11, 15 sqq.—4. Kuypéws: Cy-
chreus enjoyed divine honors at Athens
(Plut. Thes. 10). There are various
fortins of the legend connecting Cy-
chreus with the serpent. According to
Apollod. 3, 12, 7, and Diod. 4, 72, he
slew an enormous serpent which devas-
tated Salamis; according to Hesiod,
cited by Strabo, 9, p. 393, the serpent
was bred by Cychreus, and called the
serpent of Cychreus, but it was expelled
by Eurylochus because it ravaged the
island; Demeter, however, received it
at Eleusis. A later explanation, found
in Steph. Byz. s.v. Kuxpetos πάγος and
elsewhere, is that Cychreus was him-
self surnamed Serpent (Ophis) on ac-
count of his cruelty, for which he was
expelled by Eurylochus. Pausanias’
story of his appearance as a serpent in
the battle, with these tales, point to the

conclusion that in the original myth
Cychreus was himself the serpent.

8. Ψνττάλεια : Psyttalia, now called
Leipsokoutali, is a rocky island about
a mile long, but low and narrow, at
the southern entrance to the strait of
Salamis. Cf. Strabo, 9, p. 395, who
calls it ‘*the eyesore of Piraeus.’’ See
Aesch. Persae, 447 sqq.; Hdt. 8, 76 and
95; Plut. Aristides, 9, for accounts of
the massacre of the Persians on the
island. Pausanias alone mentions the
number of the Persians who landed on
the island.

14. ὁδὸν ἱεράν : after treating the
islands, Pausanias returns to Athens
and proceeds thence to Eleusis along
the Sacred Way. This is the road
by which the initiates in the Mys-
teries went from Athens to Eleusis
(Harpocr. s.v. ἱερὰ ὁδός ; Athen. 13,
p. 594). The distance is about twelve
miles. Thepresent highroad from Ath-
ens to Eleusis follows closely the Sacred
Way. Itstarts from the Dipylum, run-
ning in a northwesterly direction, and

THE SACRED WAY

Ch. 36, 4

179

15 Meyapevoiv ἐστιν ἀνοσιώτατον ἔργον, ot κήρυκα ἐλθόντα, ὡς
μὴ τοῦ λοιποῦ τὴν χώραν ἐπεργάζοιντο, κτείνουσιν ᾿Ανθεμό-
Kpitov: Kai σφισι ταῦτα δράσασι παραμένει καὶ ἐς τόδε
μήνιμα ἐκ τοῖν θεοῖν, οἷς οὐδὲ ᾿Αδριανὸς [ὁ] βασιλεὺς ὥστε
καὶ ἐπαυξηθῆναι μόνοις ἐπήρκεσεν Ἑλλήνων. μετὰ δὲ τοῦ
᾿Ανθεμοκρίτου τὴν στήλην Μολοττοῦ τε τάφος ἐστὶν ἀξιω-
θέντος ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τούτον στρατηγεῖν, ὅτε Πλουτάρχῳ
βοηθοῦντες διέβησαν ἐς Εὔβοιαν, καὶ χωρίον Σκῖρον ἐπὶ
τοιῷδε καλούμενον. ᾿Ἐλευσινίοις πολεμοῦσι πρὸς Ἐρεχθέα
ἀνὴρ μάντις ἦλθεν ἐκ Δωδώνης ὄνομα Σκῖρος, ὃς καὶ τῆς
Σκιράδος ἱδρύσατο ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐπὶ Φαληρῷ τὸ ἀρχαῖον iepdv:

20

25

after passing the deserted monastery
of Daphni, descends rapidly towards
the shore, which, after entering the
Thriasian plain, it skirts the rest of
the way to Eleusis.

20. ᾿Ανθεμοκρίτον : Anthemocritus
was sent by Pericles, shortly before
the outbredk of the Peloponnesian
War, to Megara and Sparta to com-
plain that the Megarians were en-
croaching on the sacred land. He died
on the embassy and the Athenians,
charging that the Megarians had mur-
dered him, declared war against Me-
gara, and voted that Anthemocritus
should be buried beside the Thriasian
Gate, that is, the Dipylum. See Plut.
Pericles, 30; Harpocr. s.v. ᾿Ανθεμόκρι-
τος. --- Modorrod τε τάφος : according
to Plutarch, Phocion, 12--14, Phocion,
who was sent to the relief of Plutarch
tyrant of Eretria when the latter was
threatened by Philip in 350 B.c., was
superseded by Molottus, who fell into
the hands of the enemy.— 22. Extpov:
Scirum is manifestly located beside a
torrent at some point on the Sacred
Way between the Dipylum and the Ce-

phisus, which Pausanias does not reach
till 1, 37,3. There are some traces of a
stream which crossed the Eleusis road
about one and one half miles from the
Dipylum, the probable site of Scirum.
See Milchh. Kart. 1a and Text ii, 15.
The place had a bad reputation as the
haunt of prostitutes and gamblers :
(Steph. Byz. s.v. Zxlpos; Alciphr.
Epist. 3, 8, 25; Harpocr. σκιράφια). At
the festival of Scira, on the twelfth day
of Scirophorion, the priestess of Ath-
ena, the priest of Poseidon-Erechtheus,
and the priest of Helios went in proces-
sion from Athens to Sciruim (Harpocr.
and Suid. s.v. Σκίρον; Schol. Ar. Eccles.
18). — 24. ἐκ Δωδώνης: that Scirus was
from Dodona is stated only here.
Philochorus, frag. 42, speaks of him as
an Eleusinian seer named after Athene
Sciras. The Megarians, on the other
hand, contended that the name of the
seer was from their notorious hero Sci-

ron (cf. 1,39, 6; 1,44, 6 and 8; Harpocr.

s.v. Σκίρον). Suidas and Photius, Lex.
8.V. Σκίρος, derived the name from the
Salaminian hero Scirus. — 25. Σκιρά-
δος... ᾿Αθηνᾶς : already mentioned, 1,

80

35

40

37

180 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

’ Ν 2 AN 3 “~ , , 9 [4 oh oe ᾿
πεσόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ θάπτουσιν ᾿Ελευσίνιοι πλησίον

ποταμοῦ χειμάρρουν, καὶ τῷ τε χωρίῳ τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ
ἡρωός ἐστι καὶ τῷ ποταμῷ. πλησίον δὲ πεποίηται Κηφισο-
A Q A
δώρου μνῆμα δήμου προστάντος καὶ Φιλίππῳ τῷ Δημητρίου
Μακεδόνων βασιλεύοντι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἐναντιωθέντος " συμ-
μάχους δὲ ἐπήγετο Κηφισόδωρος ᾿Αθηναίοις γενέσθαι βασι-
Nels μὲν ἴλτταλον τὸν Μυσὸν καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Αἰγύπτιον,
ἔθνη δὲ αὐτόνομα Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ νησιωτῶν Ῥοδίους καὶ Kp7-
ε \ N 9 3 ’ Ἁ [4 QN Ν ~
τας. ws δὲ καὶ ἐξ Αἰγύπτον καὶ Μυσίας και παρα των
Κρητῶν τὰ πολλὰ ὑστέριζον αἱ βοήθειαι, Ῥόδιοι δὲ μόναις
Ν 3 , Ν € λύ ‘ δό 9 ,
ναυσὶν ἰσχύοντες πρὸς ὁπλίτας τοὺς Μακεδόνας οὐ μεγάλα
ὠφέλουν, ἐνταῦθα Κηφισόδωρος ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν σὺν ἄλλοις ᾿Αθη-
, , ε ». > A ε , ε ὃ , ὃ ,
vaiwy πλεύσας ἱκέτευεν ἀμῦναι Pwpaious: οἱ δέ σφισι δύνα-
Ἁ Ἁ 4 ἃ Ν , Ἁ 4
μιν Kal στρατηγὸν πέμπουσιν, ot TA Φιλίππον καὶ Μακεδόνων
9 A “A ε 9 ᾿ ’ AY ’ ’
ἐς τοσοῦτο καθεῖλον ὡς ὕστερον Περσέα τὸν Φιλίππου τήν τε
3 Ν 3 “Ὁ Ἁ 2 AN 3 4 3 > 4 > ~
ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν καὶ αὐτὸν αἰχμάλωτον ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀχθῆ-
, \ 4 ζω ε ’ὔ ‘A soe oy Ν ,
vat. Φίλιππος δὲ ἦν οὗτος ὁ Δημητρίου: πρῶτος" yap Tav-
της τῆς οἰκίας ἔσχε Δημήτριος τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχὴν
9 ’ 9 , ἽΝ , A ε Ν ,
ἀποκτείνας ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν Κασσάνδρου παῖδα, ws Ta πρό-
τερον ἔχει μοι τοῦ λόγου.
Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Κηφισοδώρον τὸ μνῆμα τέθαπται μὲν

1,4 and note. Some late writers (Pol-
lux, 9, 96, et al.) speak of asanctuary of
Sciradian Athena at Scirum, but they
probably confused Scirwn with the
Phalerum temple. If one had been
here, Pausanias would probably have
mentioned it; other geographical writ-
ers are equally silent (Strabo, 9, p. 398 ;
Steph. Byz. s.v. Z«lpos).

28. Κηφισοδώρον μνῆμα κτλ.: cf.
Polyb. 17, 10, who speaks οὗ the em-
bassy of Cephisodorus to Rome as tak-
ing place in Ol. 145, 3 (198-197 B.c.),

shortly before the battle of Cynosce-
phalae, in which Philip V of Macedo-
nia was defeated by the Romans under
Flamininus. We have no information
concerning Cephisodorus beyond what
Pausanias tells us here. On the death
of Alexander, see 1, 10, 1.

37. Other monuments of distinguished
men on the Sacred Way — Acestium —
Phytalus — Antiquities across the Ce-
phisus — Temple of Cyamites — Har-
palus — Temple of Apollo — Cephalus
and his descendants.

10

15

THE SACRED WAY 181

Ch. 37, 2
Ἡλιόδωρος “Adis: τούτου γραφὴν ἰδεῖν ἔστι καὶ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ
μεγάλῳ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς - τέθαπται δὲ Θεμιστοκλῆς Πολιάρχου,
’ 3 4 , ~ a / Ν 4 3
τρίτος ἀπόγονος Θεμιστοκλέους Tov Ξέρξῃ καὶ Μήδοις ἐμαν-
Tia ναυμαχήσαντος. τοὺς δὲ κατωτέρω τοῦ γένους πλὴν
3 ’ la N ¥ > 4 \ “~
Ακεστίου παρήσω τοὺς ἄλλους: ᾿Ακεστίῳ δὲ τῇ Bevo-
, A x 4 A , , 3 Ν ,
κλέους τοῦ Σοφοκλέους τοῦ Λέοντος τούτους τε ἐς τὸν τέταρ-
τον πρόγονον͵ Λέοντα δᾳδούχους πάντας ὑπῆρξε γενέσθαι,
Ἁ Ν Ἁ , N e¢ aA ~ ‘ \ > \
kai παρὰ τὸν βίον τὸν αὑτῆς πρῶτον μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν Σοφο-
κλέα εἶδε δᾳδουχοῦντα, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὸν ἄνδρα Θεμιστοκλέα,
, \ ‘ 4 ’᾽ ᾿ν “ a
τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτον Θεόφραστον τὸν παῖδα. ταύτῃ
δ 4 4 ~ 4 θ ἴω δὲ > ’
μὲν τύχην τοιαύτην συμβῆναι λέγουσι" προελθοῦσι OE ὀλί-
’ ’ ’ 3 ν Ἁ ΄- ἃ ’ 9
γον Λακίου τέμενός ἐστιν ἤρωος καὶ δῆμος ὃν Λακιάδας ὀνο-
’ 9 Ν ’ Ἁ 4 » 3 Ἁ “A
μάζουσιν ἀπὸ τούτου, kat Νικοκλέους Ταραντίνου ἐστὶ μνῆμα,
ὃς ἐπὶ μέγιστον δόξης κιθαρῳδῶν ἁπάντων ἦλθεν. ἔστι δὲ
Ἁ ’ N Ἁ , e Ν, Ἁ ~ ’
καὶ Ζεφύρον τε βωμὸς καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν καὶ τῆς παιδός"

~ Ἁ ~
σὺν δέ σφισιν ᾿Αθηνᾶ καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἔχουσι τιμάς. ἐν τούτῳ.

τῷ χωρίῳ Φύταλόν φασιν οἴκῳ Δήμητρα δέξασθαι, καὶ τὴν

2. Ἡλιόδωρος : nothing further is
known of this man. Pausanias’s ex-
pression leaves it uncertain whether
the picture was a portrait of Heliodo-
rus or ἃ painting by him. Michaelis
(Parthenon, 41), Preller (Ausg. Aufs.
p. 120), and Schubart (Jb. f. Ph.
LXXXVII, 801) took the latter view.
— 6. ᾿Ακεστίῳ: Acestium is also men-
tioned in a list of noble women pre-
served, C.I.A. II, 956 (᾿Ακέστιον Revo-
κλέους Axapréws). Another inscription
(C.1.A. II, 1414), found in the precinct
of Demeter at Eleusis, mentions a
statue of Sophocles, brother of Aces-
tium, set up there by his wife. <Aces-
tium and her brother probably lived
about the beginning of the first century
B.c. The office of torchbearer (δᾳδοῦ-

xos) was the second most important in
the Eleusinian mysteries, the first be-
ing the hierophant. It was hereditary
in the family of the Ceryces (1, 38, 3).

13. Λακιάδας: the deme Laciadae
belonged to the tribe Oeneis (Steph.
Byz. and Photius, Lex. s.v. Aaxcddar).
Among its members were Miltiades
and Cimon (Plut. Cimon, 4; id. Alcib.
22).— 18. Φύταλον : the spot where
Phytalus was believed to have received
the first fig-tree from Demeter was
called Hiera Syce (ἱερὰ σνκῆ, cf. s.vv.
Photius, Etymol. Magn., Athen. 3,
p. 74p, etc.). Here the processions
rested on theirreturn from Eleusis ; and
here Apollonius the sophist was buried
(Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2, 20, 3). The
incorrect form Δήμητραν in the second

2

182

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 37, 3

θ > > Ἁ , ὃ ων ’ ε Ν Ν ~ ~ “Ὁ ὃ 4
εὸν ἀντὶ τούτων δοῦναί OL TO φυτὸν τῆς συκῆς" μαρτυρεῖ €

20 μοι τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ Φυτάλον τάφῳ:

25

ἐνθάδ᾽ ἄναξ ἥρως Φύταλός ποτε δέξατο σεμνὴν
Δήμητραν, ὅτε πρῶτον ὀπώρας καρπὸν ἔφηνεν,

ἃ e ‘ ἰὴ “~ Ud 9 4
ἣν ἱερὰν συκῆν θνητῶν γένος eLovopalen:

ἐξ οὗ δὴ τιμὰς Φυτάλον γένος ἔσχεν ἀγήρως.

Πρὶν δὲ ἢ διαβῆναι τὸν Κηφισὸν Θεοδώρον μνῆμά ἐστι 3

τραγῳδίαν UITOK έ @ θ᾽ αὑτὸν ἄρισ χγάλ
ραγῳδίαν ὑποκριναμένου τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀριστα. ἀγάλματα

δὲ > ἃ “~ ~ M ’ δ δὲ 9 > (θ -
€ ἐπι τῳ ποταμῳ Μνησιμάχήης, TO O€ ετερον ἀναθημα κει

, e ‘N , “~ ὃ , 3 oO K ἰδὲ ᾿ θ
ρομένου ol τὴν κόμην τοῦ παιδός ἐστι τῷ Κηφισῳ: καθε-

, A ΜᾺ A A “A 9 ma e
στάναι δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ τοῖς πᾶσι τοῦτο Ἕλλησι TH Ὁμή-

80 pou τις ἄν τεκμαίροιτο ποιήσει, ὃς τὸν Πηλέα εὐξασθαί φησι

τῷ Σπερχειῷ κερεῖν ἀνασωθέντος ἐκ Τροίας ᾿Αχιλλέως τὴν

κόμην.

. Διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Κηφισὸν βωμός ἐστιν ἀρχαῖος Μειλιχίον 4

Ἁ δ “~ ,
Διός: ἐπὶ τούτῳ Θησεὺς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀπογόνων τῶν Φυτάλου

line of the epitaph quoted by Pausa-
nias proves that the inscription was of
late origin.

25. Πρὶν δὲ ἢ διαβῆναι τὸν Κηφισόν :
the sources of the Cephisus are at the
south foot of Mt. Parnes and the west
foot of Mt. Pentelicus. Thence it flows
southwest through the green stretches
of olive groves the length of the Athe-
nian plain. At the point where the
road to Eleusis crosses it probably stood
the ancient bridge built for the conven-
ience of the pilgrims by Xenocles of
Lindus (Anthol. Palat. 9, 147). As the
procession was filing over this bridge
occurred the fire of jeersand jibes, often
mentioned as one of its characteristic
features (Ar. Ran. 384 sqq.; Strabo,
9, p. 400; Hesych. s.v. yepupioral). —

Θεοδώρου : Theodorus lived in the first
half of the fourth century B.c. He
often played the Antigone of Sopho-
cles; Aeschines in his youth acted
with him, taking inferior parts (Dem.
19, 246, p. 418). ITlis pathetic playing
brought to tears the cruel tyrant Alex-
ander of Pherae (Aelian, Var. Hist. 14,
40). His voice was renowned for its
naturalness, and its adaptation to the
character he was representing (Arist.
Rhet. 3, 2, 22sqq. p. 1404 8).— 27. Mvn-
σιμάχης : see Apoll. 2, 5, 5, who tells
of her delivery by Heracles from the
centaur Eurytion, whom she was being
forced to marry.

33. βωμός : the site of this ancient
altar, according to Milchh. Kart. IT,
16, is to the west of the Cephisus,

oo
wr

THE SACRED WAY 183

“Ch. 37, 5

5 καθαρσίων ἔτυχε, λῃστὰς καὶ ἄλλους ἀποκτείνας Kat Livi

τὰ πρὸς Πιτθέως συγγενῆ. τάφος δὲ ἔστι μὲν αὐτόθι Θεοδέ.
A , » \ , A ,

κτου Tov Φασηλίτου, ἔστι δὲ Μνησιθέου: τοῦτον λέγουσιν

3 ‘4 > “ ? N 9 “~ 3 , 3 4

ἰατρόν τε ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι καὶ ἀναθεῖναι ἀγάλματα, ἐν οἷς

εν , 3 , A Ν ‘N eQa ἃ
_ καὶ ὃ Ἴακχος πεποίηται. φκοδόμηται δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ναὸς

40

οὐ μέγας καλούμενος Κναμίτου- σαφὲς δὲ οὐδὲν ἔχω λέγειν
εἴτε πρῶτος κυάμους ἔσπειρεν οὗτος εἴτε τινὰ ἐπεφήμισαν
ἥρωα, ὅτι τῶν κνάμων ἀνενεγκεῖν οὐκ ἔστι σφίσιν ἐς Δήμη-

Ἁ 9 9 , ¥» δ 3 aA A Ν
Tpa τὴν εὕρεσιν. ὅστις δὲ ἤδη τελετὴν ᾿Ελευσῖνι εἶδεν ἡ τὰ
καλούμενα ᾿Ορφικὰ ἐπελέξατο οἷδεν ὃ λέγω. μνημάτων δὲ

ἃ , 9 , Ἁ ᾽ 9 : εν Ν 9 , 9
ὅ ἃ μάλιστα ἐς μέγεθος και κοσμον KEL, TO μεν ἀνδρός ἐστι

‘Podiou μετοικήσαντος ἐς ᾿Αθήνας, τὸ δὲ Ἅρπαλος Μακεδὼν
ἐποίησεν, ὃς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίας διέβη ναυ-
σὶν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, ἀφικόμενος δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίους ὑπ᾽ αὖ-
τῶν συνελήφθη, διαφθείρας δὲ χρήμασιν ἄλλους τε καὶ τοὺς
᾿Αλεξάνδρου φίλους ἀπέδρα, πρότερον δὲ ἔτι Πυθονίκην

where now stands the church of St.
Sabas. As to Zeus Meilichius, see 2, 9,
6; 2,20, 1. He wasespecially appealed
to in expiatory and purificatory cere-
monies. When Xenophon returned
from the expedition of the ten-thou-
sand, he offered burnt offerings to Zeus
Meilichios (Anab. 7, 8, 3-5). The fes-
tival of the Diasia in his honor was
annually celebrated outside Athens on
the 23d of Anthesterion (February-
March) (Thue. 1, 126; Schol. Ar. Nub.
408). See Preller-Robert, Gr. Myth.
I, 180; Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to
the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 13 ff. —
36. GeodSéxrov: the tomb of Theodectes
is also mentioned, Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or.
p. 887 ο, according to which the altar
had fallen into ruins at the time of the
writer. He was a rhetorician, a pupil
of Isocrates, who afterwards wrote

tragedies (Suid. 8.v. Qeodéxrns).— 40. °
Kvap(rov: nothing is known of the hero
Cyamites beyond what Pausanias tells
us here (cf. Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or. p. 8876 ;
Hesych. Phot. Lex. s.v. Kuayirns). The
site of this shrine may be that of a
sinall chapel of St. George, at the west-
ern edge of the olive wood on the north
side of the road to Eleusis.

50. Πνυθονίκην : Athenaeus (13, p.
595, B, C) tells at length of the infatu-_
ation of Alexander’s treasurer Harpa-
lus for the Athenian hetaera Pythonice,
and of thetwosumptuous tombserected
by him to her memory, one at Babylon,
the other on the Sacred Way to Eleu-
sis. Cf. Diod. 17, 108. Plutarch (Pho-
cion, 22) mentions the cost of the latter
tomb as thirty talents (about $32,500).
Dicaearchus, quoted Athen. 18, pp. |
594 E-595 a, describes the exact site of

60

65

70

184 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 37, 6°

Αθή-
Ἁ 9 4 ’ 9 ΄Ν ¥ a

vats καὶ ev Κορίνθῳ: ταύτης ἐς τοσοῦτον ἔρωτος προῆλθεν

» , Ἢ 9 Τὸ ε 4θ ε ΄“ δὲ »
ΕγΉ μέ: γένος LEV οΥνΚ OLOG OTTOVEV, ETALPOVO GV OE EV TE

e AQ A 9 4 ~ o e iA 9 ’
ως καὶ μνημα ἀποθανούσης ποιῆσαι πάντων ὁπόσα Ἑλλησίν
ἐστιν ἀρχαῖα θέας μάλιστα ἀξιον.

Ἔ δὲ e oN > δ A A , VN 5 δὲ 9 ἔχ:
στι δὲ ἱερὸν ἐν ᾧ κεῖται Δήμητρος καὶ τῆς παιδὸς ἀγά
ματα καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾶς τε καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος - ᾿Απόλλωνι δὲ ἐποιήθη
μόνῳ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς. Κέφαλον γὰρ τὸν Aniovos συνεξελόντα
λέγουσιν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνι Τηλεβόας τὴν νῆσον οἰκῆσαι πρῶτον,

ἃ σι > 3 9 ’ 4 A A δὲ ΝΣ
ἡ νῦν ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνου Κεφαλληνία καλεῖται" μετοικεῖν O€ αὐτὸν
τέως ἐν Θήβαις φεύγοντα ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν διὰ τὸν Πρόκριδος τῆς

N , Yd Q ν ῪΝἥΕ ry Q
γυναικὸς φόνον. δεκάτῃ δὲ ὕστερον γενεᾷ Χαλκῖνος καὶ
Δαῖτος ἀπόγονοι Κεφάλου πλεύσαντες ἐς Δελφοὺς ἥτουν τὸν
θεὸν κάθοδον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ὁ δέ σφισι κελεύει θῦσαι πρῶτον 7
᾿Απόλλωνι ἐνταῦθα τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ἔνθα ἂν ἴδωσιν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς
τριήρη θέουσαν. γενομένοις δὲ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸ ποικίλον κα-
λούμενον ὄρος δράκων ἐφά δῇ ὰ τὸν φωλεὸν ἰών"

μενον ὄρος Opakw vy σπουὸδῃ κατὰ τὸν φωλεὸν ἰών
4(.9 o 4 ’ 9 -~ , ᾽ \ i. 4
καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνί τε θύουσιν ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ τούτῳ καὶ VOTEPOV
~ 3 a 9 \ a > \ 9 -? > A
odas ἐλθόντας ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀστοὺς ἐποιήσαντο Αθηναῖοι.

δὲ ΄Ν 3 δί ’ 9 Ἁ Q 9 A A
— μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ᾿Αφροδίτης ναός ἐστι καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τεῖχος

9 ἴω »’᾽ Yd »
ἀργῶν λίθων θέας ἀξιον.

the tomb, showing it must have stood
in the pass of Daphni. The site be-
longed to the deme Hermus, of the
tribe Acamantis(Harpocr. Suid. ; Steph.
Byz. 8.0. Epos). |

55. ἱερόν : the site of this sanctuary
of Apollo is probably occupied by the
picturesque mediaeval monastery of
Daphni, which stands at the middle
of the pass over Mt. Aegaleus, on the
south side of the road. The monas-
tery was probably founded in the
thirteenth century by the Burgundian
dukes of Athens, and is renowned for
its Byzantine mosaics.—57. Κέφαλον :

this legendary connection of the Attic
hero Cephalus with the island of Ce-
phallenia is as old as Aristotle, who
spoke of Cephalus as residing in the
islands called Cephallenian after him
(Arist. frag. 507, ed. Vd. Rose). Strabo
(10, p. 456) also tells the story of the
joint expedition of Cephalus and Am-
phitryo, and the subsequent settlement
of Cephalusin Cephallenia. The legend
is probably based merely on the simi-
larity of the names.

69. ᾿Αφροδίτης ναός : the remains of
this temple of Aphrodite are to be seen
in the pass of Daphni about a mile west

THE SACRED WAY (185

Ch. 38,2 ὃ
ε \ Ἁ ,’ e¢ “A ’ ,
Οἱ δὲ “Perrot καλούμενοι ῥεῦμα μόνον παρέχονται ποτα- 1

“A 3 N , ν , 93 , , . »
μῶν, ἐπεὶ TO ye ὕδωρ θάλασσά ἐστί σφισι: πείθοιτο δὲ ἄν
XN ε >A “A , 9. » ς»’ e eA a “A

τις καὶ ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαλκιδέων Εὐρίπον ῥέουσιν ὑπὸ τῆς γῆς

98

3 , id 3 ’ , Ν εε Ἁ
ἐς θάλασσαν κοιλοτέραν ἐμπίπτοντες. λέγονται δὲ οἱ Ῥειτοὶ
Κόρης ἱεροὶ καὶ Δήμητρος εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς ἰχθῦς ἐξ αὐτῶν
τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔστιν αἱρεῖν μόνοις. οὗτοι τὸ ἀρχαῖον, ὡς ἐγὼ

ζι

, “ 3 ? \ ¥ 9 “~ “A
πυνθάνομαι, πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους τοὺς ἄλλους ὅροι τῆς γῆς
3 ’ YY Ν κι ‘oe N A ¥
Ἐλευσινίοις ἦσαν, καὶ διαβᾶσι τοὺς Ῥειτοὺς πρῶτος ᾧκει 2
Κρόκων, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ἔτι βασίλεια καλεῖται Κρόκωνος. τοῦ-
10 τον ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸν Κρόκωνα Κελεοῦ θυγατρὶ συνοικῆσαι Σαι-
’ ’ [4 A 3 ’ bd 3 9 ~ -
σάρᾳ λέγουσι: λέγουσι δὲ ov πάντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσοι τοῦ δήμου
A “A 3 9 ‘ \ ’ \ 3 “A
Tov Σκαμβωνιδῶν εἰσιν: ἐγὼ δὲ Κρόκωνος μὲν ἀνευρεῖν

of the monastery, on the north side of
the road. Many inscriptions are cut in
niches in a rugged wall of rock to the
rear of the sacred precinct, containing
dedications to Aphrodite (C.I.G. 507-
509; C.I.A. ITI, 3823). The precinct
was excavated in 1891 and 1892 by the
Greek Archaeological Society. Outside
the precinct at its southeast corner are
the foundations of a large quadrangu-
lar building, eighty-two feet by thirty-
eight feet, composed of rude masses of
stone, as at Tiryns, doubtless ‘‘the wall

᾿ of unwrought stones’’ mentioned by

Pausanias.

38. The Rhiti— Crocon — Eumol-
pus — The daughters of Celeus— Ceryx
— Zarex — The Cephisus at Eleusis —

The Rharian plain— The hero Eleusis
— Attic boundaries toward Boeotia —
Eleutherae — Antiope and her children.

1. Οἱ δὲ Ῥειτοί: the Rhiti at the
present time consist of a large pond
of clear salt water fed by a number of
copious salt springs, formed by dam-
ming up the water of these springs by

means of a stone dike. It is probable
that in ancient times the water of the
salt springs was not dammed up, but
was allowed to flow directly into the
sea in brooks. Here took place the
first skirmish of the Peloponnesian war,
resulting in the defeat of the Athenian
cavalry (Thue. 2, 19).

9. Kpéxwvos: Crocon was the leg-
endary ancestor of the priestly family
of the Croconids at Athens. He is here
spoken of as husband of a daughter of
Celeus, which is inconsistent with the
tradition that Crocon was son of Trip-
tolemus, who was a son of Celeus
(Paus. 1, 14, 2). See Bekker’s Anec. I,
273; Harpocr. s.v. Kowpwrldac; Suid.
Β.0Υ. Κυρωνίδαι. Cf. J. Topfier, Attische
Genealogie, pp. 101 sqq.— 11. τοῦ δή-
pov τοῦ Σκαμβωνιδῶν: Scambonidae was
the principal deme of the tribe Leontis
(Harpocr. and Steph. Byz. 8.v. Σκαμβω-
νίδαι). Its site has been much disputed.
Hitzig-Bluemner, following K. O. Miil-
ler, Attika, 223, locates it in the Eleu-
sinian plain, directly behind the Rhiti.

186 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

4 9 4, 3 ’ » A 3 , ”~ Ν oh e3
τάφον οὐχ olds τε ἐγενόμην, τὸ δὲ Εὐμόλπον μνῆμα κατὰ ταὐτὰ,
9 ’ 9 ’ \ 3 ζω ww LY »

EXevowiors ἀπέφαινον καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. τοῦτον τὸν Ευμολπον
9 , , 9 , κι A » \
ἀφικέσθαι λέγουσιν ἐκ Θράκης Ποσειδῶνος παῖδα ὄντα καὶ
Χιόνης: τὴν δὲ Χιόνην Bopéov θυγατέρα τοῦ ἀνέμου καὶ
xe) θ , \ 5 Ὁ , δὲ 9 ‘ N , 9 \
ρειθυίας φασὶν elvar. Ὁμήρῳ δὲ és μὲν τὸ γένος ἐστὶν
οὐδὲν αὐτοῦ πεποιημένον, ἐπονομάζει δὲ ἀγήνορα ἐν τοῖς
» » ig \ 93 ,’ 4 ἃ
ἔπεσι τὸν Εὔμολπον. γενομένης δὲ ᾿Ελευσινίοις μάχης πρὸς 3
᾿Αθηναίους ἀπέθανε μὲν Ἐρεχθεὺς ᾿Αθηναίωνεβασιλεύς, ἀπέ
θανε δὲ Ἰμμάραδος Εὐμόλπου. καταλύονται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε
τὸν πόλεμον, ὡς ᾿Ελευσινίους ἐς τὰ ἄλλα ᾿Αθηναίων κατη-

’ »” 90... ~. Ἁ ’, Ν \ ε νὴ “~
κόους ὄντας ἰδίᾳ τελεῖν τὴν τελετήν. τὰ δὲ ἱερὰ Tow θε-
ον Εὔμολπος καὶ αἱ θυγατέρες δρῶσιν αἱ Κελεοῦ, καλοῦσι

A ~“ , “ 3 ‘\ , ld
δὲ σφᾶς Πάμφως τε κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ Ὅμηρος Διογένειαν
καὶ Παμμερόπην καὶ τρίτην Σαισάραν: τελευτήσαντος δὲ

15

20

25

See Milchh. Text ii, 48. By others it
was regarded as a city-deme, located
either to the northwest of Athens, per-
haps at the beginning of the Sacred
Way (so Frazer, ].c.; Milchh. Demen-
ordnung des Kleisthenes, Ὁ. 19; v.
Wilamowitz, Hermes, XXII (1887),
120 sq.), or south or southeast of the
city (Lolling, Topogr. 308, 8, and Loe-
per, A.M. XVII, 376f.). Judeich puts
it directly north of the Acropolis, just
beyond Cydathenaion at the south-
west foot of Mt. Lycabettus. See
Topogr. 160.— 14. Etpodmov. . . ἐκ
Θράκης Ποσειδῶνος παῖδα ὄντα καὶ

Χιόνης : for a similar tradition, see .

Lyc. c. Leocr. 98; Apollod. 3, 15, 4;
and Schol. Eur. Phoen. 854. Others
say simply that he was a son of Posei-
don (Isoc. 4, 68; 12, 193; Hyg. Fab.
46). See J. Τύρον, Attische Gene-
alogie, pp. 24 sqq.—19. τὸν Εὕμολ-
πον: Pausanias doubtless refers to the

Homeric hymn to Demeter, v. 154,
where we read in our texts ἀμύμονος
Εὐμόλπον, but the epithet mentioned by
Pausanias occurs in the following line,
being there applied to Celeus, πατρὸς
ἀγήνορος. In the text used by Pausa-
nias the epithets were perhaps trans-:
posed. Eumolpus is not mentioned at
all in the Iliad or the Odyssey.

19. ᾿Ελευσινίοις μάχης: the legend-
ary war between Athens and Eleusis
probably had its basis in fact. The
usual tradition is that the general of
the Eleusinians was Eumolpus (‘Thuc.
2,19; Plat. Menex. p. 2398; Isoc. 4,
68; 12, 198; Lyc. c. Leocr. 98) and
that he was slain by Erechtheus (Apol-
lod. 3, 15, 4; Schol. Eur. Phoen. 854).
Pausanias asserts here and elsewhere
(1, 5,2; 1, 27, 4) that not Eumolpus
but his son Immaradus was slain by
Erechtheus. — 25. “Ὅμηρος: our text
of the hymn to Demeter mentions

30

36

᾿ ELEUSIS 187

Ch. 38, 5
Εὐμόλπου Κήρνξ νεώτερος λείπεται τῶν παίδων, ὃν αὐτοὶ

Κήρυκες θυγατρὸς Κέκροπος ᾿Αγλαύρου καὶ Ἑρμοῦ παῖδα
εἶναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ Ἐὐμόλπου.
Ἔστι δὲ Ἱπποθόωντος ἡρῷον, ad’ οὗ τὴν φυλὴν ὀνομάζουσι,
Ἁ ’ , a“ A \ 3 ,
καὶ πλησίον Ζάρηκος. τοῦτον μαθεῖν παρὰ ᾿Απόλλωνι pov-
, 3 Ἁ Ν , Ν 3 , 3 Ν “Ὁ
σικήν φασιν, ἐγὼ δὲ ξένον μὲν ἀφικόμενον ἐς τὴν γὴν Λακε-
, 4 9 A N , 3 “Ὁ Ἅ ’
δαιμόνιόν τε εἶναι δοκῶ καὶ Ζάρακα ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ πόλιν
ἀπὸ τούτου πρὸς θαλάσσῃ καλεῖσθαι: εἰ δέ τις Ζάρηξ ἐπι-
, Ἂθ , 4 Se 3 95 Ἄν x , ea δὲ
χώριος ᾿Αθηναίοις ἥρως, οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὸν ἔχω λέγειν. ---- ῥεῖ δὲ
Κηφισὸς πρὸς ᾿Ελευσῖνι βιαιότερον παρεχόμενος τοῦ προτέ-
ρου ῥεῦμα: καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καλοῦσιν ᾿Ερινεόν, λέγοντες τὸν
4 9 9 Ν , Ὁ ’ ἃ
Πλούτωνα ore ἡρπασε τὴν Κόρην καταβῆναι ταύτῃ. πρὸς
τούτῳ τῷ Κηφισῷ λῃστὴν Πολυπήμονα ὄνομα, Προκρούστην

four daughters of Celeus, as follows:
Καλλιδίκη καὶ Κλεισιδίκη Δημώ τ᾽ ἐρόεσσα
Καλλιθόη θ᾽, ἣ τῶν προγενεστάτη Fev
ἁπάσεων (vv. 106 sqq.). Various expla-
nations have been given of the utter
inconsistency. It would seem that Pau-
Sanias’s text differed from ours, or
that the text of Pausanias is errone-
ous, or that Pausanias through inad-
vertence said Homer when he meant
possibly Orpheus or some other poet.
—27. Kfpv€: other traditions are to
the effect that Ceryx was by Hermes
a son of Herse (C.1I.G. 6280) or Pan-
drosus (Pollux, 8, 103; Schol. Hom. 1].
A, 334), the other daughters of Cecrops.
See J. Toépffer, Attische Genealogie,
pp. 80-92.

80. Ἱπποθόωντος ἧρῷον : cf. 1, 5, 2;
1, 39,8. His shrine is mentioned by
Hesychius (s.v. ἹἹπποθοώντειον) and by
Steph. Byz. (8.v. Ζάρηξ), who here cop-
ies Pausanias.

36. Κηφισὸς πρὸς ᾿Ελευσῖνι : the
Eleusinian Cephisus risesin Mt. Cithae-

ron, near Eleutherae, and flows into
the sea a little to the east of Eleusis.
For most of the year the bed of the
stream is almost dry, but occasionally
it is filled with a violent torrent, which
overflows its banks and devastates the
plain. Dem. 54, 28, p. 1279, speaks of
the havoc wrought by these destruc-
tive floods. Hadrian caused an embank-
ment to be raised for the protection of
Eleusis (Eusebius, Chron. 2, p. 166,
ed. Schéne). — 37. ‘Epuvedv: see Plat.
Theaet. Ὁ. 1438, where Euclides escorts
the sick and wounded Theaetetus from
the port of Megara as far as Erineus
on the road to Athens, a distance of
about fourteen miles. — 39. λῃστὴν Πο-
Avrfpova ὄνομα, IIpoxpovorny: Ovid
(Met. 7, 438) also names the Cephisus
as the dwelling-place of Procrustes, but
Plutarch (Thes. 11) and Diodorus (4,
59) locate the hold of the robber at
Hermes or Herrnus on Mt. Corydal-
lus. The famous story of the beds of
Procrustes is given by Apollodorus

188

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 38, 6

9
40 δὲ ἐπίκλησιν, Θησεὺς ἀπέκτεινεν. ᾿Ελευσινίοις δὲ ἔστι μὲν

45

Τριπτολέμον ναός, ἔστι δὲ Προπυλαίας ᾿Αρτέμιδος καὶ Πο-

σειδῶνος Πατρὸς φρέαρ τε καλούμενον Καλλίχορον, ἔνθα

πρῶτον ᾿Ελευσινίων ai γυναῖκες χορὸν ἔστησαν καὶ ἦσαν ἐς
᾿ , 2 ὧν , κ᾿ ἔπη 7 A Ἂ 2

τὴν θεόν. τό δὲ πεδίον τὸ Ῥάριον σπαρῆναι πρῶτον λέγουσι

Ν ΄ΝΝ 9 »μ rd Ἁ 4 “~ 4 »Ὁ“. 9 4 ΄Ν
και πρωτον αὐξῆσαι KQ@p7rous, Και διὰ TOUTO ovAats ἐξ αὐυτον

A , Ν “~ 4 3 ΝΑ , ‘4
χρῆσθαί σφισι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι πέμματα ἐς τὰς θυσίας καθέ.
στηκεν. ἐνταῦθα ἅλως καλουμένη Τριπτολέμου καὶ βωμὸς

(Epitoma Vat., ed. R. Wagner, pp.
δά sq.).

40. ᾿Ελευσινίοις: Eleusis, now known
as Levsina, a town of about twelve thou-
sand inhabitants, is situated near the
southwestcorner of the Thriasian plain,
at the east end of a low rocky hill a
mile long, which runs parallel to the
seashore at a distance of a few hun-
dred yards. The ridge of the hill was
the acropolis of Eleusis; the town lay
on the level ground at its foot. The
remains of the sanctuary of Demeter
are at the eastern foot of the hill. Here
the rock has been leveled to form an
artificial terrace, on which the group
of buildings which composed the sanc-
tuary was placed. The site has been
completely excavated by the Greek
Archaeological Society, 1882-1887. In
the Homeric hymn to Demeter (vv. 270
sqq.) the goddess bids the people of
Eleusis build her a great temple and al-
tar. The old temple was burned by the
Persians in 480 or 479 B.c. (Hdt. 9, 65).
The new sanctuary was built or at
least begun under Pericles, and Strabo
(9, p. 395) and Vitruvius (7, praef. 16)
name Ictinus as the architect. Plu-
tarch (Pericles, 13) inentions Pericles’s
part, but ascribes the work to other

architects. The building ranked in
antiquity among the finest examples
of temple architecture. ‘The site of the
temple of Triptolemus mentioned by
Pausanias is altogether uncertain. —
41. ναός : this is, with great probabil-
ity, conjectured to be the small temple
whose foundations are preserved about
thirty paces northeast of the Great
Propylaea. It consists of a cella with
two porticoes, having two Doric col-
umns between antae.—42. φρέαρ re
καλούμενον KadAlxopov: the well, Cal-
lichorum, is mentioned in the Homeric
hymn to Demeter (vv. 270 sqq.). It
was discovered in 1892 just south of the
Great Propylaea. Solemn oaths were
sworn by women beside the well (see
Alciphr. 8, 69).— 44. τὸ δὲ πεδίον τὸ
Ῥάριον: see Homeric hymn to De-
meter (vv. 450 sqq.) concerning the
Rharian plain, which lay waste and
leafless while Persephone was under
ground, but became abundantly fertile
with the return of spring. The exact
situation is not known. The name of
the plain is from Rharus, father or
grandfather of Triptolemus, who had
received Demeter hospitably on her
wanderings in search of Persephone.
Cf. Suidas s.v. ‘Paplas. ΄

ELEUTHERAE

Ch. 38, 9

189

a “~ A A »
δείκνυται. τὰ δὲ ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους τοῦ ἱεροῦ τό τε ὄνειρον 7

9 “, vd ‘ ζω, 9 “ e , , ¥
ἀπεῖπε γράφειν, Kat τοῖς ov τελεσθεῖσιν, ὁπόσων θέας εἴργον-

δ0 ται, δῆλα δήπου μηδὲ πυθέσθαι μετεῖναί σφισιν. ᾿Ελευσῖνα

δὲ bd 94> Δ \ , 3 , ε Ve A “δ
ἐ Npwa, ap ov τὴν πόλιν ὀνομάζουσιν, οἱ μὲν ᾿Ερμοῦ παῖδα

εἶναι καὶ Δαείρας ᾽Ωκεανοῦ θυγατρὸς λέγουσι, τοῖς δέ ἐστι

, ¥ 9 , 9 A ε δ 9 A
πεποιημένα Ὥγυγον εἶναι πατέρα Edevowt: ot yap ἀρχαῖοι

A ’ 9 4 , , 9 “A ¥ ᾽ὔ
τῶν λόγων ate οὐ προσόντων σφίσιν ἐπῶν ἀλλα τε πλάσα-

65 σθαι δεδώκασι καὶ μάλιστα ἐς τὰ γένη τῶν ἡρώων.

9 , 3 “~ , 9 NAN “A y 9
Ex δὲ *EXevoivos τραπομένοις ἐπὶ Βοιωτῶν ἔστιν ὅμορος

᾿Αθηναίοις ἡ Πλαταιΐς. πρότερον μὲν yap ᾿Ἐλευθερεῦσιν ὅροι

πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἦσαν: προσχωρησάντων δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις

’ ν » ’ e , 9 4
TOUTWV, OVTWS non Βοιωτίας o Κιθαιρών ἐστιν OPOS. προσε-

.00 χώρησαν δὲ ᾿Ελευθερεῖς οὐ πολέμῳ βιασθέντες, ἀλλὰ πολι-

65

4 3 ’ Ν» ’ Ἁ ϑν Ἁ
τείας τε ἐπιθυμήσαντες παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ κατ᾽ ἔχθος τὸ

id 3 [4 “~ ’ , 3 ’ ‘ ‘
Θηβαίων. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πεδίῳ ναός ἐστι Διονύσου, καὶ τὸ

’ 9 ΄““Ν 9 ,’ 3 ’ Ν 3 “A Ν \ 3
ξόανον ἐντεῦθεν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐκομίσθη τὸ ἀρχαῖον: τὸ δὲ ἐν

᾿Ελευθεραῖς (τὸν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐς μίμησιν ἐκείνου πεποίηται.

> la \ 93 ‘4 ’ ’
ἀπωτέρω δὲ ὀλίγον σπήλαιόν

48. τὰ δὲ ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους τοῦ ἱεροῦ:
τεῖχος as usual designatesa fortification-
wall, which, as the excavations have
shown, surrounded the sacred precinct.
— 50. "Edevotva δὲ ἥρωα : another form
of the name is Eleusinus (Harpocr. and
Suid. 8.v.’EXevoina). According to one
legend Eleusis, or Eleusinus, was the
king who received Demeter when she
came to the city in search of her daugh-
ter, but in the common legend it was Ce-
leus who received Demeter. See Hom.
Hymn to Dem. vv. 96 sqq.; Paus. 1, 39,
6; Schol. Ar. Eq. 698.

57. ὅροι: from Eleusis the road to
Eleutherae, which is at the same time
the highroad from Athens to Thebes,
goes northwest across the plain. The

3 9 ’ Ἁ 3 9.
€OTLY OU μέγα, Και, παρ QuTO

gray walls and towers of Eleutherae
are at the entrance of the pass over
Mt. Cithaeron. The ruins of Eleuthe-
rae are important as one of the finest
extantspecimens of Greek fortification.
Both Strabo (9, pp. 411 sqq.) and Pau-
sanias (here, and 9, 1, 1, 6) represent
Eleutherae as the frontier town of At-
tica and immediately adjoining Plataea
in Boeotia. Eleutherae claimed to be
the birthplace of Dionysus and to
have been founded and named by
him (Diod. 8, 66, 1; 4, 2, 6). Here
tradition placed the graves of Argives
slain in the war of the Seven against
Thebes (Eur. Suppl. 756-759; Plut.
Thes. 29). — 62. ναός. . . Διονύσου:
see 1, 20, 3 and note.

190

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 39,1

ν ‘\ ~~ 4 \ 9 \ Ν, La e 95

ὕδατος πηγὴ ψυχροῦ. λέγεται δὲ ἐς μὲν TO σπήλαιον ὡς ᾽Αντι-
ὄπη τεκοῦσα κατάθοιτο ἐς αὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας, περὶ δὲ τῆς πη-
γῆς τὸν ποιμένα εὑρόντα τοὺς παῖδας ἐνταῦθα σφᾶς λοῦσαι

A ἱπολύ iD L ᾿Ελευθερῶν δὲ ἦν μὲ
πρωτον ἀπολύσαντα των σπαργάνων. ευθερων O€ ἣν μὲν

¥ κι , > de Ἁ 3 ω 9 ’ ᾿ ὃ 7X de , 3 N
70 €TL TOV TELXYOUS, NV OE και OLKLWY ἐβέιπια YAN OE TOVTOLS COTE

’ 3 ‘4 ε Ν A , N ΜᾺ A 9 A
πόλις ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ τοῦ πεδίον πρὸς τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι οἰκισθεῖσα.

Ἑτέρα δὲ ὁδὸς ἐξ Ἐλευσῖνος πρὸς Μέγαρα ἄγει: ταύτην
> , \ eQa , 2 ΟΝ ¥ Ἵ ,
ἐρχομένοις τὴν ὁδὸν φρέαρ ἐστὶν Ανθιον καλούμενον.

ἐποίησε δὲ Πάμφως ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ φρέατι καθῆσθαι Δήμητρα

Ν Ν ε ‘N A δ » 95 ’ 3 ΄» A
μετὰ THY ἁρπαγὴν τῆς παιδὸς ypat εἰκασμένην ἐντεῦθεν δὲ

> AN 9 A 9 ? e oN “A ; 2 A a
αὐτὴν ἅτε γυναῖκα Apyeiav ὑπὸ τῶν θυγατέρων τῶν Κελεοῦ

~ δ ‘ , 4 ε Ν , 9
κομισθῆναι Tapa THY μητέρα Kal οἱ τὴν Μετάνειραν οὕτω

A ων Ν Ἁ > id
πιστεῦσαι τοῦ παιδὸς THY ἀνατροφήν.

9 ld Q\ 9 4
ὀλίγῳ δὲ ἀπωτέρω

~ , e Α id 3 N AN 3 9 ἃ , A
τοῦ φρέατος ἱερὸν Meraveipas ἐστι καὶ per αὐτὸ τάφοι τῶν

66. πηγή: ἃ copious spring at the
western foot of the hill of Eleutherae

is usually identified as this spring, in.

which the twin babes Amphion and
Zethus were washed by the shepherd
who had found them in the neighbor-
ing cave. For the legend of Antiope,
see Paus. 2, 6, 1-4; Apollod. 3, 5, 5;
Dio Chrys. Or. 15, p. 261.

39. Antiquities on the road from
Eleusis to Megara — The spring An-
thius — Sanctuary of Metanira —
Graves of those slain before Thebes —
Alope and Cercyon — Theseus— Myth-
ical history of Megara.

1. “Ἑτέρα δὲ ὁδὸς : the distance from
Eleusis to Megara by road or railway
is about fourteen miles. After passing
along the low ridge which terminated
in the acropolis of Eleusis, the road
skirts the shore for the rest of the way.
From two pointed summits of Mt. Ci-
thaeron known as Mt. Cerata, or ‘‘ the
horns,’’ a chain of hills advancing

southward one third of the way from
Eleusis formed the boundary between
Attica and the territory of Megara
(Strabo, 9, p. 395; Diod. 18, 65; Plut.
Them. 1).—2. φρέαρ... ἔΑνθιον xa-
Aovpevov: this is perhaps the spring
now called Vlika, one and one half
miles west of Eleusis. The Flowery
Well is doubtless the Παρθένιον φρέαρ
(Hom. Hymn to Dem. vv. 98 sqq.), be-
side which the goddess sat, sad at heart,
underneath an olive-tree. The stone
on which Demeter sat was known as
ἀγέλαστος πέτρα (Schol. Ar. Eq. 785;
Apollod. 1, 5, 1; Hesych. s.v.). Pau-
sanias places the meeting of the god-
dess outside the city, not at the well
Callichorum in the city, as some wri-
ters supposed (see 1, 38, 6, note).

8. ἱερὸν Meravelpas: on Metanira
see Hom. Hymn to Dem. 161 and 206;
Nonn. 19, 82; Apollod. 1, ὅ, 1.--- τάφοι
τῶν ἐς Θήβας : the common soldiers
of the Argive army under the Seven

2

ROAD TO MEGARA 191

oe 3: ᾽: ,
ἐς Θηβας (σταλέντων).

10 Θήβαις Λαοδάμαντα ἐπιτροπεύων τὸν ᾿Ετεοκλέους, οὐ πα-
ρῆκε τοῖς προσήκουσιν ἀνελομένοις θάψαι: ἱκετεύσαντος δὲ
9 , ,’ Ἁ ld 3 4 ld “
Αδράστου Θησέα καὶ μάχης ᾿Αθηναίων γενομένης πρὸς
Βοιωτούς, Θησεὺς ὡς ἐκράτησε τῇ μάχῃ κομίσας ἐς τὴν
᾿Ἐλευσινίαν τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐνταῦθα ἔθαψε. Θηβαῖοι δὲ τὴν
9 ld ~“ A“ ‘4 3 A ΜᾺ Ν 4

15 ἀναίρεσιν τῶν νεκρῶν λέγουσιν ἐθελονταὶ δοῦναι καὶ συνά-

4 » Ν QA “~ 9 ’ ‘ ,

Wat μάχην ov daci.— pera δὲ τῶν ᾿Αργείων τοὺς τάφους 8
9 Nay 7 a ἃ A ε "Oe 3 A
ἐστὶν ᾿Αλόπης μνῆμα, ἣν τεκοῦσαν Ἱπποθόωντα ἐκ Ποσειδῶ-

Κρέων γάρ, ὃς ἐδυνάστευε τότε ἐν

9 “59 A , e A A Q , Φ
νος ἀποθανεῖν ἐνταῦθά φασιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς Κερκνόνος. εἶναι
δὲ ε Q v4 . Q » » 9 \ a Q
ὁ Κερκυὼν λέγεται καὶ τὰ ἀλλα ἄδικος ἐς τοὺς ξένους καὶ
’ 4 id \ e »’᾽ 4. id Q
20 παλαίειν ov βουλομένοις: καὶ ὁ τόπος OVTOS παλαίστρα Kat
9 9 Q 9 ἴω ’᾽ 4 id ἴων ᾽ ἴω 9 ’
ἐς ἐμὲ ἐκαλεῖτο Κερκνόνος, ὀλίγον τοῦ τάφου τῆς Αλόπης
9 la 4 x € . Α o 9 o
ἀπέχων. λέγεται δὲ ὁ Κερκυὼν τοὺς καταστάντας ἐς πάλην
διαφθεῖραι πλὴν Θησέως, Θησεὺς δὲ κατεπάλαισεν αὐτὸν σο-
φί Α λ , : λ \ \ 4 4 N “Aw
ia τὸ πλέον: παλαιστικὴν yap τέχνην εὕρε Θησεὺς πρῶτος
Q a ’ ν 9 9 | ’᾽ o a,
25 Kal πάλης κατέστη ὕστερον aT ἐκείνου διδασκαλία. πρότε-
ρον δὲ ἐχρῶντο μεγέθει μόνον καὶ ῥώμῃ πρὸς τὰς πάλας.
Τοσαῦτα κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμὴν ᾿Αθηναίοις γνωριμώτατα

ἦν ev τε λόγοις και θεωρήμασιν, ἀπέκρινε δὲ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ποὰ-
λῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὃ λόγος μοι τὰ ἐς συγγραφὴ ν ἀνήκοντα.

against Thebes were buried at Eleuthe- ᾿Αλόπη). Hippothoon gave his name

rae (Eur. Suppl. 756-759; Plut. Thes.
29), but the generals were buried near
Eleusis (Plut. Thes. 29). Euripides
(Suppl. 634 sqq.) tells the story of The-
seus compelling the Thebans by force
of arms to give up the Argive dead for
burial, but Plutarch (l.c.) follows the
story acceptable to the Thebans, that it
was by persuasion.

17. ᾿Αλόπης μνῆμα: see Hyg. Fab.
187 for the story of Alope and Hippo-
thoon. It was the theme of one of
Euripides’s tragedies (Harpocr. s8.v.

to an Attic tribe (1, 5,2; 1, 38,4). Po-
seidon turned Alope at her death into
a spring named for her (Hyg. l.c.),
which was at Eleusis (Hesych. 8.v.

᾿Αλόπη). ---- 24. παλαιστικὴν γὰρ τέχνην

εὗρε Θησεύς : according to Polemo the
Athenian Phorbas, the trainer of The-
seus, invented the art of wrestling;
but Ister, whom Pausanias perhaps
followed, ascribed the invention to The-
seus himself (Schol. Pind. Nem. 5, 89).
— 27. Τοσαῦτα. . . ἀνήκοντα : at this
point ends the description of Attica,

30

35

40

45

192 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 39, 4

Ἐλευσῖνι δὲ ἤδη πλησιόχωρος (jy καλουμένη Meyapis: 4

a 9 a A
τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ἦν καὶ αὕτη τὸ ἀρχαῖον, Πύλα τοῦ βασιλέως
, δί , ὃ , , Vd
καταλιπόντος Πανδίονι. μαρτύρια δέ μοι τάφος τε Πανδίο-
νος ἐν τῇ γῇ καὶ Νῖσος Αἰγεῖ μὲν πρεσβυτάτῳ τοῦ παντὸς
, 4 .3 θ , Ν 9. δὲ ,
γένους παραχωρῆσας Αθηναίων ἄρχειν, avTos 0€ Μεγάρων
A A » ,’ θ , >: θ ,’ ’ ’ »
καὶ τῆς ἄχρι Κορίνθον βασιλεύειν ἀξιωθείς - Νίσαιά τε ἔτι
N “~ io) 9. » > 3 9 ΄΄ “" ’ δ
καὶ νῦν Μεγαρεῦσιν ἐπίνειον ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καλεῖται. Κόδρον δὲ
9 , ’ 9 39 ? ,’
ὕστερον βασιλεύοντος στρατεύουσιν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας Πελοποννή-
XN ε δὲ 3 ὃ , δ 3 , 9. »9
σιοι- καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἀποδειξάμενοι λαμπρὸν ἐκομίζοντο ὀπίσω,
Μέγαρα ᾿Αθηναίων ἑλόντες Κορινθίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμά-
χων τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἔδωκαν οἰκῆσαι. Μεγαρεῖς μὲν οὕτως
ἔθη καὶ φωνὴν μεταβαλόντες Δωριεῖς γεγόνασι, κληθῆναι δὲ
9 ‘ 4 Ν 9. 4 “ ’ 3 ~ “~
οὕτω τὴν πόλιν φασὶν ἐπὶ Καρὸς tov Φορωνέως ἐν TH γῇῃ
ταύτῃ βασιλεύοντος: τότε πρῶτον λέγουσιν ἱερὰ γενέσθαι
Δήμητρος αὐτοῖς, τότε ἀνθρώπους ὀνομάσαι Μέγαρα. οὕτω
\ 9 ἃ ἃ “A a , Ν N 3
μὲν αὐτοὶ περὶ σφῶν Μεγαρεῖς λέγουσι: Βοιωτοὶ δὲ ἐν
Ὀγχηστῷ Μεγαρέα τὸν Ποσειδῶνος οἰκοῦντα ἀφικέσθαι
ἴω “ , Ν ἃ ’ 4
στρατιᾷ Βοιωτῶν φασι Νίσῳ τὸν -πρὸς Μίνω πόλεμον συν-
διοίσοντα, πεσόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ταφῆναί τε αὐτοῦ

and there follows up to the close of the
book the description of Megara (ἡ Meya-
ρικὴ συγγραφή, 2, 19, 8; ἡ συγγραφὴ ἡ
Μεγαρίς, 9, 19, 2).

31. τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ἦν καὶ αὕτη κτλ.:
cf. 1, 42, 2. Pausanias here sides with
the Attic tradition, so that the whole
section is a polemic against the domes-
tic Megarian tradition. The proof that
Megara originally belonged to Attica
is not given, for the statement that the
Megarian king Pylas left the land to
the Athenian Pandion merely indi-
cates that Megara was for a time gov-
erned by Attic princes. Strabo (9, p.
392) also maintains that Attica and Me-

gara originally belonged together, but

‘he presents better evidence than Pausa-

nias. — 32. τάφος... . Πανδίονος : see
1, 5, 3;. 1, 41, 6. —36. Κόδρον. . . Ba-
σιλεύοντος στρατεύουσιν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας
Πελοποννήσιοι: Hdt. 5, 76, and Stra-
bo, 9, p. 393, agree with Pausanias’s
account of the conquest of Megara by
the Dorians.

46. Meyapéa: the paternity of Me-
gareus is in dispute. Hyg. Fab. 157
says he was a son of Poseidon by Oe-
nope, daughter of Epopeus; Apollod.
3, 15, 8, that he was a son of Hippo-
mgnes and came from Onchestus to
help Nisus, but was killed by Minos;

MEGARA

Ch. 40, 1

193

N o , ’ ” 3 “ 4 id ,
Kal τῇ πόλει Μέγαρα ὄνομα ἀπὸ τούτου γενέσθαι, πρότερον

δ0 Νίσᾳ καλουμένῃ. δωδεκάτῃ δὲ ὕστερον μετὰ Κᾶρα τὸν Φορω-

νέως γενεᾷ λέγουσιν οἱ Μεγαρεῖς Λέλεγα ἀφικόμενον ἐξ

Αἰγύπτου βασιλεῦσαι καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους κληθῆναι Λέλε-

yas ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ: Κλήσωνος δὲ τοῦ Λέλεγος γενέ

σθαι Πύλαν, τοὺ Πύλα δὲ Σκίρωνα: τοῦτον συνοικῆσαι

55 Πανδίονος θυγατρί, καὶ ὕστερον Νίσῳ τῷ Πανδίονος ἐς
3 , 9 “ Ν ~ 9 ~ , ’

ἀμφισβήτησιν ἐλθεῖν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς [Σκίρωνα] καί σφισιν
Αἰακὸν δικάσαι, βασιλείαν μὲν διδόντα Νίσῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀπο-

γόνοις, Σκίρωνι δὲ ἡγεμονίαν εἶναι πολέμου.

Μεγαρέα δὲ

τὸν Ποσειδῶνος θυγατρὶ Νίσον συνοικήσαντα ᾿Ιφινόῃ diade-

60 ξασθαι τὴν τοῦ Νίσον φασὶν ἀρχήν: τὸν δὲ Κρητικὸν πόλε-
N ‘ > ἃ a , 9 ~~ ’

μον καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Νίσου βασιλεύοντος ἀλωσιν τῆς πόλεως

οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν εἰδέναι.

Ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει κρήνη ἣν σφισιν φκοδόμησε

Steph. Byz. s.v. Μέγαρα, that he was
a son of Apollo; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 16,
that he was a son of Onchestus.

51. Δέλεγα ἀφικόμενον ἐξ Αἰγύπτον
βασιλεῦσαι: οἵ. 1, 44, 3. Hence Ovid
speaks of ‘‘the Lelegian Walls’’ and
‘*the Lelegian shores’’ of Megaris(Met.
7, 443 8, 6). Acolony of Leleges from
Megara, led by Pylus son of Cleson,
was said to have founded Pylus in Mes-
senia (4, 36, 1).—54. Zklpwva: the Athe-
nians represented Sciron as a murderer
and robber slain by Theseus (1, 3, 1;
1, 44, 8). Megarian writers, on the
contrary, assert that he was an excel-
lent man, the friend of the good and
the foe of the bad (Plut. Thes. 10).
He made the highroad from Megara to
the Isthmus of Corinth (1, 44, 6). The
Athenians distinguished between Sci-
ron the robber and Scirus an early set-
tler of Salamis, but the Megarians

identified them (see 1, 35, 2, note;
Plut. l.c.; Harpocr. s.v. Zxlpov). The
Megarians admitted that he was slain
by Theseus, not however when he was
robber-hunting, but when he wrested
Eleusis from the Megarians (Put. l.c.;
Paus. 1, 36, 4).

40. Spring of Theagenes — Sithni-
dian Nymphs — Images of Roman Em-
perors, of Artemis Soteira, and of the
Twelve Gods — Olympieum with temple
of Zeus — Statue of Zeus by Theocosmus
— Contests of Megarians and Atheni-
ans over Salamis — Antiquities on the
Acropolis — Caria.

1. "Hore δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει κρήνη: the
modern town of Megara occupies the
site and preserves the name of the an-
cient city. It is on the slopes of a hill
with a double summit, about one and
one half miles from the sea. The plain
about Megara is six or seven miles long

6

pod

10

15

194 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

᾿ Ch. 40, 2
, ’ 3 ’, ,
Θεαγένης, οὗ καὶ πρότερον τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην θυγατέρα αὐ-
4 ’ Κ aX "AO id 4 ε Θ ‘4 ,
Tov συνοικίσαι Κύλωνι ᾿Αθηναίῳ. οὗτος ὁ Θεαγένης τυραννή-

9 ’᾽ \ , ld 9 N ‘4 N
σας φκοδόμησε THY κρήνην μεγέθους ἕνεκα καὶ κόσμον Kal
9 Ν, A “A , a 3 , 9 3 > AN en
és τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κιόνων θέας ἀξίαν. καὶ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτὴν ῥεῖ
καλούμενον Σιθνίδων νυμφῶν. τὰς δὲ Σιθνίδας νύμφας λέ
γουσι Μεγαρεῖς εἶναι μέν σφισιν ἐπιχωρίας, μιᾷ δὲ αὐτῶν

N ’ [4 , , A ¥” Q
[θυγατρὶ] συγγενέσθαι Δία, Méyapdv τε παῖδα ὄντα Διὸς

‘ , Q N ’ 3 “ Ν > ἃ ’ ’

καὶ ταύτης δὴ τὴς νύμφης ἐκφυγεῖν τὴν ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνός ποτε
9 ’ 9 a ‘ δ . » A , 9 ¥
ἐπομβρίαν, ἐκφυγεῖν δὲ πρὸς τὰ ἄκρα τῆς T'epavias, οὐκ ἔχον-
TOS πω τοῦ ὄρους τὸ ὄνομα τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ --- νήχεσθαι γὰρ πε-
τομένων γεράνων πρὸς τὴν βοὴν τῶν ὀρνίθων αὐτόν ---- διὰ
τῆς δὲ κρήνης οὐ
ae 4 [4 > a? 3 e , 3 3 \ > 493 ε ἴων
πόρρω ταύτης ἀρχαῖόν ἐστιν ἱερόν, εἰκόνες δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν

ἴω ’ 4 ν 9 ΜᾺ
τοῦτο Γερανίαν τὸ ὄρος ὀνομασθῆγαι.

ἑστᾶσιν ἐν αὐτῷ βασιλέων Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἄγαλμα [τε] κεῖ
μ γαλμα [τε] κεῖται

by as many wide, and is inclosed by
hills except toward the sea. Of the
two -citadels mentioned by Pausanias
(1, 40, 6; 1, 42, 1), the eastern and
lower hill was doubtless the acropolis
called Caria, the higher western hill was
the Acropolis of Alcathous. The an-
cient remains are extremely scanty.
Megara was noted in antiquity for the
size of its private houses and the
massive style of its public buildings
(Isocr. de Pace, 117).—2. Θεαγένης
... θυγατέρα... Κύλωνι: see 1, 28,
1.— 5. ὕδωρ. . . Σιθνίδων νυμφῶν:
an aqueduct, half a mile north of
the western hill, furnishing a copious
supply of water, may be the water of
the Sithnidian nymphs. (Baedeker,
Greece’, p. 153.) —10. πρὸς τὰ ἄκρα τῆς
Tepavias: see for similar explanation
of the name Gerania, Etymol. Magn.
p. 228, s.v. Γεράνεια. It probably origi-
nated in the work of a native Mega-

rian named Dieuchidas, who began his
history of Megara at the point where
Hellanicus’s work on Deucalion’s flood
left off. (See Frag. Hist. Gr., ed. Miil-
ler, IV, 388.) Mt. Gerania is the
range of mountains traversing Mega- _
ris from sea to sea, and forming a
natural boundary between Central
Greece and Peloponnesus. The high-
est summit is four thousand five hun-
dred feet above the sea-level. The
region is very wild, with only three
passes across the mountain, all of which
are difficult. The railway passes over
the third along the sea-clifis of the
southern coast.

14. εἰκόνες : many of the inscriptions
carved on the pedestals have been
found, with the names of Julius Cae-
sar, Augustus, Tiberius, Nero, Hadrian,
Marcus Aurelius, Caracalla, and Galli-
enus; Hadrian, as a benefactor of Me-
gara, was especially popular. See

MEGARA

Ch. 40, 4

χαλκοῦν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐπίκλησιν Σωτείρας.

195

φασὶ δὲ ἄνδρας

A ’ ~ ld Ἁ ’ 93
τοῦ Μαρδονίου στρατοῦ καταδραμόντας τὴν Μεγαρίδα ἀπο-
A 3 4 3 4 Ν ,’ 9 ’ [4 A
χωρεῖν és Θήβας ὀπίσω παρὰ Μαρδόνιον ἐθέλειν, γνώμῃ δὲ
᾿Αρτέμιδος νύκτα τε ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐπιγενέσθαι καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ
σφᾶς ἁμαρτόντας ἐς τὴν ὀρεινὴν τραπέσθαι τῆς χώρας. πει-
ρωμένους δὲ εἰ στράτευμα ἐγγὺς εἴη πολέμιον ἀφιέναι τῶν
“ N Ν ’ [4 ’ id Ἁ
βελῶν, καὶ τὴν πλησίον πέτραν στένειν βαλλομένην, τοὺς
δὲ αὖθις τοξεύειν προθυμίᾳ πλέονι. τέλος δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναλω-
θῆναι τοὺς ὀιστοὺς ἐς ἄνδρας πολεμίους τοξεύειν νομίζουσιν"
ld μ
ἡμέρα τε ὑπεφαίνετο καὶ of Μεγαρεῖς ἐπήεσαν, μαχόμενοι δὲ
e ~ Ἁ 9 ’ N 9 Ν ~ 9 ῪΝ Ἵν a
ὁπλῖται πρὸς ἀνόπλους καὶ οὐδὲ βελῶν εὐποροῦντας ἔτι hovev-
ϑ. “ἡ δ 4 \X 9 AN ~ r » .
ουσιν αὐτῶν τοὺς ToANOUS: Kal ἐπὶ τῷδε Σωτείρας ἄγαλμα
9 - 3 (4 9 ~ N ~ ’ 9
ἐποιήσαντο ᾿Αρτέμιδος. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τῶν δώδεκα ὀνομαζο-
, A 9 ΞΕ: ν > , ,
μένων θεῶν ἐστιν ἀγάλματα ἔργα εἶναι λεγόμενα Πραξιτέ-
λους. τὴν δὲ Αρτεμιν αὐτὴν Στρογγυλίων ἐποίησε.
‘ A 3 δ aA \ , 9 aA ,
Mera ταῦτα ἐς τὸ τοῦ Διὸς τέμενος ἐσελθοῦσι καλούμενον
Ὀλυμπιεῖον ναός ἐστι θέας ἄξιος: τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα οὐκ ἐξειρ-
A ?
γάσθη τοῦ Διός, ἐπιλαβόντος Tov Πελοποννησίων πολέμου

“ 3 ’ 9 Ὄ \ ‘ 9 N ~ » ‘\ o
πρβος Αθηναίους, εν @ Και ναῦσιν GVA πᾶν ETOS Και στβατῳ

C.1.G.G.S8. 62, 63, 65-81, 8491. --- 17.
καταδραμόντας τὴν Μεγαρίδα : this took
place near Pagae (1, 44, 4). Herodotus
(9, 14) tells how Mardonius advanced
against Megara and his army ravaged
the Megarian territory. Theognis (v.
775) attributed to Apollo the deliver-
ance of the city.

27. Σωτείρας ἄγαλμα: this image was
by Strongylion (§ 3), and a replica of
it was at Pagae (1, 44, 4). Coins of the
two cities give an identical type of
Artemis, which may therefore be that
of this statue. See Imhoof-Blumer and
Gardner, Numism. Comm. on Paus.
pp. 4, 8sq., with pl. A, i.—30. Τραξι-

τέλονς : archaeologists who believe in
two sculptors named Praxiteles (see 1,
2,4, note) attribute these images to the
elder Praxiteles. This seems to Fra-
zer (note ].c.) and others a gratuitous
and baseless assumption. Pausanias
mentions other statues by Praxiteles
at Megara (1, 48, ὃ and 6; 1, 44, 2).
If there were two sculptors of this
name and works of both were here,
why did not Pausanias distinguish be-
tween them as between the elder and
the younger Polyclitus (6, 6, 2)?

31. ἐς τὸ τοῦ Διὸς τέμενος : this pre-
cinct wassituated in the saddle between
the two hills, near the northwest foot

4

35

40

45

50

196 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

4 ~ 9 “Ὁ \ t 4 aman
φθείροντες Μεγαρεῦσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὴν χώραν τά TE κοινὰ
ἐκάκωσαν καὶ ἰδίᾳ τοὺς οἴκους ἤγαγον ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον ἀσθε-

, A νι...» κι ᾿ , \ 2 ‘
νείας. τῷ δὲ ἀγάλματι Tov Διὸς πρόσωπον ἐλέφαντος καὶ
A ‘ de Ν A 3 Ν ’ Ἂς δὲ
χρυσοῦ, τὰ ὃὲ λοιπὰ πηλοῦ τέ ἐστι Kal γύψου: ποιῆσαι dE
αὐτὸ Θεόκοσμον λέγουσιν ἐπιχώριον, συνεργάσασθαι δέ
οἱ Φειδίαν. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Διός εἰσιν Ὧραι καὶ
΄“ “Ὁ \ “A N 4 , ε ΄
Μοῖραι: δῆλα δὲ πᾶσι τὴν Πεπρωμένην μόνῳ οἱ πείθεσθαι
N Q\ 4 N θ Ν ~ , 3 Ν, ὃ ’ κά θ δὲ
καὶ τὰς wpas τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον νέμειν ἐς τὸ δέον. ὄπισθε δὲ
A A “A ’ ε , “ » ε Ld
τοῦ ναοῦ κεῖται ξύλα ἡμίεργα: ταῦτα ἔμελλεν ὁ Θεόκοσμος
ἐλέφαντι καὶ χρυσῷ κοσμήσας τὸ ἄγαλμα ἐκτελέσειν τοῦ
Διός. ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ τῷ ναῷ τριήρους ἀνάκειται χαλκοῦν ἔμβο-
λον᾿
χήσαντες πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους: ὁμολογοῦσι δὲ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι

ταύτην τὴν ναῦν λαβεῖν φασι περὶ Σαλαμῖνα ναυμα-

χρόνον τινὰ Μεγαρεῦσιν ἀποστῆναι τῆς νήσου, Σόλωνα δὲ
ὑστερόν φασιν ἐλεγεῖα ποιήσαντα προτρέψαι σφᾶς, κατα-
στῆναι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν λέγουσι, κρατή-
Μεγαρεῖς δὲ
παρὰ σφῶν λέγουσιν ἄνδρας φυγάδας, οὖς Δορυκλείους

σαντες δὲ πολέμῳ Σαλαμῖνα αὖθις ἔχειν.

of the eastern acropolis. Here many _in the attitude of the Zeus at Olympia,

inscriptions have been found mention-
ing the Olympieum. See C.1G.G.S.
1-14; Mitth. VIII, 183 sq.— 35. φθεί-
povres Μεγαρεῦσιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὴν χώ-
ραν: οἵ. Thuc. 2, 31; Plut. Pericles,
30.— 37. τῷ δὲ ἀγάλματι : as to Theo-
cosmus, see also 6, 7,2; 10,9,8. The
remark about the collaboration of Phi-
dias was probably due to the similarity
of this statue with the gold and ivory
Zeus at Olympia, on which it was
closely modeled. The passage is of
interest as throwing some light on the
process of making a gold and ivory
statue. See A. S. Murray, History of
Greek Sculpture, II, 117. On coins of
Megara Zeus is represented as sitting

grasping a sceptre in his raised left
hand and holding an eagle or a Victory
in his outstretched right hand. See
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Numism.
Comm. on Paus. pp. 4s8q., with pl. A, iii.

48. Σόλωνα: this is an allusion to
the story that Solon, to arouse the
Athenians from their lethargy, com-
posed verses inciting them to engage
in the struggle once more for the pos-
session of Salamis, and, feigning mad-
ness, rushed into the market-place and
recited his verses. The people were
stirred, once more fought with Megara,
and conquered Salamis. See Plut.
Solon, 8; Dem. 19, 252; Diog. Laert.
1, 2, 46 sq.

MEGARA

Ch. 41, 1

197

9 ’ 9 id δ ‘ 3 a) ’
ὀνομάζουσιν, ἀφικομένους παρὰ τοὺς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι κληρού-

χους προδοῦναι Σαλαμῖνα ᾿Αθηναίοις.

Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διὸς τὸ τέμενος ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνελθοῦσι

καλουμένην ἀπὸ Καρὸς τοῦ Φορωνέως καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι Κα-

ρίαν, ἔστι μὲν Διονύσον ναὸς Νυκτελίον, πεποίηται δὲ ᾿Αφροδί-

της Emorpodias ἱερὸν καὶ Νυκτὸς καλούμενόν ἐστι μαντεῖον,

ἃ » ϑ A
καὶ Διὸς Koviov ναὸς οὐκ ἔχων ὄροφον. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ

Ἅ ¥ 4 ἃ 9 ON N N ε ,’ 9 ’
60 τὸ ἄγαλμα Βρύαξις καὶ αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν Ὑγείαν ἐποίησεν.

ἐνταῦθα καὶ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ καλούμενον Méyapov: ποιῆ-

σαι δὲ αὐτὸ βασιλεύοντα Kapa ἔλεγον.

9 Q A 9 ’ Νὰ 4. ον »” 4
Ex δὲ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως κατιοῦσιν; ἢ πρὸς APKTOV τέτραπται

55. ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. . . Καρίαν:
Steph. Byz. s.v. Καρία makes a similar
statement, perhaps copied from Pau-
sanias.— 57. Νυκτελίον : see Verg.
Aen. 4, 808; Ovid, Met. 4, 15. In the
nocturnal rites of Dionysus the mys-
tery of the death and resurrection of
the god seems to have been set forth.
Licentious orgies under the cloak of
these rites were put down by the
Romans. See Servius on Virgil 1.6.
-᾿ Ἀφροδίτης ‘Emorpoplas: Preller-
Robert, Gr. Myth. I, 868, interprets
᾿Επιστροφία (from ἐπιστρέφειν, to turn
towards) as meaning ‘‘she who turns
the hearts of man to love.’? The con-
verse Of Epistrophian Aphrodite was
Apostrophian Aphrodite (9, 16, 3 sq.).
There was another sanctuary of Aphro-
dite at Megara (1, 43, 6).— 58. Νυκτός:
Rohde, Psyche, 842, rem. 1, brings this
in close connection with Dionysus
Nyctelius, and recalls that Dionysus
was established at Delphi before Apol-
lo. See also Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire
de la divination dans l’antiquité, IT,
256.— 60. Βρύαξις : Bryaxis was acon-
, temporary and rival of Scopas. He

sculptured the frieze on the north side
of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus
(Pliny, N. H. 36, 30 sq.). Columella
(de re rustica, 1, praef. 31) mentions
him as one of the great masters of sculp-
ture, along with Lysippus, Praxiteles,
and Polyclitus. A considerable num-
ber of his works are known to us by
name. See Brunn, Gesch. d. gr. Kiinst-
ler, I, 888 sqq. An Asclepius by Bry-
axis is mentioned also by Pliny (N. H.
34, 73). Both Asclepius and Hygieia,
separately and jointly, appear on coins
of Megara, and the types were prob-
ably modeled after these statues of
Bryaxis. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gard-
ner, Numism. Comm. on Paus. pl. A,
vi, vii; Wroth, Jour. Hell. Stud. V,
90.— 61. τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ καλούμε-
γον Μέγαρον: for Megarian coins with
image of Demeter, see Imhoof-Blumer
and Gardner, pl. A, xii.

41. Monument of Alcmena— Rhus
— Tomb of Hyllus— Temples of Isis,
of Apollo, and of Artemis — Alcathous
and the Lion of Cithaeron — Heroum
of Pandion — Hippolyte — Tereus,
Procne, and Philomela.

198 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

N ’ ~ 4 3 3 , ,’Ὄ ~ 9 ταὶ ἘΠ 5
τὸ χωρίον, μνῆμά ἐστιν Αλκμήνης πλησίον τοῦ Ὀλυμ-
mueiov. βαδίζουσαν γὰρ ἐς Θήβας ἐξ “Apyous τελευτῆσαι

2 εν , 2 N 3 A , Ν νι ε

καθ᾽ ὁδὸν λέγουσιν αὐτὴν ἐν τοῖς Μεγάροις, καὶ τοὺς Ἧρα-
5 κλείδας ἐς ἀμφισβήτησιν ἐλθεῖν, τοὺς μὲν ἐς “Apyos ἐθέλον-
τας ὀπίσω κομίσαι τὸν νεκρὸν τῆς ᾿Αλκμήνης, τοὺς δ᾽ αὐτῶν
9 ’ “N AQ ζω] ε ’ N “~ 9 v4
és Θήβας: καὶ yap τοῖς Ἡρακλέους παισὶ τοῖς ἐκ Meydpas
τάφον εἶναι καὶ ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος ἐν Θήβαις. ὁ δὲ ἐν Δελφοῖς
θεὸς ἔχρησε θάψαι ᾿Αλκμήνην ἐν τοῖς Μεγάροις ἄμεινον
εἶναί σφισιν. ἐντεῦθεν ὁ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἡμῖν ἐξηγητὴς 2
ἡγεῖτο ἐς χωρίον Ῥοῦν ὡς ἔφασκεν ὀνομαζόμενον, ταύτῃ
γὰρ ὕδωρ ποτὲ ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν τῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν ῥυῆναι:
Θεαγένης δέ, ὃς τότε ἐτυράννει, τὸ ὕδωρ ἑτέρωσε τρέψας βω-

\ 9 , “A

kat Ὕλλον πλησίον τοῦ

10

Ἁ 3 ῪΝᾺ 9 ’ 3 ,’
μὸν ἐνταῦθα ᾿Αχελῴῳ ἐποίησε.
ε , ΝᾺ ’ 3 9 \ 93 , 3 4 “a 93 ’
Ηρακλέους μνῆμά ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ ᾿Αρκάδι ᾿Εχέμῳ τῷ ᾿Αερό-

.»ν »
που μονομαχήσαντος: καὶ ὅστις μὲν Eyewos ὧν ἀπέκτεινεν
Ὕλλον, ἑτέρωθι τοῦ λόγον δηλώσω, τέθαπται δὲ καὶ Ὕλλος
αὕτη καλοῖτο ἂν ὀρθῶς στρατεία τῶν

1ὅ

3 A 4
ev Tots Meyapots.
Ἡρακλειδῶν és Πελοπόννησον ἐπὶ ‘Opéorov βασιλεύοντος.

2. μνῆμα. . . ᾿Αλκμήνης : the story sanias (1, 41, 7). --- 14. ᾿Αχελῴφ: the

of the death οὗ Alcmena in the terri-
tory of Megara and of the contest of
the Heraclidae occurs only in Pausa-
nias. According to Pherecydes in An-
ton. Lib. 33 (fr. 39), she died in Thebes,
where, however, there was no grave of
her (9, 16, 7). According to another
legend, her grave was at Haliartus in
Boeotia (cf. 9, 82, 5; Plut. Lys. 28;
de genio Socr. 5, p. 578).

11. ἐς χωρίον Ῥοῦν: cf. Plut. Thes. 27,
whosaysthat the Megarians pointed out
a grave of the Amazons in their city, on

_theway from theagorato the place called

Rhus. The grave of the Amazons here
mentioned by Plutarch is probably the
tomb of Hippolyte mentioned by Pau-

river god Achelous was worshiped also
at Oropus. Ephorus, quoted by Macro-
bius, Saturn. 5, 18, 6 sqq., says that
Achelous is the only river-god wor-
shiped by all men, as the proper name
Achelous is used in a general sense to
designate water. This designation was
given by the oracles of Dodona (Schol.
Il. Q, 616). There was a sanctuary
of Achelous near the Ilissus at Ath-
ens (Plato, Phaedrus, p. 280 Bs). —
Ὕλλου: cf. 1, 44, 10, and see 8, 5,
1, where Pausanias corrects his pres-
ent statement by saying that this inva-
sion took place in the reign of Echemus,
not of Orestes. So Herodotus (9, 26)
represents Echemus, the conqueror of ,.

MEGARA 199

Ch. 41,5 |
Ag

20 οὐ πόρρω δὲ Tov Ὕλλον μνήματος Ἴσιδος ναὸς καὶ παρ᾽ air 8
τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνός ἐστι καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος. ᾿Αλκάθουν δέ φασι.
ποιῆσαι ἀποκτείναντα λέοντα τὸν καλούμενον Κιθαιρώνιον.

ε " , ~ ld ~ , » \ ὴ
ὑπὸ τούτου τοῦ λέοντος διαφθαρῆναι καὶ ἄλλους καὶ Μεγα-
ρέως φασὶ τοῦ σφετέρον βασιλέως παῖδα Evurmov, τὸν δὲ
4 ~ a 9 “ a ¥ 4 3
25 πρεσβύτερον τῶν παίδων αὐτῷ Τίμαλκον ἔτι πρότερον ἀπο-
θ A e ¢ , , 2 »¥ δ A
ανεῖν ὕπο Θησέως, στρατεύοντα ἐς ᾿Αφιδναν σὺν τοῖς Διοσ-
4 4 \ 4 e 4 . \
Kovpots: Μεγαρέα δὲ γάμον re ὑποσχέσθαι θυγατρὸς καὶ
ε ° 9 », ~ 9 ~ 4 “\ 4 4

ws διάδοχον ἕξει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅστις τὸν Κιθαιρώνιον λέοντα

9 ’ “\ “~ 3 , N ld 3 ’

ἀποκτείναι- διὰ ταῦτα ᾿Αλκάθουν τὸν Πέλοπος ἐπιχειρή-

“ ’ ~ ’ N e 39 ’ N ε N

80 σαντα τῷ θηρίῳ κρατῆσαί τε καὶ ws ἐβασίλευσε τὸ ἱερὸν
“A ~ ϑ , ¥ \ 3 , 3 A

ποιῆσαι τοῦτο, Αγροτέραν Αρτεμιν καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνα Aypatov

ἐπονομάσαντα. ταῦτα μὲν [οὖν] οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγουσιν. 4

3 “N A ’ A 3 ’ A ὲ aw 9 ¥

ἐγὼ δὲ γράφειν μὲν ἐθέλω Μεγαρεῦσιν ὁμολογοῦντα, οὐκ ἔχω

δὲ 4 9 , ld 9 Ν 3 ~ A ld
ὅπως εὐρωμαι πάντα σφίσιν, ἀλλὰ ἀποθανεῖν μὲν λέοντα

86 ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι ὑπὸ ᾿Αλκάθον πείθομαι, Μεγαρέως δὲ Τί:

μαλκον παῖδα τίς μὲν ἐς ᾿Αφιδναν ἐλθεῖν μετὰ τῶν Διοσκού-

» ~ 9 ἃ ᾿ 3 , 3 ~ ’
ρων ἔγραψε; πῶς δ᾽ dv ἀφικόμενος ἀναιρεθῆναι νομίζοιτο
ὑπὸ Θησέως, ὅπου καὶ ᾿Αλκμὰν ποιήσας dopa ἐς τοὺς Δι-
a e 9 , 4 \ Ἁ ’ 9 ,
οσκούρους, ws ᾿Αθήνας ἕλοιεν καὶ τὴν Θησέως ἀγάαγοιεν
Ld 3 4, 9 , ἃ 2 AN 3 ~ ’

40 μητέρα αἰχμάλωτον, ὅμως Θησέα φησὶν αὐτὸν ἀπεῖναι; Πίν- 5
δαρος δὲ τούτοις τε κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐποίησε καὶ γαμβρὸν τοῖς
Διοσκούροις Θησέα εἶναι βουλόμενον ἐς ὃ ἀπελθεῖν αὐτὸν
Πειρίθῳ τὸν λεγόμενον γάμον συμπράξοντα. ὅστις δὲ ἐγε-
νεαλόγησε, δῆλον ὡς πολλὴν τοῖς Μεγαρεῦσι σύνοιδεν

Hyllus, as king of Tegea. According

. to Diod. 4, 58, Hyllus challenged Eche-

mus, not Echemus Hyllus.

28. τὸν Κιθαιρώνιον λέοντα: the scho-
liast to Apoll. Rhod. 1, 517 supple-
ments Pausanias’s version of the story
of Alcathous and the lion of Cithaeron.

33. Μεγαρεῦσιν : according to the

Megarian tradition as given by Pausa-
nias, Timalcus was a contemporary
both of Theseus, who slew him, and
of Alcathous, who married his sister.
This, Pausanias argues, was impossible,
since Alcathous was the son, and The-
seus the great-grandson, of Pelops
through his mother Aethra.

200 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 41, 6
45 εὐήθειαν, εἴ ye Θησεὺς ἦν ἀπόγονος Πέλοπος - ἀλλὰ yap τὸν
»” , e ~ 3 ,’ 3 , 3 4
ὄντα λόγον οἱ Μεγαρεῖς εἰδότες ἐπικρύπτουσιν, οὐ βουλόμενοι
δοκεῖν ἁλῶναίΐί σφισιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Νίσον τὴν πόλιν,
διαδέξασθαι δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν γαμβρὸν Νίσον τε Μεγαρέα
καὶ αὖθις ᾿Αλκάθουν Μεγαρέως. φαίνεται δὲ τελευτήσαντος 6
Νίσον καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων Μεγαρεῦσιν ἐφθαρμένων ὑπὸ
τοῦτον ᾿Αλκάθους ἀφικόμενος τὸν καιρὸν ἐξ Ἤλιδος - μαρτύ-
ριον δέ pou: τὸ γὰρ τεῖχος φκοδόμησεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἅτε τοῦ
περιβόλου τοῦ ἀρχαίου καθαιρεθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Κρητῶν.
9 ld A N A ,’ ¥ 3 “ ω x AN
Αλκάθον μὲν καὶ Tov λέοντος, εἴτε ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι αὐτὸν
»ν» Ve ’ 9 , “\ 3 ’ 3 , \
δῦ εἴτε Kal ἑτέρωθι ἀποκτείνας ναὸν ‘Ayporépas ᾿Αρτέμιδος καὶ
᾿Απόλλωνος ἐποίησεν ᾿Αγραίου, ἐ ὅνδε Ee νήμη" ἐ
n ypaiov, ἐς τοσόνδε ἔστω μνήμη" ἐκ
τούτον δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατιοῦσι Πανδίονός ἐστιν ἡρῷον. καὶ
ὅτι μὲν ἐτάφη Πανδίων ἐν Αἰθνίας ᾿Αθηνᾶς καλουμένῳ σκο-
πέλῳ, δεδήλωκεν ὁ λόγος ἤδη μοι: τιμὰς δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει
60 παρὰ Μεγαρέων ἔχει.
Πλησίον δέ ἐστι τοῦ Πανδίονος ἡρῴου μνῆμα Ἱππολύτης" 7
’ \ N δ 3 > δ ε A A ’ 9
γράψω δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐς αὐτὴν ὁποῖα Μεγαρεῖς λέγουσιν. ὅτε
> ’ 59 399 ’ ’ 293 a 3
Αμαζόνες ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίους στρατεύσασαι du ᾿Αντιόπην ἐκρα-
,’ e . ’ Ν A Ν l4 Ld
τήθησαν ὑπὸ Θησέως, Tas μὲν πολλὰς συνέβη μαχομένας

65 αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, Ἱππολύτην δὲ ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν ᾿Αντιόπης

58. AlOvias ᾿Αθηνᾶς: cf. 1, 5, 8.
Hesych. s.v. ἐν δ᾽ Αἴθυια says that
Athena was worshiped by the Megari-
ans under the title Aféua,‘‘ diver-bird,”’
because, transforming herself into a
diver and hiding Cecrops under her
wings, she had carried him to Megara.
Lycophron (Alexandra, v. 359) refers
to Athena under this title. The bluff
of Athena Aithuia is perhaps the spit
of land now called Skala, jutting into
the sea on the south side of the hill
of Nisaea.

61. μνῆμα ἹἹππολύτης : the tomb
seems to have been called the Rhom-
boid (Plut. Thes. 27), but Bursian,
p. 3764, 1, would here translate ῥομ-
Boedés kreiselformig. The Amazonian
shield is represented as a crescent in
shape on some works of art. See Bau-
meister, Denkm. pp. 62, 369, 2015. It
also appears in art as an oval shield
with two notches, one on each side
(Baum op. cit. p. 59), or as an unbroken
oval. See also Baum. p. 2038; Ro-
scher’s Lexikon, I, 272.

70

75

Ore

42

?

MEGARA 201
Ch, 42, 1

Kal τότε ἡγουμένην τῶν γυναικῶν ἀποφυγεῖν σὺν ὀλίγαις ἐς
ἴω 9 a“ ~
Μέγαρα, are δὲ κακῶς οὕτω πράξασαν τῷ στρατῷ τοῖς τε
A δ “
παροῦσιν ἀθύμως ἔχουσαν καὶ περὶ τῆς οἴκαδε ἐς τὴν Θεμί-
σκυραν σωτηρίας μᾶλλον ἔτι ἀποροῦσαν ὑπὸ λύπης τελευτῆ-
σαι: καὶ θάψαι αὐτὴν ἀποθανοῦσαν, Kai οἱ τοῦ μνήματος

~ , 3 3 ~ 9 a 3 , , 4.63
σχῆμά ἐστιν ᾿Αμαζονικῇ ἀσπίδι ἐμφερές. τούτου δέ ἐστιν

9 ’ id , “~ , ,’ “ ,
ov πόρρω τάφος Τηρέως Tov Πρόκνην γήμαντος τὴν Πανδί-
3 ’ Ν ε 4 ε A 4 ς
ονος. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ ὁ Τηρεύς, ὡς μὲν λέγουσιν οἱ Μεγα-

ἴω “N δ Ν δ » ~ 4 ε λῚ
ρεῖς, περὶ τὰς Παγὰς τὰς καλουμένας τῆς Μεγαρίδος, ὡς δὲ
> 2 A \ , 9 ’ ’ , y
ἐγώ te δοκῶ καὶ τεκμήρια ἐς τόδε λείπεται, Δαυλίδος ἦρχε
~ e A , , Ν A aA ’ ε ,
τῆς ὑπερ Χαιρωνείας - πάλαι yap τῆς νῦν καλουμένης Ελλα-

, δ .ἊΨ > νῶν ‘ a
dos βάρβαροι τὰ πολλὰ ῴᾧκησαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἦν καὶ Type τὰ
3 4 3 , ‘\ \ N 4 ¥ ε Α ”~
és Φιλομήλαν ἐξειργασμένα καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἴτυν ὑπὸ τῶν
“ ε “A A € Ν 3 9 9 νι ε δ
γυναικῶν... ἑλεῖν σφᾶς ὁ Τηρεὺς οὐκ ἐδύνατο: καὶ ὁ μὲν
3 λ ’ 9 ~ M , 9 4 a e 4 9
ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν τοῖς Μεγάροις αὐτοχειρίᾳ, Kat οἱ τάφον av-
4 ¥ ἃ v4 3 δ “Ὁ ¥ “ 3 ~ ’
Tika ἔχωσαν καὶ θύουσιν ava πᾶν ἔτος ψηφῖσιν ἐν τῇ θυσίᾳ
ἀντὶ οὐλῶν χρώμενοι καὶ τὸν ἔποπα τὸν ὄρνιθα ἐνταῦθα
φανῆναι πρῶτον λέγουσιν: αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐς μὲν ᾿Αθήνας
Τ᾽ ; A \ 4 ¥ ν @ 9 , eos
ἀφίκοντο, θρηνοῦσαι δὲ οἷα ἔπαθον καὶ οἷα ἀντέδρασαν ὑπὸ
4 la 4 Ἁ 3 > , “N

δακρύων διαφθείρονται, kai σφισι THY ἐς ἀηδόνα καὶ χελι-
5 , N 9 , 9 > ΟΝ © εν

ova μεταβολὴν ἐπεφήμισαν ὅτι οἶμαι καὶ αὗται αἱ ὄρνιθες
ἐλεεινὸν καὶ θρήνῳ ὅ ὅμοιον ἄδουσιν.

Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλη Μεγαρεῦσιν ἀκρόπολις ἀπὸ ᾿Αλκάθου
τὸ ὄνομα ἔχουσα' ἐς ταύτην τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνιοῦσίν ἐστιν
ἐν δεξιᾷ Μεγαρέως μνῆμα, ὃς κατὰ τὴν ἐπιστρατείαν τῶν
Κρητῶν ξύμμαχός σφισιν ἦλθεν ἐξ ᾿᾽᾿Ογχηστοῦ. δείκνυται

6 δὲ καὶ ἑστία θεῶν Προδομέων καλουμένων -. θῦσαι δέ σφισιν

72. τάφος Τηρέως: on the story of — Image of Memnon— Council House
Tereus, Procne, and Ee: see l, — Thetemple of Athena— Temple and
5, 4 and note. images of Apollo — Nature of ebony —

42. The Acropolis of Alcathousand End of the sons of Alcathous — Heroum
its antiquities — Alcathous and Apollo oy Ino.

10

16

202

THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 42, 2

3 , , ”~ 9 ~ 9 + ων a
Αλκάθουν λέγουσι πρῶτον, ὅτε τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ τείχους
4 ¥ ~ \ ε 4 3 “N 4 3 Ν 4
ἔμελλεν ἄρχεσθαι. τῆς δὲ ἑστίας ἐγγὺς ταύτης ἐστὶ λίθος,
ἐφ᾽ οὗ καταθεῖναι λέγουσιν ᾿Απόλλωνα τὴν κιθάραν ᾿Αλκάθῳ 2

τὸ τεῖχος συνεργαζόμενον. .. .

δηλοῖ τέ μοι καὶ τόδε ὡς ©

συνετέλουν ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους Μεγαρεῖς. φαίνεται γὰρ τὴν Ov-

γατέρα ᾿Αλκάθους Περίβοιαν ἅμα Θησεῖ πέμψαι κατὰ τὸν

ὃ μι 2 K , 4 δὲ 9. A” , 9 e
aopov ἐς Κρήτην. τότε δὲ αὐτῷ τειχίζοντι, ws φασιν οἱ

Μεγαρεῖς, συνεργάζεταί τε ᾿Απόλλων καὶ τὴν κιθάραν κατέ.
θηκεν ἐπὶ τὸν λίθον: ἣν δὲ τύχῃ βαλών τις ψηφῖδι, κατὰ

> A δ΄, »ν N 4 A
ταὐτὰ οὗτός τε ἤχησε καὶ κιθάρα κρουσθεῖσα.

ἐμοὶ δὲ

ld Ν Ν A » Vd A “ ,
παρέσχε μὲν καὶ τοῦτο θαυμάσαι, παρέσχε δὲ πολλῷ μά-
λιστα Αἰγυπτίων ὁ κολοσσός. ἐν Θήβαις ταῖς Αἰγυπτίαις,
διαβᾶσι τὸν Νεῖλον πρὸς τὰς Σύριγγας καλουμένας, εἶδον

8. ᾿Απόλλωνα: see 1, 41, 6, on the
building of the walls of Megara by
Alcathous. Theognis (vv. 773 sq.) rep-
resents Apollo himself as fortifying the
acropolis in honor of Alcathous. Ps.-
Verg. Ciris, vv. 105 sqq., has Megara
fortified by the joint labor of Alcathous
and Apollo and tells how one of the

stones, when struck, gave forth a mu-

sical tone like the note of a lyre. Ovid
(Met. 8, 14 sqq.) calls the walls of Me-
gara ‘‘vocal,’’? due to Apollo’s laying
down his gilded lyre upon them; and

he elsewhere (Tristia, 1, 10, 39) speaks

of ‘* the walls of Alcathous.”’

17. Αἰγυπτίων ὁ κολοσσός κτλ.: what
the Greeks called the statue οὗ Mem-
non was a colossal statue, carved out
of a single block of hard breccia, which
with a companion statue stood in front
of a temple of Amenophis III at Thebes.
The temple is gone, but the statues
still remain. Each is about sixty feet
high. Strabo (17, p. 216) says one was
complete, but of the other the upper

part had been thrown down by an
earthquake, and that once a day, at
sunrise, ἃ sound proceeded from the
part of the broken statue which re-
mained in its chair; he himself visited
the statue and heard it. The explana-
tion usually given is that the sound
was caused by the expansion of the
air in the crevices at sunrise, due to
the increase of temperature. — 18. πρὸς
τὰς Σύριγγας καλουμένας : the Greeks
gave the name of σύριγγες or ““ pipes’”’
to the great necropolis which is hewn
out of the rock in the range of lime-
stone hills to the west of Thebes.
Each sepulchral chamber is approached
through a series of passages, all subter-
ranean and hewn out of the rock. The
Theban kings of the eighteenth and
nineteenth dynasties are buried there.
See Strabo (17, p. 816), Aelian (Nat.
Anim. 6, 43), Ammianus Marcellinus
(22, 15, 30), and Perrot et Chipiez,
Histoire de l’Art dans 1’ Antiquité, I,
260 sqq.

20

25

MEGARA 203

oe ὅ , Ψ 3 A , 9 + ε
ἔτι καθήμενον ἄγαλμα ἠχοῦν --- Μέμνονα ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ
πολλοί, τοῦτον γάρ φασιν ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας ὁρμηθῆναι ἐς Αἴγυ-
N N » 4 3 Ν Ν 9 ld e

πτον Kal THY ἄχρι Σούσων: adda yap ov Μέμνονα οἱ @r-

A , ,΄" \ 2 A 3 , © A Ν
βαῖοι λέγουσι, Φαμένωφα δὲ εἶναι τῶν ἐγχωρίων οὗ τοῦτο τὸ
» ¥ \ » \ , , >
ἄγαλμα ἦν, ἤκουσα δὲ ἤδη καὶ Σέσωστριν φαμένων εἶναι

~ ‘\ ὟΝ ἃ ’ ’ N ~ e V4 3
τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα ὃ Καμβύσης διέκοψε: καὶ νῦν ὁπόσον ἐκ
κεφαλῆς ἐς μέσον σῶμά ἐστιν ἀπερριμμένον, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν

“ , VN 9. " κ“» e », 9 » εχ A
κάθηταί τε Kal ava πᾶσαν ἡμέραν ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου βοᾷ,
καὶ τὸν ἦχον μάλιστα εἰκάσει τις κιθάρας ἢ λύρας ῥαγείσης
χορδῆς. |

Μεγαρεῦσι δὲ ἔστι μὲν βουλευτήριον, Τιμάλκον δὲ ἦν

«ε 4 ’ ἃ ’ s , 4 9 ¥

ποτε WS λέγουσι τάφος, ὃν πρότερον ὀλίγον τούτων οὐκ ἔφην
e “\ ld 9 A 3 ’ \ 39 A ~ “~ ζω]
ὑπὸ Θησέως ἀποθανεῖν. φκοδόμηται δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ κορυφῇ τῆς
> , \ > “A ¥y , 93 | 9 “N
ἀκροπόλεως ναὸς ᾿Αθηνᾶς, ἄγαλμα δέ ἐστιν ἐπίχρυσον πλὴν
χειρῶν καὶ ἄκρων ποδῶν" ταῦτα δὲ καὶ τὸ πρόσωπόν ἐστιν
ἐλέφαντος.
καλουμένης Νίκης καὶ ἄλλο Aiavridos: τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ Μεγα-

Ἁ 9 9 ΜᾺ e “\ > “ 4
καὶ ἕτερον ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν ᾿Αθηνᾶς πεποίηται

᾿ρέων μὲν παρεῖται τοῖς ἐξηγηταῖς, ἐγὼ δὲ ὁποῖα νομίζω γενέ-

40

σθαι γράψω. Τελαμὼν ὁ Αἰακοῦ θυγατρὶ ᾿Αλκάθου Περιβοίᾳ
συνῴκησεν: Αἴαντα οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ᾿Αλκάθον διαδεξά-
μενον ποιῆσαι τὸ ἄγαλμα ἡγοῦμαι τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς.

Τοῦ δὲ ᾿Απόλλωνος πλίνθον μὲν ἦν ὁ ἀρχαῖος ναός ὕστε-
ρον δὲ βασιλεὺς φκοδόμησεν ᾿Αδριανὸς λίθον λευκοῦ. ὁ μὲν
δὴ Πύθιος καλούμενος καὶ ὁ Δεκατηφόρος τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις
μάλιστα ἐοίκασι ξοάνοις, ὃν δὲ ᾿Αρχηγέτην ἐπονομάζουσιν,

40. πλίνθου : as to the use of the un-
burnt brick in ancient Greek archi-
tecture, see Frazer’s note on 6, 16, 1.
An inscription (C.1.G.G.S. 42) dating
between 242 B.c. and 223 8.c. speaks
of the repair of the temple of Apollo
at Megara. Here was also another
sanctuary of Apollo (1, 44, 2).— 41.

᾿Αδριανός : Hadrian wasa lavish patron —
of Megara (cf. 1, 44, 6) and in return
the Megarians named a tribe after him
(C.1.G.G.S. 72, 74, 101) and erected
many statues in his honor (note on
1,40, 2). ---ὁ ... Πύθιος. . . καὶ ὁ Δε-
κατηφόρος τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις. .. ἐοίκασι
ξοάνοις : this passage has been cited,

45

50

55

60

65

204 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

3 A » 9 ‘ 4 3 a A , aia
Αἰγινητικοῖς ἔργοις ἐστὶν ὅμοιος: ἐβένου δὲ πάντα ὁμοίως
¥ A
πεποίηται. ἤκουσα δὲ ἀνδρὸς Κυπρίον διακρῖναι πόας ἐς
ἀνθρώπων ἴασιν εἰδότος, ὃς τὴν ἔβενον φύλλα οὐκ ἔφη φύειν
29\ ΝφΦ δ 50 2 5.» 9 A IQA ε κα . ,
οὐδὲ εἶναι καρπὸν οὐδένα ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς οὐδὲ ὁρᾶσθαι τὸ παρά-
: 9 \ e A e [4 4 A e a 4 4 A
Tay αὐτὴν ὑπὸ ἡλίου, ῥίζας δὲ ὑπογαίους εἶναι, ταύτας δὲ
3 ,’ δ. 92 N ¥ > ’ aA “N
ὀρύσσειν τοὺς Αἰθίοπας καὶ ἄνδρας εἶναί σφισιν ot τὴν
¥ »ν εἐ + ν» A N , ε 4
ἔβενον ἴσασιν εὑρίσκειν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Δήμητρος ἱερὸν Θε-
σμοφόρον. κατιοῦσι δὲ ἐντεῦθεν Καλλιπόλιδος μνῆμά ἐστιν
᾿Αλκάθον παιδός. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ᾿Αλκάθῳ πρεσβύ-
en 9 ld ἃ 9 Ld ε Ν 4 Α
τερος υἱὸς Ἰσχέπολις, ὃν ἀπέστειλεν ὁ πατὴρ Μελεάγρῳ τὸ
3 3 a ’ ld 9 , \ 9 ~
ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ θηρίον συνεξαιρήσοντα. ἀποθανόντος δὲ ἐνταῦθα
πρῶτος τεθνεῶτα ἐπύθετο ὁ Καλλίπολις, ἀναδραμὼν δὲ ἐς
\ 9 , “~ A ε ,’ ε οὐ Fe ,
THY ἀκρόπολιν --- τηνικαῦτα δὲ ὁ πατήρ οἱ τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι
393 9 3 4 Ν 4 3 “\ ἴω ~ > ,
ἐνέκαεν ---- ἀπορρίπτει ta ξύλα ἀπὸ Tov Bwpov: ᾿Αλκάθους
‘ 9 l4 “A ν ‘a 3 , “~ ,
δὲ ἀνήκοος ὧν ἔτι τῆς Ἰσχεπόλιδος τελευτῆς κατεδίκαζεν
9 “A 9 ‘\ 4 ‘ 3 4 ε > 3 “Ὁ
οὐ ποιεῖν ὅσια τὸν Καλλίπολιν καὶ εὐθέως ὡς εἶχεν ὀργῆς
> ’ ’ 9 Ἁ ‘\ ~ 9 ig 3 Ἁ “~
ἀπέκτεινε παίσας ἐς THY κεφαλὴν τῶν ἀπορριφέντων ἀπὸ τοῦ
βωμοῦ ξύλῳ.
Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς τὸ πρυτανεῖον ὁδὸν Ἰνοῦς ἐστιν ἡρῷον,
Ἁ Ν x oN N , ’ ‘ > 5 3 “Ἁ ἃ
περὶ δὲ αὐτὸ θριγκὸς λίθων- πεφύκασι δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ
ἐλαῖαι. μόνοι δέ εἰσιν Ἑλλήνων Μεγαρεῖς οἱ λέγοντες τὸν
νεκρὸν Τῆς Ἰνοῦς ἐς τὰ παραθαλάσσιά σφισιν ἐκπεσεῖν
τῆς χώρας, Κλησὼ δὲ καὶ Ταυρόπολιν εὑρεῖν τε καὶ θάψαι----

on very insufficient grounds, to prove
the direct dependence of early Greek
art on the art of Egypt. See Overbeck,
Gesch. ἃ. gr. Plastik*, I, 57 8α.; A. S.
Murray, History of Greek Sculpture?,
I, 76 sq. This dependence, however,
has been maintained on other grounds
by some writers. Thus the archaic
male figures known as the Apollos
of Orchomenos, Tenea, etc., are be-
lieved by these authorities to have been

modeled, directly or indirectly, on
Egyptian statues. See Collignon, His-
toire dela Sculpture Grecque, I, 117 8q.;
Furtwingler, Meisterw. d. gr. Plastik,
pp. 712 sqq. —46. φύλλα οὐκ ἔφη φύειν:
this absurd belief was not shared by
Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 4, 4, 6) or
Pliny (N. H. 12, 17 sqq.). Cf. Paus.
2,19, 3; 4, 32,1; 7, 5, 5.

64. τὸν νεκρὸν τῆς Ivots: cf. 1, 44,
7 8α.; 4, 34, 7.

43

10

15

MEGARA 205

Ch. 43, 2
θυγατέρας δὲ αὐτὰς εἶναι Κλήσωνος τοῦ Λέλεγος --- καὶ Aev-

’ 9 ~ “ 4 ’ N\ 3 Ἁ
κοθέαν τε ὀνομασθῆναι παρὰ σφίσι πρώτοις φασὶν αὐτὴν
καὶ θυσίαν ἄγειν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος.

Ud A > \ 3 , ε ΄Ὁ 3 ~ ‘\

Λέγουσι δὲ εἶναι καὶ Ἰφιγενείας ἡρῷον: ἀποθανεῖν yap
Ν ’ 3 , 3 Ν Ἂν Ν , » 3
καὶ ταύτην ἐν Μεγάροις. ἐγὼ δὲ ἤκουσα μὲν καὶ ἄλλον ἐς
Ἰφιγένειαν λόγον ὑπὸ ᾿Αρκάδων λεγόμενον, οἶδα δὲ Ἡσίοδον
ποιήσαντα ἐν καταλόγῳ γυναικῶν ᾿Ιφιγένειαν οὐκ ἀποθανεῖν,
γνώμῃ δὲ ᾿Αρτέμιδος Ἑκάτην εἶναι: τούτοις δὲ Ἡρόδοτος
ε “A Ὁ» 4 δ Ν a = ,
ὁμολογοῦντα ἔγραψε Tavpous τοὺς πρὸς τῇ Σκυθικῇ θύειν
’ Ἁ ’ , A 9 δ \ , 3
παρθένῳ τοὺς ναναγούς, φάναι δὲ αὐτοὺς τὴν παρθένον Ἴφι-
γένειαν εἶναι τὴν ᾿Αγαμέμνονος. ἔχει δὲ παρὰ Μεγαρεῦσι
, ¥ , ‘ A 3 “ Ν , ‘
καὶ “Adpacros τιμάς: φασὶ δὲ ἀποθανεῖν παρὰ σφίσι καὶ
ω 9 ε Ν 4 9 ~ 9 ’ Ν ’ ¥ ,
τοῦτον, ὅτε ἑλὼν Θήβας ἀπῆγεν ὀπίσω τὸν στρατόν, αἴτια δέ
ε “~ , ~ Ἁ Ἁ 9 ld ld ,’
οἱ τοῦ θανάτον γῆρας καὶ τὴν Αἰγιαλέως γενέσθαι «τελευτήν.
. 9 , eon e 5 , 9 , ες» “Ξ
καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερὸν ὁ ᾿Αγαμέμνων ἐποίησεν, ἡνίκα ἦλθε
, 3 ΄ῪΝᾺ 3 ld 3 » 9 ld
Κάλχαντα οἰκοῦντα ἐν Μεγάροις ἐς Ἴλιον ἕπεσθαι πείσων.
ἐν δὲ τῷ πρντανείῳ τεθάφθαι μὲν Evimmov Μεγαρέως παῖδα,
τεθάφθαι δὲ τὸν ᾿Αλκάθον λέγουσιν ᾿Ισχέπολιν. ἔστι δὲ τοῦ

43. Iphigenia — Adrastus — Graves
in the Prytaneum — The rock Anacle-
thra — Graves in the city — The Aesym-
nium — Worship of Iphinoe — Temples
of Aphrodite and of Dionysus with their
images — Temple of Tyche with image
by Praxiteles — Temple with statues by
Lysippus — Coroebus and his tomb in
the market-place.

1. ᾿Ιφιγενείας HpGov: on the Iphi-
genia legend, consult Roscher, Lexi-
kon s.v. Hdt. 4, 103 relates the story
here referred to him. Strabo, 7, p. 808,
mentions a sanctuary of the Virgin in
the city of Tauric Chersonese, and says
that on a cape called Parthenium,
about eleven miles from the city, there

was a temple with an image of her.
Herodotus does not mention the iden-
tification of Iphigenia with Hecate. —
9. "ASpacros: Dieuchidas, the native
historian of Megara, quoted by Schol.
Pind. Nem. 9, 30, says that the ac-
tual grave of Adrastus was in Megara,
while a cenotaph of him was at Sicyon.
— 12, ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερόν : not identical
with the temple of Artemis Soteira
mentioned above, but situated prob-
ably in the neighborhood of the Pryta-
neum.

14. ἐν δὲ τῷ πρντανείῳ: it is per-
haps to be inferred that when a hero
enjoyed especial honor, his grave also
was placed in a prominent position. —

beh

τ

20

25

30

206 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

; Ch. 43, 3
4 4 , id 9
πρυτανείου πέτρα πλησίον- ᾿Ανακληθρίδα τὴν πέτραν ὀνο-
μάζουσιν, ὡς Δημήτηρ, εἴ τῳ πιστά, ὅτε τὴν παῖδᾳ ἐπλανᾶτο
ζητοῦσα, καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἀνεκάλεσεν αὐτήν.
“~ e “Ὁ » ε ’ ~
λόγῳ δρῶσιν ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι αἱ Μεγαρέων γυναῖκες.
> oN A , ἴω 3 a“ , ἃ νν Ν ~
Εἰσὶ δὲ τάφοι Μεγαρεῦσιν ἐν τῇ πόλει: καὶ τὸν μὲν τοῖς

3 , \ A
€OLKOTa δὲ Τῳ

9 ~ 3 v4 Q N 3 » ἴω. v4
ἀποθανοῦσιν ἐποίησαν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιστρατείαν τοῦ Μήδου,
τὸ δὲ Αἰσύμνιον καλούμενον μνῆμα ἣν καὶ τοῦτο ἡρώων.

ε 4 Q A 9 ’ 4. Q ld 4
Ὑπερίονος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος ---- οὗτος γὰρ Μεγαρέων ἐβα-
σίλευσεν ὕστατος --- τούτον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ
Σανδίονος διὰ πλεονεξίαν καὶ ὕβριν, βασιλεύεσθαι μὲν οὐ-
o e a en 39 2 - 9 Φ νν e ΝΥ Ἁ
κέτι ὑπὸ ἑνὸς ἐδόκει σφίσιν, εἶναι δὲ ἄρχοντας αἱρετοὺς καὶ
9 Q , 3 Ya 9 a 9 “~ yy 9 AQ AQ
ἀνὰ μέρος ἀκούειν ἀλλήλων. ἐνταῦθα Αἰσυμνος οὐδενὸς τὰ
ἐς δόξαν Μεγαρέων δεύτερος παρὰ τὸν θεὸν ἦλθεν ἐς Acd-
ὦ 9 A \ > ᾿ ’ ’Ὁ 4 a [4 «
φούς, ἐλθὼν δὲ ἠρώτα τρόπον τίνα εὐδαιμονήσουσι" καί οἱ
. »¥ ε δ ¥ \ | 5 eo a Q
καὶ ἄλλα ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησε καὶ Μεγαρέας εὖ πράξειν, ἣν μετὰ
τῶν πλειόνων βουλεύσωνται. τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος ἐς τοὺς τεθνεῶ-

» 4 , 9 A 9 ’ [-2

τας ἔχειν νομίζοντες βουλευτήριον ἐνταῦθα φκοδόμησαν, wa
σφίσιν ὁ τάφος τῶν ἡρώων ἐντὸς τοῦ βουλευτηρίου γένηται.

3

Ἐντεῦθεν πρὸς τὸ ᾿Αλκάθου βαδίζουσιν ἡρῷον, ᾧ Μεγαρεῖς 4

16. ᾿Ανακληθρίδα: in the Etymol. Magn.
p. 96, 5.ν.᾿Ανακληθρίς, this rock is called
Anaclethris, and a similar story is told
of the origin of the name.

20. τάφοι Μεγαρεῦσιν : only the he-
roic and worshiped dead were buried
within the wallsofacity. The account
shows that the men who fell in the bat-
tles against the Persians were regarded
as heroes in the religious sense. The
epitaph composed by Simonides on the
Megarian dead is preserved (C.I.G.
G.S. 53). Of other great Greeks, Co-
roebus and Orsippus were buried in the
agora of Megara (1, 43, 8; 1, 44, 1);
Thersander in that of Elaea (9, 5, 14);

Euphron in that of Sicyon (Xen. Hell.
7,3, 12); Philopoemen in that of Mega-
lopolis (C.1.G. 1536); and Brasidas in
front of the agora of Amphipolis(Thuc.
5, 11). —22. τὸ δὲ Αἰσύμνιον: according
to Pausanias the Aesymnium, which
was the grave of the heroes, must Have
been within the Council House. It was
probably a chamber in which the offi-
cials called Αἰσυμνῆται (C.1.G.G.S. 15)
met. Here was probably a tomb of
Aesymnus, a mythical personage in-
vented to explain the name. See Pauly-
Wissowa, I, 1090, s.v. Aisymnetes ;
Busolt, Griech. Staats-und Rechtsalter-
tiimer?, pp. 46 ff.

MEGARA

Ch. 43, 6

207

85 ἐς γραμμάτων φυλακὴν ἐχρῶντο ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, μνῆμα ἔλεγον
Ἢ Α A ΕῚ . 39 , \ a AN

τὸ μὲν Πυργοῦς εἶναι γυναικὸς ᾿Αλκάθου πρὶν 7 τὴν Meya-
ρέως αὐτὸν λαβεῖν Εὐαΐχμην, τὸ δὲ ᾿Ιφινόης ᾿Αλκάθον θυγα-

, > ~ A 3 ’ » 4 4

τρός- ἀποθανεῖν δὲ αὐτήν φασιν ἔτι παρθένον. καθέστηκε,
δὲ ταῖς κόραις χοὰς πρὸς τὸ τῆς Ἰφινόης μνῆμα προσφέ.
40 ρειν πρὸ γάμον καὶ ἀπάρχεσθαι τῶν τριχῶν, καθὰ καὶ τῇ
ε la , » e 4 Ν 9 4 ε

Εκαέργῃ καὶ Ὥπιδι ai θυγατέρες ποτὲ ἀπεκείροντο ai Δη-
λίων. παρὰ δὲ τὴν ἔσοδον τὴν ἐς τὸ Διονύσιον τάφος ἐστὶν
᾿᾿Αστυκρατείας καὶ Μαντοῦς: θυγατέρες δὲ ἦσαν Πολνείδου

τοῦ Κοιράνον τοῦ “ABavros τοῦ Μελάμποδος ἐς Μέγαρα

45 ἐλθόντος ᾿Αλκάθουν ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ τῷ Καλλιπόλιδος καθῆραι
“A 4 > ’ δ N ~ 4 x e ‘\ 4

τοῦ παιδός. φκοδόμησε δὴ καὶ τῷ Διονύσῳ τὸ ἱερὸν Πολύει-

.' , 3 id 3 4 939 e ~ δ
δος καὶ ξόανον ἀνέθηκεν ἀποκεκρυμμένον ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν πλὴν
τοῦ προσώπου: τοῦτο δέ ἐστι τὸ φανερόν. Σάτυρος δὲ παρέ-

9 “A 4 ¥ 4 , A
ome αὐτῷ Πραξιτέλους ἔργον Παρίου λίθον. τοῦτον
50 μὲν δὴ Πατρῷον καλοῦσιν. ἕτερον δὲ Διόνυσον Δασύλλιον
9 ’ 9 4 N ld ~ 4 ‘
ἐπονομάζοντες Εὐχήνορα τὸν Koupavov τοῦ Πολνείδον τὸ
Ἂν 9 aA Lg “N XN ~ ’ \ e 4
ἄγαλμα ἀναθεῖναι λέγουσι. μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν
ἐστιν ᾿Αφροδίτης ναός, ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐλέφαντος ᾿Αφροδίτη πε-
ποιημένον Πρᾶξις ἐπίκλησιν. τοῦτό ἐστιν ἀρχαιότατον ἐν

δ τῷ ναῷ Πειθὼ δὲ καὶ ἑτέρα θεός, ἣν Παρήγορον ὀνομάζουσιν,

40. τῇ ‘Exadpyy καὶ [Ὥπιδι : cf. 5, 7,
8, ἐκ τῶν Ὑπερβορέων καὶ αὗται... . ἀφί-
xovro ἐς Δῆλον, Hyperborean maidens
perhaps identical with Artemis herself.
See Roscher, Lexikon, I, 2810 sqq.;
Preller-Robert, p. 299.

46. Πολύειδος. . . Edy fvopa: here

two descendants of Melampus, Polyi-
dus and Echenor, are named as found-
ers of sanctuaries of Dionysus. Melam-
pus himself was an important patron
of Dionysus worship. Polyidus was an
illustrious seer (Il. N, 663 sqq.; Pind.

Ol. 18, 105, with Schol.). Echenor is
called son of Polyidus in Hom. ].c. and
Schol. Pind. Ol. 13, 78.

53. ᾿Αφροδίτης ναός : named Aphro-
disium in Plut. Agesilaus, 27; Xen.
Hell. 5, 4, 58 mentions this temple,
and says that once when Agesilaus
was in Megara a vein in his leg burst
as he was ascending from the sanctuary
of Aphrodite to the government office.
— 55. Πειθώ : Peitho is the personifi-
cation of persuasion to love, and Pare-
gorus of consolation in unfortunate

6

208 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 43, 7

ἔργα Πραξιτέλους: Σκόπα δὲ Ἔρως καὶ Ἵμερος καὶ

4 3 Ν 4, 4.663 Ν 9. ~ 3 4, \ Ν

Πόθος, εἰ δὴ διάφορά ἐστι κατὰ ταὐτὸ τοῖς ὀνόμασι καὶ τὰ
»Ἤ ’ ’ δ “ ~ > , ~ 4”

ἔργα σφίσι. πλησίον δὲ τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης ναοῦ Τύχης

3 Q e , , Y 9 Wd XN 9 a aA
ἐστὶν ἱερόν, Πραξιτέλους Kat αὐτὴ Téexvn: καὶ ἐν τῷ vaw

60

70

τῷ πλησίον Μούσας καὶ χαλκοῦν Δία ἐποίησε Λύσιππος.
Ἔστι δὲ Μεγαρεῦσι καὶ KopotBou τάφος. τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν
Ἂν δ 9 »” A > , 3 A ’ 3 ἃ
ἔπη κοινὰ ὅμως ὄντα τοῖς ᾿Αργείων ἐνταῦθα δηλώσω. ἐπὶ
Κροτώπον λέγουσιν ἐν “Apye. βασιλεύοντος Ψαμάθην τὴν
Κροτώπου τεκεῖν παῖδα ἐξ ᾿Απόλλωνος, ἐχομένην δὲ ἰσχυρῶς
A \ ’ Ν “A 3 A δ Ν \ ,
Tov πατρὸς δείματι τὸν παῖδα ἐκθεῖναι. καὶ τὸν μὲν διαφθεί-
ρουσιν ἐπιτυχόντες ἐκ τῆς ποίμνης κύνες τῆς Κροτώπου,
9 ’ \ 9 a 9 “ , , ’ 4
Απόλλων δὲ “Apyetous ἐς τὴν πόλιν πέμπει Ποινήν. ταύτην
τοὺς παῖδας ἀπὸ τῶν μητέρων φασὶν ἁρπάζειν, ἐς ὃ Κόροι-
3 ’ 9 ’ 4 Ν ’ 4 Ν
Bos ἐς χάριν ᾿Αργείοις φονεύει τὴν Ποινήν. φονεύσας δὲ ---
οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει σφᾶς δεύτερα ἐπιπεσοῦσα νόσος λοιμώδη. ---
, ε N > 3 ‘ e id ’ ἴω A“ “A
Κόροιβος ἑκὼν ἦλθεν ἐς Δελφοὺς ὑφέξων δίκας τῷ θεῷ τοῦ
, ~ ~ 3 , Ν , ¥ 3 ’ 3 »
φόνου τῆς Ποινῆς. ἐς μὲν δὴ τὸ “Apyos ἀναστρέφειν οὐκ εἴα
Κόροιβον ἡ Πυθία, τρίποδα δὲ ἀράμενον φέρειν ἐκέλενεν ἐκ

love. Peitho is frequently portrayed
in art, especially on vases, but Parr-
gorus is not elsewhere mentioned. —
56. Ἔρως καὶ Ἵμερος καὶ ἸΠόθος: see
Preller-Robert, p. 502, concerning these
personifications of Love, of Desire,
and of Yearning. Urlichs, Skopas,
p. 89, conjectured that these three
images of Scopas stood facing the old
ivory image of Aphrodite and the two
images of Peitho and Paregorus by
Praxiteles, each triplet of images being
placed on a single pedestal. — 58. Τύ-
xns: the type of Fortune on coins of
Megara, representing the goddess as a
draped woman standing with a cup in
her right hand and a horn of plenty in

her left, may be copied from Praxitc-
les’ statue. See Imhoof-Blumer and
Gardner, Numism. Comm.on Paus. p.7,
with pl. A, xiv. —60. Λύσιππος : prob-
ably a pedestal found in Megara, con-
sisting of a number of ancient blocks
of gray marble, and bearing the inscrip-
tion Θηραμένης Τιμοξένον ἀνέθηκε, Av-
σιππος ἐποίει, supported this group of
statuary. The inscription seems to
date from the end of the fourth century
B.c. See A.M. X (1885), 145-150.

61. KopolBou τάφος. ra δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν
ἔπη κτλ. Statius, Theb. 1, 579 sqq., and
Conon, Narrat. 19, tell the story of
Coroebus and Psamathe, with more
picturesque details,

MEGARA 209

Ch. 4, 2

ma e ἰφὶ , » “A 3 ’ ε ’ ε ,’ > a
Tov ἱεροῦ, καὶ ἔνθα ἂν ἐκπέσῃ οἱ φέροντι ὁ τρίπους, ἐνταῦθα

> “~ ~
75 ᾿Απόλλωνος οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν καὶ αὐτὸν οἰκῆσαι.

ν ε
Kat O

4 Ν , » Α ΄ 9 \ 9 -~™
τρίπους κατὰ τὸ ὄρος THY Γερανίαν ἀπολισθὼν ἔλαθεν αὐτοῦ

3 a ἃ ΄ ΄ 3 ΄Ὁ 9 ’

ἐκπεσών: καὶ Τριποδίσκους κώμην ἐνταῦθα οἰκίσαι. Κο-
a 4 3 ld 3 Ὁ ld 3 Ὁ) 4

ροίβῳ δέ ἐστι τάφος ἐν τῇ Μεγαρέων ἀγορᾷ: γέγραπται

δὲ 3 A \ 3 , Ν \ 3 2 N ¥ ,
ἐλεγεῖα τὰ ἐς Ψαμάθην καὶ τὰ ἐς αὐτὸν ἔχοντα Κόροιβον,

80 καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐπίθημά ἐστι τῷ τάφῳ Κόροιβος φονεύων τὴν

Il , ~ 3 4 ld e , ‘0

ony. ταυτα ἀγάλματα παλαιότατα, ὁπόσα λίθον πεποιη-
9

μένα ἐστὶν Ἕλλησιν, ἰδὼν οἶδα.

Κοροίβου δὲ τέθαπται πλησίον Ὄρσιππος, ὃς περιεζωσμέ.

νων ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι κατὰ δὴ παλαιὸν ἔθος τῶν ἀθλητῶν Ὀλύμ-

“ 95 9 ’ὔ Ἁ ld N A ‘
πια (πρῶτος) ἐνίκα στάδιον δραμὼν γυμνός. φασὶ δὲ Kat

στρατηγοῦντα ὕστερον τὸν Ὄρσιππον ἀποτεμέσθαι χώραν

~ ld “~ ld e Ν 3 3 id N 4
τῶν προσοίκων: δοκῶ δέ οἱ καὶ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ τὸ περίζωμα

ἑκόντι περιρρνῆναι, γνόντι ὡς ἀνδρὸς περιεζωσμένου δραμεῖν

ε» 3 Ἁ >. AN 4
βᾷων ἐστίν ἀνὴρ γυμνός.

77. Τριποδίσκους κώμην: Thucydi-
des (4, 70) speaks of this as ἃ village
in the territory of Megaris at the foot
of Mt. Gerania. The remains of the
village are to be seen about six miles
northwest of Megara, at the entrance
to the pass which leads through the
mountains to the Isthmus of Corinth.
Three forms of the name occur, Tripo-
discus (Thuc. ].c.), Tripodiscium (Stra-
bo, 9, p. 394), and Tripodisci (Paus.).
-- 78. γέγραπται δὲ ἐλεγεῖα κτλ. : these
verses are preserved in Anthol. Palat. 7,
154. ᾿

44. Orsippus— Temple of Apollo
Prostaterius with statues — A Gymna-
sium with antiquities — Antiquities of
Nisaea and of Pagae— Worship of
Melanthus in Aegosthena — Grove of
Autonoe in Erenia, and of the flute-

ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς κατιοῦσι τῆς 2

player Telephanes— The Scironian Way
and the rock Moluris— Ino and Meli-
certes — The robber Sciron — Temple
of Zeus Aphesius — Images of Aphro-
dite, of Apollo, and of Pan — Tomb of
Eurystheus — Temple of Latoan Apollo.

1. Ὄρσιππος : a copy of the epitaph
on Orsippus’s grave was found in Me-
gara in 1769 engraved on a block of
stone, in the Megarian dialect (C.1I.G.
1050; C.1.G.G.S. 52). This epitaph
was manifestly the source of Pausa-
nias’s information. The victory of Or-
sippus was won in Ol. 15 (720 B.c.).
See Euseb. Chron. vol. 1, p. 195, ed.
Schone. The war in which Orsippus
gained distinction was probably waged
against Corinth, which claimed, under
the Bacchid dynasty, suzerainty over
Megara, till the Megarians revolted and

10

15

210 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Ch. 44, 3
ὁδοῦ τῆς Εὐθείας καλουμένης ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερόν ἐστιν ἐν

δεξιᾷ Προστατηρίον: τοῦτο ὀλίγον ἐκτραπέντα ἔστιν ἐκ τῆς
ε ΄ι 9 “ 3 , ΝΣ ς κ΄ A 4 ¥ δ
ὁδοῦ ἀνευρεῖν. ᾿Απόλλων δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κεῖται θέας ἄξιος καὶ

ἴΑρτεμις καὶ Λητὼ καὶ ἄλλα ἀγάλματά €or... Πραξιτέ-

λους ποιήσαντος Λητὼ καὶ οἱ παῖδες. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ γυμνα-
σΐῳ τῷ ἀρχαίῳ πλησίον πυλῶν καλουμένων Νυμφάδων λίθος
παρεχόμενος πυραμίδος σχῆμα οὐ μεγάλης τοῦτον ᾿Απόλ-
3 4 , ‘ 3 ΄ἊὉ 3 9 ων [1 4

Awva ὀνομάζουσι Καρινόν, καὶ Εἰλειθυιῶν ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ἱερόν.
΄Ν ’ 3 3 ΄ a e 4 9 A A
Τοσαῦτά σφισιν ἐς ἐπίδειξιν παρείχετο ἡ πόλις ἐς δὲ τὸ
ἐπίνειον, καλούμενον καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι Νίσαιαν, ἐς τοῦτο κα-
τελθοῦσιν ἱερὸν Δήμητρός ἐστι Μαλοφόρον: λέγεται δὲ καὶ

threw off the yoke (Schol. Pind. Nem.
7, 155).

8. ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερόν: two inscrip-
tions, dating from the third century
B.c., with dedications to Tutelary
Apollo have been found at Megara
(C.1.G.G.S. 39, 40). — 12. Λητὼ καὶ of
παῖδες : there were also images of La-
tona and her children by Praxiteles in
a temple at Mantinea (8, 9, 1). The
one group was perhaps a replica of the
other. Coinsof Megara presenta group
of Apollo standing between Latona and
Artemis, probably a copy of the Praxi-
telian group. See Imhoof-Blumer and
Gardner, Numism. Comm. on Paus. pp.

7, 154, with pls. A, x, FF, ii.—13. Nup-

φάδων : since Pausanias, after mention-
ing the old gymnasium, quits Megara
and proceeds to the port, the Gate of the
Nymphs must have been on the south
side of Megara, and probably through
this the road to the port passed. An in-
scription (C.1.G.G.S. 31) mentions a
certain Matroxenus, who was ‘‘master
of the gymnasium in the Olympieum.”’
This gymnasium in the Olympieum (1,

40, 4) was probably the new one. — 14.
πυραμίδος σχῆμα : On some Coins of Me-
gara an obelisk appears between two
dolphins, probably a copy of the pyram-
idal image of Apollo. See Imhoof-
Blumer and Gardner, Numism. Comm.
on Paus. p. 6, with pl. A, viii. — 15. Et-
λειθνιῶν... ἱερόν: Homier (Il. A, 270)
mentions these goddesses in the plural.

16. ἐς δὲ τὸ ἐπίνειον: Thuc. 4, 66 says
the distance from Nisaea to Megara
was about eight stadia. When Megara
joined the Athenian alliance about 459
B.c., the Athenians constructed and
garrisoned two long walls between Me-
gara and Nisaea (Thuc. 1, 103). But

‘in 424 s.c. the Megarians seized the

walls and razed them to the ground.
Phocion rebuilt them in the following
century (Plut. Phocion, 15); and Stra-
bo speaks as if they still existed in his
time. At present hardly any remains
of these walls can be pointed out. The
hill of St. George on the eastern side of
the harbor appears to have been the
acropolis of Nisaea, mentioned by Pau-
sanias. Ruins of the fortifications may

20

25

30

NISAEA 211

Chest ὃ ῸὃῸὃῸὃΘὺῸΞ ee , ; oe
ἄλλα ἐς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν Kal τοὺς πρώτους πρόβατα ἐν TH γῇ
θρέψαντας Δήμητρα ὀνομάσαι Μαλοφόρον, καταρρυῆναι δὲ
τῷ ἱερῷ τὸν ὄροφον τεκμαίροιτο ἄν τις ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου. καὶ
9 4 , 9 ΄ΝᾺ 9 Ld Ἁ ϑ “ ?
ἀκρόπολίς ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ὀνομαζομένη καὶ αὐτὴ Νίσαια:
καταβᾶσι δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως μνῆμά ἐστι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ
Λέλεγος, ὃν ἀφικόμενον βασιλεῦσαι λέγουσιν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου,
παῖδα δὲ εἶναι Ποσειδῶνος καὶ Λιβύης τῆς Ἔπάφον. παρή-
. Ν Ν ‘ 4 “ 9 , ’ 9 A
κει δὲ παρὰ THY Νίσαιαν νῆσος ov μεγάλη Muga: ἐνταῦθα
ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς Νῖσον παρώρμει τὸ ναντικὸν τῶν
Κρητῶν. ἡ δὲ ὀρεινὴ τῆς Μεγαρίδος τῆς Βοιωτῶν ἐστιν
[-2 3 4 A N 4 e » Ν > la
ὅμορος, ἐν ἣ Μεγαρεῦσι Παγαὶ πόλις, ἑτέρα δὲ Αἰγόσθενα
ᾧκισται. ἰοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὰς Παγὰς ἐκτραπομένοις ὀλίγον τῆς
λεωφόρον πέτρα δείκνυται διὰ πάσης ἔχουσα ἐμπεπηγότας

be ὑγδοθά. --- 26. νῆσος οὐ μεγάλη Μι-
vga: the lower hill on the western side
of the harbor appears to have been
what Thuc. 8, 51, and Pausanias call
the island of Minoa. Thucydides (I.c.)
speaks of it as an island off Megara,
not far from the shore, to which it was
united by a bridge built over a shoal.
The Megarians used the island as a
fort, but in 427 s.c. it was captured by
the Athenians and fortified by them,
with a view to blockading Megara. In
424 they captured Nisaea also (Thuc.
4, 69). In the treaty of 423 they re-
tained Minoa and Nisaea but under
rigid restrictions .(Thuc. 4, 118).

29. IIayal: Pagae or Pegae (so, Attic
writers and others, Thuc. 1, 103, 107,
111,115; Plut. Pericles, 19) was a port
on the west coast of Megaris, on the Gulf
of Corinth. The distance from Pagae
to Nisaea was one hundred and twenty
stadia (Strabo, 8, p. 3384). When Me-
gara joined Athens in 459 s.c., the
Athenians took and held Pagae for

some years, but evacuated it in 445 s.c.,
when they concluded the Thirty Years’
Peace with Sparta (Thuc. l.c.).— At-
yéo@eva: the ruins of Aegosthena are
to be found on the west shore of Mega-
ris, at the head of a bay now called
Porto Germano, formed by a western
projection of Mt. Cithaeron on the
north and by the mountains of Megara
on thesouth. The walls of the town are
amongst the finest and best preserved
of ancient Greek fortifications. The
place is rarely mentioned by ancient
writers. Xen. Hell. 5, 4, 17 sq. tells of
a storm which in 878 B.c. wrought
havoc in a Lacedaemonian army under
Cleombrotus as they were approaching
Aegosthena; and Xen. Hell. 6, 4,258q.
tells how the Lacedaemonian army,
retreating after the disaster at Leuctra,
were met at Aegosthena by reénforce-
ments under Archidamus.—31. πέτρα:
Pausanias has now turned northward
and is following the road to Pagae,
a port on the Gulf of Corinth. In the

35

40

45

212 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

9 ’ 3 ἃ e ~ , 3 ’ 9 ~ , tar ἡ
ὀιστούς, ἐς ἣν οἱ Μῆδοί ποτε ἐτόξευον ἐν TH νυκτί. ἐν δὲ
ταῖς Παγαῖς θέας ὑπελείπετο ἄξιον ᾿Αρτέμιδος Σωτείρας ἐπί:
κλησιν χαλκοῦν ἄγαλμα, μεγέθει τῷ παρὰ Μεγαρεῦσιν ἴσον

Ν “ QA , ¥ N 3 , 9 io Ud
καὶ σχῆμα οὐδὲν διαφόρως ἔχον. Kat Αἰγιαλέως ἐνταῦθά
ἐστιν ἡρῷον τοῦ ᾿Αδράστον: τοῦτον γάρ, ὅτε ᾿Αργεῖοι τὸ
δεύτερον ἐς Θήβας ἐστράτευσαν, ὑπὸ τὴν πρώτην μάχην
πρὸς Γλισᾶντι ἀποθανόντα οἱ προσήκοντες ἐς Παγὰς τῆς
Μεγαρίδος κομίσαντες θάπτουσι, καὶ Αἰγιάλειον ἔτι καλεῖται
τὸ ἡρῷον. ἐν Αἰγοσθένοις δὲ Μελάμποδος τοῦ ᾿Αμυθάονός
ἐστιν ἱερὸν καὶ ἀνὴρ οὐ μέγας ἐπειργασμένος ἐν στήλῃ" καὶ
θύουσι τῷ Μελάμποδι καὶ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι. μαν-

, , ΚγῪ 2 5 , ον ¥ ¥ ,
τεύεσθαι δὲ οὔτε δι᾿ ὀνειράτων αὐτὸν οὔτε ἄλλως λέγουσι.
καὶ τόδε δὲ ἄλλο ἤκουσα ἐν ᾿Ἐρενείᾳ τῇ Μεγαρέων Ko

ῆ Gey Ὡρενείᾳ TY πεγαρεῶν KWL);
Αὐτονόην τὴν Kaduou τῷ te ᾿Ακταίωνος θανάτῳ, συμβάντι
nv τὴν Κάδμον τᾷ ς υ, συμ

e ld . ~ ’ ἴων » ἴω ’
ὡς λέγεται, καὶ τῇ πάσῃ τοῦ οἴκου τοῦ πατρῴου τύχῃ περισ-

’ 3 “~ 3 ~ 3 ~ ~ Ἁ 3
σότερον ἀλγοῦσαν ἐνταῦθα ἐκ Θηβῶν μετοικῆσαι. καὶ Αὐ-
τονόης μνῆμά ἐστιν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ ταύτῃ.

Ἰοῦσι δὲ ἐκ Μεγάρων ἐς Κόρινθον ἄλλοι τέ εἰσι τάφοι καὶ
αὐλητοῦ Σαμίον Τηλεφάνους: ποιῆσαι δὲ τὸν τάφον Κλεο-

, ‘ v4 ~ 3 4 , \ Ν ~
πάτραν THY Φιλίππου τοῦ ᾿Αμύντου λέγουσι. Kat Καρὸς τοῦ

“A “~ ἴω ΄ 4

Φορωνέως μνῆμά ἐστι, TO μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς χῶμα γῆς; ὕστερον
δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ χρήσαντος ἐκοσμήθη λίθῳ κογχίτῃ. μόνοις δὲ

neighborhood of Tripodisci there rises
on the south of the road a height now
called Karydi (‘‘ walnut-tree ’’), on the
rocky summit of which there are many
holes. These holes gave rise to the fable
which is cited here by Pausanias.

40. Μελάμποδος : Mr. A. B. Cook,
Cl. Rev. VIII (1894), 381 sqq., presents
some specious reasons for holding that
Melampus was originally a goat deity.

49, ἐκ Μεγάρων : from Megara Pau-
sanias proceeded to Corinth by the
route now followed by the highroad

and railway, along the southern shore
close to the sea. He therefore passed
through the necropolis now to be seen
a little to the southwest of Megara.
— 50. Ἰηλεφάνους: Telephanes, the
Samian flute-player, was a contempo-
rary of Demosthenes, who speaks well
of him (21, 17, p. 520). He is men-
tioned also in Athen. 8, p. 351z. The
epitaph on his tomb by Nicarchusis pre-
served in Anthol. Palat. 7, 159. — 58.
λίθῳ κογχίτῃ : Dodwell (Tour, IT, 178)
thus describes this stone: ‘‘ A soft and

55

65

70

SCIRONIAN ROAD 218

Ch. 44, 8
Ἑλλήνων Μεγαρεῦσιν ὁ Koyyirns οὗτός ἐστι, καί σφισιν
Ι Ν 9 As , . 3 ee ¥ .
[καὶ] ἐν τῇ πόλει πεποίηται πολλὰ ἐξ αὐτοῦ. ἔστι δὲ ἄγαν
λευκὸς καὶ ἄλλον λίθου μαλακώτερος - κόγχοι δὲ αἱ θαλάσ-
\ Ν »¥ , ε Φ \ af 3 ε ’,
σιαι διὰ παντὸς ἐνεισίν. οἱ. οὗτος μὲν τοιοῦτός ἐστιν ὁ λίθος"
‘ 9 ΝΡ 9. Ν , N23 , eQa ,
τὴν δὲ ὀνομαζομένην ἀπὸ Σκίρωνος καὶ és τόδε <6d0y> Σκί-
ρων, ἡνίκα Μεγαρεῦσιν ἐπολεμάρχει, πρῶτος ὡς λέγουσιν
ἐποίησεν ἀνδράσιν ὁδεύειν εὐζώνοις" ᾿Αδριανὸς δὲ [6] βα-
9
σιλεὺς καὶ οὕτως ὡς Kal ἅρματα ἐναντία ἐλαύνηται κατέστη-
σεν εὐρυχωρῆ τε καὶ ἐπιτηδείαν εἶναι.
Δόγοι δέ εἰσιν ἐς τὰς πέτρας ai κατὰ τὸ στενὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ
’᾽ 3 », ‘9 “ LY ld e 9 δὴ ’
μάλιστα ἀνέχουσιν, ἐς μὲν τὴν Μολουρίδα, ὡς ἀπὸ ταύτης
e A 9 , > \ er , » A ,
αὑτὴν ἐς θάλασσαν ‘Ive ῥίψαι Μελικέρτην ἔχουσα τῶν Trai-
δων τὸν νεώτερον: τὸν γὰρ δὴ πρεσβύτερον αὐτῶν Λέαρχον
ἀπέκτεινεν ὁ πατήρ. λέγεται μὲν δὴ καὶ μανέντα δρᾶσαι
ἴω 9 , ld de N € 3 ᾿ 3 Ἁ ‘ “ 3
ταῦτα ᾿Αθάμαντα, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς ἐς τὴν Ἰνὼ καὶ τοὺς ἐξ
αὐτῆς παῖδας χρήσαιτο ἀκρατεῖ τῷ θυμῷ τὸν συμβάντα Op-
, . VY oA ὃ a , θ ΄ 3 ,
χομενίοις λιμὸν καὶ τὸν δοκοῦντα Φρίξου θάνατον αἰσθόμε-
® CS A ¥ 3 , A . 3." ,
vos, ov τὸ θεῖον αἴτιον ov γενέσθαι, βουλεῦσαι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις
“A 3 Ἁ ‘ » , N ’ 3 ,
πᾶσιν ᾿Ινὼ μητρνιὰν οὖσαν τότε δὲ φεύγουσα és θάλασσαν

porous compound of petrified shells built. a fortification-wall across the isth-

and marine substances, that are easily
decomposed and crumbled into dust.”’
Cf. Curtius, Peloponnesus, I, 8. ---
58. τὴν δὲ ὀνομαζομένην ἀπὸ Σκίρω-
γος καὶ ἐς τόδε κτλ.: Strabo (9, p. 391)
describes the difficulties and dangers
of this famous pass along the sea-cliffs,
known in antiquity as the Scironian
road (Hdt. 8, 71). Alciphron (3, 70)
speaks of the robbers who here lay in
wait for travelers. It waseasy to make
such a pass impassable. Hence, after
the annibilation of Leonidas and his
men at Thermopylae, the Peloponne-
sians blocked the Scironian road and

mus (Hdt. 8, 71).

64. ἐς μὲν τὴν Μολουρίδα. . . "Iva
«ο΄. Μαελικέρτην : Schol. Pind. Isthm.
Introd. p. 515, ed. Boeckh, and Schol.
Lycophron, 229, agree in saying that
Ino fled with the infant Melicertes over
Mt. Gerania and flung herself and him
from the Molurian rock into the sea.
Cf. Zenob. 4, 38; Lucian, Dialogi Mar-
ini, 8, 1. — 68. λέγεται : this is the well-
known story of Helle and Phrixus, who
were on the point of being killed through
the wiles of their stepmother Ino, and
who were carried away through the air
on the ram with the golden fleece. It is

75

80

85

214 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

h. 44,
e A N ἃ to > νὴ “~ 2 ~ (ὃ ς 4 9
αὑτὴν καὶ τὸν παῖδα ἀπὸ τῆς πέτρας τῆς ModAoupioos ἀφίη-
σιν, ἐξενεχθέντος δὲ ἐς τὸν Κορινθίων ἰσθμὸν ὑπὸ δελφῖνος
ὡς λέγεται τοῦ παιδός, τιμαὶ καὶ ἄλλαι τῷ Μελικέρτῃ δίδον-
’ , XN ~ 9 ’ > 3 9 ἰφὶ
ται μετονομασθέντι Παλαίμονι καὶ τῶν Ἰσθμίων ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
Ἁ 9 ~ ἐμ ᾿ ‘ ‘N 4 2
τὸν ἀγῶνα ἄγουσι. τὴν μὲν δὴ Μολουρίδα πέτραν Λευκο-
4 ‘ ? e “ 4 A δ Ν ’
θέας καὶ Ikadaipovos ἱερὰν ἥγηντο: τὰς δὲ μετὰ ταύτην
νομίζουσιν ἐναγεῖς, ὅτι παροικῶν σφισιν δ᾽ Σκίρων, ὁπόσοις
“A , 3 4 3 ’ ~ > \ 4
τῶν ξένων ἐπετύγχανεν, ἠφίει σφᾶς ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν. ye
λώνη δὲ ὑπενήχετο ταῖς πέτραις τοὺς ἐσβληθέντας ἁρπάζειν"
> N “ e , ᾿ ’ Ν A 9 A
εἰσὶ δὲ ai θαλάσσιαι πλὴν μεγέθους Kat ποδῶν ὅμοιαι ταῖς
χερσαΐίαις, πόδας δὲ ἐοικότας ἔχουσι ταῖς φώκαις. τούτων
~ e , ’ 9 , 3 4 Ν 9 \
περιῆλθεν ἡ δίκη Σκίρωνα ἀφεθέντα ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν αὐτὴν
ε δὴ ’ 9 A A ἮΝ a » , 3 > ’
ὑπὸ Θησέως. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὄρους τῇ ἄκρᾳ Διός ἐστιν ᾿Αφεσίον
id a N “ 9. ἃ A ᾽ Ud “ “
καλουμένου ναός: φασὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ συμβάντος ποτὲ τοῖς

Ἕλλησιν αὐχμοῦ θύσαντος. Αἰακοῦ κατὰ δή τι λόγιον τῷ

Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ . . . κομίσαντα δὲ ἀφεῖναι καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο ᾿Αφέσιον καλεῖσθαι τὸν Δία. ἐνταῦθα καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης
ἄγαλμα καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνός ἐστι καὶ Πανός. προελθοῦσι δὲ ἐς

told at greater length by Zenobius (4,
38) and Hyginus (Fab. 2).

16. τῶν ᾿Ισϑμίων : cf. 2, 1,3. Schol.
Pind. Isthm. Introd. p. 614, ed. Boeckh,
explains that when the corpse of Meli-
certes was washed ashore on the Isth-
mus, a famine befell Corinth, and an
oracle declared it would not cease until
the people paid the due obsequies to
Melicertes and honored him with fu-
neral games. When they afterwards
omitted the games, the famine came
again, and the oracle told them that
the honors paid to Melicertes must be
eternal. All the most famous Greek
games — the Isthmian, Nemean, Olym-
pic, and Pythian—appear to have
been originally funeral games.— 80. xe-

λώνη : hence Sciron was said to feed the
tortoise (Schol. Eur. Hippol. 979). The
death of Sciron is depicted on vase-
paintings, and in some of them the tor-
toise is represented as waiting below
for its prey. It is also the subject of
one of the sculptured metopes of the
so-called Theseum at Athens.

85. Διός... ᾿Αφεσίον καλουμένον
ναός : the site of this sanctuary, δου ΔῊ
hour and a half southwest of Megara,
on an eminence above the road to Cor-
inth,was excavated in 1889. The temple
was a tiny building, about twenty feet
long and fourteen feet wide, consisting
mnerely of a cella with a portico facing
southeast. See A.M. XIV (1889), 327;
"Ed. ᾽Αρχ. 1890, pp. 35 sqq., 63 sq.

9

95

LATOAN APOLLO

Ch. 44, 10

215

“ ’ ἰοὺ ? 59 9 ’ , δὲ 3 ΝᾺ >
τὸ πρόσω μνῆμά ἐστιν Εὐρυσθέως: φεύγοντα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾽Αττι-
κῆς μετὰ τὴν πρὸς Ἡρακλείδας μάχην ἐνταῦθα ἀποθανεῖν

9 AN e av 9 4 ’ 9 A e A A
αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Ἰολάον λέγουσιν. ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ὁδοῦ καταβᾶσιν
9 4 ε ’ > 4 N > 9. AN A
Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐστι Λατῴον καὶ per αὑτὸ Μεγαρεῦσιν
ὅροι πρὸς τὴν Κορινθίαν, ἔνθα Ὕλλον τὸν Ἡρακλέους μονο-
μαχῆσαι πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρκάδα Ἔχεμον λέγουσιν.

91. Εὐρυσθέως : according to Apol-
lod. 2, 8, 1, Eurystheus, after his de-
feat in Attica, fled in his chariot, but
was overtaken at the Scironian rocks
and slain by Hyllus, who cut off his
head and brought it back to Alemena.
According to Eur. Heracl. 859 sqq.,
Iolaus took Eurystheus prisoner at the

Scironian rocks, and brought him back —

to Alemena, who had him put to death.
— 94. ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερόν : after passing
the long line of the Scironian cliffs the
road descends into a little plain beside
the sea, where at present is a small
settlement named Kineta. The sanc-
tuary of Latoan Apollo was probably in
this neighborhood. — 95. ἔνθα Ὕλλον:
see 1, 41, 2, note.

APPENDIX

A. MANUSCRIPTS

The text of Pausanias has been handed down to us in wretched condi-
tion. It contains a number of bad faults and a great many lacunae for which
the author is not to blame. The extant manuscripts are without exception
of late date and were not transcribed by the best copyists. Schubart, to
whom we are indebted for the first careful collation of the manuscripts,
has shown that they go back to one archetype, but that there already
existed in the archetype a varia lectio, introduced above the lines and on
the margin, so that the copyists had really two recensions to choose from.
In some instances they preferred the reading of the text; in others they
chose the marginal reading; and at times they even took both, either by
noting the variation on the margin or by embodying the two ideas in the
text. The manuscripts are more than twenty in number and date chiefly
from the 15th century. Hitzig has brought the critical apparatus of the
Schubart-Walz edition up to date and has revised the text in the light of
forty years of modern scholarship. For a full discussion of the manu-
scripts consult the prefaces of Schubart, Hitzig, and Spiro. The princi-
pal manuscripts are divided by Hitzig into three classes, in order of
excellence as follows :

Crass I.—Codex Leidensis 16 Καὶ, La, of the 15th and 16th centuries;

in five parts by four different hands.

Codex Parisinus 1410, Pc, written by Michael Suliardus in
1491; closely related to La.

Codex Parisinus 1411, Pd, of the 15th century; closely re-
lated to Pc.

Codex Angelicus 2 c ii, Ag, of the 14th or the beginning
of the 15th century; akin to La and Pd. — |

Codex Laurentianus Plut. LVI 10, Fa, of the 15th century,
with marginal glosses; it accords very frequently with Ag.

Codex Laurentianus Plut. LVI 11, Fb, of the 15th century;
it is perhaps copied from Fa.

216

APPENDIX 217

Crass IJ. — Codex Vaticanus 56, Vt, of the 16th century.
Codex Mosquensis, M, probably of the 14th century.
Codex Monacensis 404, Mo, of the 16th century; it is al-
most identical with M.

Codex Venetus 413, Vn, of the 15th century.
Codex Leidensis 16 L, Lb, of the 15th century.

Crass III. — Codex Parisinus 1399, Pa, of the 15th century.
Codex Neapolitanus iii A 16, N, of the 15th century.
Codex Vindobonensis Hist. Gr. XXIII, Va, of the 16th

century.
Codex Vindobonensis Hist. Gr. LI, Vb, of the 16th century.

B. EDITIONS
EDITOR PLACE PUBLISHER DATE
Editio Princeps (M. Musurus) Venice Aldus 1516
Xylander-Sylburgius Frankfort Hered. A. Wecheli 1583
Xylander-Sylburgius Hanover Typis Wechelianis 1613
Kuhnius Leipzig Fritsch 1696
Facius Leipzig Weigel 1794
Clavier Paris Eberhart. 1814
Siebelis Leipzig Weidmann 1822-1828
Bekker Berlin Reimer 1826-1827
Schubart and Walz Leipzig Hahn 1838-18389
Dindorf Paris Didot 1845
Schubart Leipzig Teubner 1853-1854.
Schubart Leipzig _ Teubner 1876
Weise Leipzig Tauchnitz ᾿ 1877
Hitzig and Bluemner Leipzig Reisland 1896
Spiro Leipzig Teubner 1903

For a full description of the early editions and translations, see Dibdin,
T. F., An Introduction to the Knowledge of Rare and Valuable Editions
of the Greek and Latin Classics, London 1827; Moss, J. W., Manual of
Classical Bibliography, London 1825; Schweiger, F. L. A., Handbuch der
klassischen Bibliographie, Leipzig 1830-1834,

218 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

C. TRANSLATIONS

LANGUAGE TRANSLATOR PLACE PUBLISHER DATE

Latin Calderinus Venice Bernardin 1498
Latin Amasaeus Rome — 1547
Latin Loescher Basle Oporinus 1550
Latin Amasaeus Florence Torrentinus 1551
: Amasaeus (with 1624
Latin Sylburg ed.) Frankfort Wechel { 1670
Italian Bonnaccinoli Mantua Osanna 15938
Italian Nibby Rome Poggioli 1817

: : 1765-1766

German Goldhagen Berlin Reimer { 1798-1799

German Wiedasch Munich Fleischmann 1826-1833
German Siebelis-Reichardt . Stuttgart Metzler se

German Schubart Stuttgart Hoffmann 1857-1863
“ 1781
French Gedoyn Paris Nyon 1733
1797

French Clavier Paris Eberhart 1822-1828
English U. Price London Evans 1780
English Thomas Taylor London Jeffry { He

: London :

English Frazer — . New York Macmillan 1890

D. COMMENTARIES AND WORKS BEARING ON
PAUSANIAS

1. WHOLE BOOKS AND LARGER TREATISES

Harrison, Jane E., and Verrall, Margaret de G.: Mythology and Monu-
ments of Ancient Athens, being a translation of a portion of the Attica of
Pausanias by Mrs. Verrall with introductory essay and archaeological com-
mentary by Miss Harrison, London and New York, Macmillan, 1890;
Hitzig, H., and Bluemner, H.: Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio, edited with
apparatus criticus by Hitzig, with commentary etc. by Hitzig and Bluem-
ner, Leipzig, Reisland, 1896; Frazer, J. G.: Pausanias’s Description of
Greece, translated with a commentary. Six volumes, London and New
York, Macmillan, 1898; Imhoof-Blumer, F., and Gardner, P.: Numismatic
Commentary on Pausanias (J. H. S. vi, 1885, 50-101; vii, 1886, 57-113;

APPENDIX 219

viii, 1887, 6-63); Kalkmann, A.: Pausanias der Perieget, Untersuchungen
tiber seine Schriftstellerei und seine Quellen, Berlin 1886; Gurlitt, W.:
Ueber Pausanias, Graz 1890; Bencker, M.: Der Anteil der Periegese an
der Kunstschriftstellerei der Alten, Munich 1890; Heberdey, R.: Die Reisen
des Pausanias in Griechenland (Abh. d. arch. epigr. Seminars der Uni-
versitat Wien x, Vienna 1894).

2. IMPORTANT ARTICLES

v. Wilamowitz, Hermes xii (1878), 365 ff.; Schoell, Hermes xiii (1879),
432 ff.; Brunn, Jb. f. ΚΙ]. Philol. xxx (1884), 23 ff.; Enmann, ibid. 497 ff.;
v. Sybel, ibid. xxxi (1885), 177 ff.; Lolling, Gott. Gel. Anz. 1890, 627 ff.;
Weil, Berl. Philol. Woch. 1890, 1101 ff.; Fischbach, Wien. Stud. xv (1893),
161 ff.; Kalkmann, Arch. Anz. 1895, 12 ff.; Wachsmuth in Pauly-Wissowa,
Realencycl. Supplein. i, 200 ff., 1903; Carroll, George Washington Univer-
sity Bulletin vi (1907), No. 3, 61 ff.

ὃ. SELECT DISSERTATIONS

Béckh: De Pausaniae stilo Asiano, 1824; Brause: Commentationes cri-
ticae de quibusdam locis Pausaniae Periegetae, 1851; Krueger: Theologu-
mena Pausaniae, 1860; Hitzig: Beitr. 2. Texteskritik ἃ. Pausanias, 1873;
Iluzig: Weitere Beitr. z. Texteskritik ἃ. Pausanias, 1876; Koenig: De
Pausaniae fide et auctoritate in historia mythologia artibusque Graecorum
tradendis praestita, 18382; Pfundtner: Pausanias Periegeta imitator Hero-
doti, 1866 ; Pfundtner: Des Reisebeschreibers Pausanias Lebens- und Glau-
bensanschauungen, 1868; Scheffler: Ueber die Persénlichkeit des Periegeten
Pausanias, 1880; Storch: Syntaxeos Pausanianae part. I de anacoluthis,
1869; Storch: Syntaxeos Pausanianae capp. vili, 1872; Wernicke: De
Pausaniae Periegetae studiis Herodoteis, 1884 ; Rueger ὃ Die Prapositionen
bei Pausanias. Beitrag zur historischen Syntax der griechischen Sprache,
1889.

EK. ATHENS AND ATTICA

1. GENERAL WORKS

On the older literature pertaining to Athenian topography, consult Léon,
Comte de Laborde, Athénes aux xv®, xvi® et xvu® siécles, Paris 1854,
and Judeich, Topographie von Athen, pp. 14 ff. We give below the more
important works that have appeared since the beginning of the seven-
teenth century.

220 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Spon, J., and Wheler, G.: Voyage d’Italie, de Dalmatie, de Gréce et du
Levant, fait aux années 1675 et 1676. Vols. i, ii, iii, Lyons 1678; vols. i,
ii, Amsterdam 1679 and The Hague 1724; Wheler, G.: A Journey into
Greece by George Wheler, Esq., in company with Dr. Spon of Lyons, etc.,
London 1682; Stuart, J. and Revett, N.: The Antiquities of Athens, 4 vols.
London, i 1762, ii 1789, iii 1794, iv 1816; new edition 1825-1830; Chan-
dler, R.: Travels in Greece; or an account of a tour made at the expense
of the Society of Dilettanti, Oxford 1776; Clarke, E. D.: Travels in Vari-
ous Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, London 1814: Athens in ii,
462-596; Dodwell, E.: A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece
during the years 1801, 1805, 1806. Vols. i, ii, London 1819; Miiller, K. O.:
“Attika,’’ Ersch and Gruber’s Realencyklopadie Sekt. 1, Bd. vi, 1820, 228 ff.;
Hawkins, J.: On the Topography of Athens. Walpole’s Memoirs relating
to European and Asiatic Turkey, etc., London 1817, 2d ed. 1818, 480 ff.;
Gell, W.: Itinerary of Greece, containing one hundred routes in Attica,
Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, and Thessaly, London 1819; Unedited Antiquities
of Attica, by the Society of Dilettanti, London 1817; 2d ed. 1833; Leake,
W. M.: The Topography of Athens, London 1821; Topography of Athens
and the Demi of Attica, 2 vols., London 1841; Leake, W. M.: Travels
in Northern Greece, vols. i-iv, London 1835; Pittakis, K.: L’Ancienne
Athénes, Athénes 1835; Wordsworth, Chr.: Athens and Attica, London
1836; 4th ed. 1869; Wordsworth, Chr.: Greece, a Descriptive, Historical,
and Pictorial Account, London 1839; 2d ed. 1859; revised by II. F. Tozer |
1882; Mure, W.: Journal of a Tour in Greece and the [Ionian Islands, with
remarks on the recent history, present state, and classical antiquities of
those countries. Vols. i, ii, Edinburgh and London 1842; Ross, L.: Wan-
derungen in Griechenland, Halle 1851; Ross, L.: Archdologische Aufsitze
(i Leipzig 1855, ii hrsg. v. K. Keil 1861); Rochette, R.: Sur la topogra-
phie d’Athénes, Paris 1852; Breton, E.: Athénes décrite et dessinée, Paris
1862; 2d ed. 1868: Welcker, F. G.: Tagebuch einer. griechischen Reise,
vols, i, ii, Berlin 1865; Géttling, C. W.: Ges. Abhandlungen a. d. klassi-
schen Alteriime, vol.i Halle 1854, vol.ii Munich 1863 ; Forchhammer, P. W.:
Topographie von Athen, Kiel 1841; Penrose, F. C.: Principles of Athenian
Architecture, London 1851; De Laborde, L.: Athénes aux xv®, xvi®, et xv11e
siécles, Paris 1854; Vischer, W.: Erinnerungen und Eindriicke aus Grie-
chenland, Basel 1857, 103-216; Bursian, K.: Geographie von Griechenland,
Leipzig 1862-1868: Attica in i, 264-825; Ulrichs, H. N.: Reisen und
Forschungen, Berlin 1863: ii, 133 ff.; Dyer, 7. H.: Ancient Athens, its His-
tory, Topography, and Remains, London 1873; Milchhoefer, A.: «+ Athen,”’

APPENDIX 221

Baumeister’s Denkmialer, Munich 1885: i, 144 ff.; Milchhoefer, A.: Die
attischen Demen, Berlin 1887 ; Milchhoefer, A.: Schriftquellen zur Topo-
graphie von Athen (published with Curtius’ Stadtgeschichte von Athen,
Berlin 1891); Hertzberg, G. F.: Athen, Halle 1885; Mahaffy, J. P.: Ram-
bles and Studies in Greece, 3d ed. revised, London 1887; Curtius, E.:
Attische Studien, Géttingen, vol.i 1862, vol. ii 1865; Curtius, E.: Die Stadt-
geschichte von Athen, mit einer Uebersicht der Schriftquellen zur Topo-
graphie von Athen von A. Milchhoefer, Berlin 1891; Curtius, E.: Ges.
Abhandlungen, Berlin 1894; Wachsmuth, C.: Die Stadt Athen im Alter-
tum, vol. i 1874, first half vol. ii 1890, Leipzig; Wachsmuth, C.: Neue
Beitrage zur Topographie von Athen (Abh. d. K. 5. Ges. d. Wiss. xli);
Lolling, H. G.: Topographie von Athen, Miiller’s Handbuch d. kl. Alt., 1st
ed., iii, 290 ff.; Jahn, O., and Michaelis, A.: Arx Athenarum a Pausania
descripta, Leipzig 1901 ; Afichaelis, A.: Tabulae arcem Athenarum illus-
trantes, Leipzig 1901; Gardner, E. A.: Ancient Athens, New York 1902;
Butler, H. C.: The Story of Athens, New York 1902; Kaorpiors: Τὰ
μνημεῖα τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν, 3d ed., Athens 1895; Ambrosoli, S.: Atene, brevi
cenni sulla citta antica e moderna, Milan 1901; Baedeker, K.: Greece, 4th
ed., Leipzig 1904; Meyer: Turkei und Griechenland, 5th ed., 1901;
Murray: Handbook for Travellers in Greece, 7th ed. revised, London
1900; Guides Joanne: Athénes et ses Environs, Paris 1890; Wachsmuth:
«ς Athenai,’s Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. Supplem. i, 159 ff., Stuttgart
1903; Harrison, Jane E.: Primitive Athens as described by Thucydides,
Cambridge 1906.

2. PERIODICALS

American Journal of Archaeology, founded 1885: Series i, vols. i—xi
(1885-1896) ; Series ii, since 1897. (A.J. A.)

Annual of the British School at Athens, since 1894-1895.

Antike Denkmdiler, a collection of valuable plates published at irregular
intervals. (Ant. Denkm.)

Archdologische Zeitung, vols. i-xlili (1843-1885). (Arch. Zeit.)

Archdologischer Anzeiger: appendix to the Jahrbuch, but paged sepa-
rately. (Arch. Anz.)

Bulletin de Correspondance hellenique, since 1877. (B.C. H.)

᾿Ἐφημερὶς ᾿Αρχαιολογική, published at irregular intervals from 1837 to
1883, and since then annually. (Ed. ’Apy.)

Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich-Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts, since 1886.

(A. Jb.)

222 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Jahreshefie des Oesterreichischen Archdologischen Instituts in Wien, mit Beiblatt,
since 1898. (Jh. Oesterr. Arch. Inst.)

Journal of Hellenic Studies, since 1880. (J. Η. 5.)

Mittheilungen des Kaiserlich-Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts, A thenische
Abtheilung, founded 1876, since 1886 with slight change of title. (A. M.)

Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens: vols. i-vi

(to 1897).
Πρακτικὰ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αθήναις ᾿Αρχαιολογικῆς “Eroupias, vol. i published in
1871. (IIp.) ;
Revue archéologique: Series i, 1844-1860; Series ii, 1860-1882 ; Series iii,
1883-1902 ; Series iv, 1903-— . (Rev. Arch.)

Revue des Etudes grecques, since 1888. (R. Et. Gr.)

3. ATLASES, MAPS, PLANS, VIEWS

Atlases. — Curtius, E.: Sieben Karten von Attika, Gotha 1868; Cur-
tius, E., and Kaupert, J. A.: Atlas von Athen, Berlin 1878, 12 large folio
plates ; Curtius and Kaupert: Karten von Attika, mit erlauterndem Text,
Berlin 1881 ff.

Wall Maps. — Reinhard, H.: Athenae in us. scholarum, Stuttgart 1868;
Curtius and Kaupert: Vienna 1900; Loeper, R.: Cybulski’s Tabulae xiv,
a. b., Leipzig 1908. :

Views. — The photographs of Rhomaides, the English Photograph Co.,
and the collection of the German Archaeological Institute; Barth’s Book-
store’s ‘‘“EXAds, a collection of views of Athens and Greece ’’—all in
Athens; Reconstruction of Ancient Athens by Joseph Hoffmann, Ed.
Holzel’s Kunstverlag in Vienna, 1880; Paul Acker, Les Villes antiques,
Athénes. Restauration archéologique, Paris 1899; Model of Ancient
Athens, after Curtius and Kaupert, H. Walger, Berlin 1880.

4, SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR EXCURSUSES
(1) Watts anp FortIFIcATIONs

For the earlier literature, consult Wachsmuth, Curtius, Frazer, and
Hitzig-Bluemner (ll. cc.).

Leake: Topography of Athens, 300-875 ; Wachsmuth: Stadt Athen, ii,
1-50; Curtius: Stadtgeschichte, 104 ff.: Milchhoefer: «« Peiraieus,’’ Bau-
meister’s Denkm., 11, 1195 ff.; Karten von Attika, Text i, 24 ff.; ii, 1ff.; von
Alten: Karten von Attika, Text i, 10-22; Angelopoulos: Περὶ Πειραιῶς καὶ

APPENDIX 223

τῶν λιμένων αὐτοῦ, Athens 1898; Carroll: The Site of Ancient Phalerum,
George Washington University Bulletin iii, 1904, No.3, 82 ff.; Frazer:
on Paus. 1, 1,2; 1, 2,2; 1, 2,4; 1, 28,3; Hitzig-Bluemner: on Paus. 1,
1, 2; 1, 2,2; 1, 2, 4; 1, 28,3; Gardner: Ancient Athens, 36-72, 542-568 ;
Judeich: Topographie von Athen, 107-154.

(2) THE MARKET-PLACE OF ATHENS

The literature on the Agora is most fully given by Wachsmuth, ii,
305, note 1, and Hitzig-Bluemner, note on Paus. 3, 1. The most impor-
tant references are :

Wachsmuth: Die Stadt Athen, i, 152-172, 180-182, 199-212 ; ii, 305 ff.;
Pauly-Wissowa Supplem. 1, 181 ff.; Curtsus: Attische Studien, ii, Der
Kerameikos und die Geschichte der Agora von Athen ; Stadtgeschichte,
169 ff.; Ges. Abhandlungen, i, 339 ff.; Leake: Topography of Athens,
98-134; Kaupert: Die Rekonstruktion der Agora des Kerameikos, Berl.
Philo]. Woch. vii (1887), 571 ff.; Lange: Haus u. Halle, 1885, 60 ff.;
Weizsdcker: Jahrb. f. kl. Philol. 1887, 577 ff.; Verh. ἃ. 39. Philologen-
vers. in Zurich 1888, 210 ff.; Afiss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 14 ff.;
Fallis: Pausanias auf der Agora von Athen, Munich 1895 ; Dérpfeld: Ant.
Denkm. ii, Taf. 37, Text p. 1; Milchhoefer: Berl. Philol. Woch. 1900,
351 f., 379 ff.; Frazer: Pausanias ii, pp. 55 ff., etc.; Hitztg-Bluemner: on
Paus. 1, 3,1, etc.; Gardner: Ancient Athens; 126 ff., 381, 455; Judeich:
Topographie von Athen, 293-339.

(3a) “THe ENNEAcRUNUS EPISODE”

For a more complete statement of the literature on the Enneacrunus
question, consult Hitzig-Bluemner, i, 166 ff., and Frazer, Pausanias. 1],
114, 117f. Here follow the more important titles:

Leake : Topography of Athens, i, 127 ff.; Curtius: Attische Studien, 1],
15 ff.; Stadtgesch. 88-294; Ges. Abhandl. ii, 401-408; Wachsmuth: Stadt
Athen, i, 272-284; Rh. Mus. xxiii, 35 ff.; Unger: Sitzungsber. d. Akad.
Minch. phil. hist. Cl. (1874), 263 ff.; Lischke : Die Enneakrunos-episode
bei Pausanias, Progr. Dorpat (1883), 9 ff.; Dérpfeld: A. M. xvi (1891),
444 ff.; xvii (1892), 92 ff., 439-445; xix (1893), 143 ff.; Mfiss Harrison:
Ancient Athens (1890), 88 ft Gardner: Ancient Athens, 18-23, 149-151,
535-538 ; Grdber: Die Enneakrunos, A. M. xxxi (1906), 1-64; Judeich:
Topographie (1905), 180 ff.; Watzinger: A. M. xxvi (1901), 305 ff.; Afiss
Harrison: Primitive Athens as described by Thucydides, Cambridge 1906.

224 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

(36) THe Dionystum ΙΝ LIMNIs

Curtius: Stadtgesch. 76 ff.; Wilamowitz: Hermes, xxi (1886), 615 ff.;
Oehmichen: Sitzungsber. Akad. Minch. phil.-hist. K]. 11 (1889), 122 ff.;
v. Maass: De Lenaeo et Delphinio, Progr. Greifswald, 1891/1892, 111 ff. ;
Pickard: A. J. A. viii (1893), 56 ff.; Dérpfeld: A. M. xvii (1892), 439 ;
xix (1894), 506 ff.; xx (1895), 161 ff., 368 ff.; Muchhoefer: Philol. lv
(1896), 171 ff.; Wachsmuth: Abh. Gesellschaft d. W. Leipz. (1897), 33 ff. ;
v. Prott: A. M. xxiii (1898), 205 ff.; Bates: Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc. xxx
(1899), 97 ff.; Carroll: Class. Rev. xix (1905), 325 ff.; Gardner: Ancient
Athens, 111 ff., 123 ff., 148 ff.; Judeich: Topographie, 261 ff.; Miss Harri-
son: Primitive Athens, 83-100; Schrader: A. M. xxi (1896), 265 ff. ;
Capps: Class. Philol. ii (1907), 25 ff.

(4) THe So-cALLED THESEUM

Wachsmuth : Die Stadt Athen, i, 357-365 ; Leake: Athens, i, 498-512;
Curtius: Stadtgeschichte, 120-136, 294-296 ; Déorpfeld: A. M. ix (1884),
326 ff.; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 112-122, 146-149; Gardner: An-
cient Athens, 410 ff.; Graef and Baumeister: Baumeister’s Denkm. 1774-
1786 ; 1088 : Das Theseion und der Tempel des Ares in Athen, Halle 1852 ;
Pervanoglu: Philologus, xxvii (1868), 660-672; Sauer: Das sogenannte
Theseion und sein plastischer Schmuck, Leipzig and Berlin 1899; Bates:
A.J. A.v (1901), 37 f.; Lolling: Nachr. der Gott. Ges. ἃ. Wissensch. 1874,
17 ff.; Judeich: Topographie, 325 ff.

(5) Tut OLYMPIEUM

Stuart and Revett: The Antiquities of Athens, London 1794, 11-17;
Dodwell: Travels in Greece, i, 387 ff.; Leake: Athens, i, 513-516; Dyer:
Ancient Athens, 272-279 ; Milchhoefer: Athen, 177 f.; Bevier: Papers of
Am. School at Athens, 1 (1882-1883), 183-212; Guide Joanne: i, 98 f.;
Baedeker: 49 f.; Lolling: Athen, 321 f.; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens,
188 ff.; Penrose: J. H. S. viii (1887), 272 ff.; Penrose: Principles of
Athenian Architecture (ed. of 1888), with pl. xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix ;
"Ed. ᾽Αρχ., 1883, 195 f.; Berl. Philol. Woch. vii (1887), 702; Frazer:
Pausanias, ii, 178 f.; Gardner: Ancient Athens, 116-119, 498-499, etc.;
Judeich: Topographie, 340 ff.

APPENDIX | 925

(6) Toe THEATRE oF Dionysus

Dyer: Ancient Athens, 307-3438 ; Julius: Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst, xiii
(1878), 193-204, 236, 242 ; ΠΠΙρακτικὰ τῆς ᾿Αρχαιολογικῆς ‘Erarpias for 1877,
6 ff.; ibid. for 1878, 8 ff.; Wheeler: Papers of Am. School at Athens, i
(1882-18838), 1238-179 ; Milchhoefer: Athen, 190-192; Afiiller: Die griech.
Bihnenalterthiimer, 82-101; Dérpfeld: ibid. 415 ff.; Kawerau: Baumei-
ster’s Denkm. 1734-1738; Guide Joanne: i, 69-72; Baedeker: 58-55;
Botticher: Die Akropolis von Athen, 236-255 ; Haigh: The Attic Theatre,
Oxford 1898; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 271-295; Frazer: Pau-
sanias, ii, 222 ff.; Gardner: Ancient Athens, 123-125, 398-399, 453-454,
etc.; Dérpfeld and Reisch: Das griechische Theater, Athen 1896 ; Dérpfeld:
A. M. xxii (1897), 439 ff.; xxiii (1898), 326 ff.; xxiv (1899), 310 ff.; xxviii
(1903), 888 ff.; Puchstein: Die griechische Bithne: eine architektonische
Untersuchung, Berlin 1901; Judeich: Topographie, 276 ff.; Capps: Uni-
versity of Chicago Studies in Class. Philol. i (1893), 93 ff.; Class. Rev.
Vili (1894), 318 ff.; A.J. A. x (1896), 287 ff.

(7) Tue AcroroLis oF ATHENS

Beule: L’Acropole d’Athénes, 2 vols. 18538-1854 (2d ed. 1862); De
Laborde: Athénes aux xv®, xvie®, xvul® siécles, 1854; Wachsmuth: Die
Stadt Athen im Altertum, 1874; Burnouf: La Ville et 1’Acropole d’Athénes,
1877; Bétticher: Die Akropolis von Athen, Berlin 1888; Gregorovius:
Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter, 1889; Curtius: Die Stadt-
geschichte von Athen, 1891; Afiller: History of the Acropolis of Athens,
A.J. A. viii (1893), 473 ff.; Luckenbach: Die Akropolis von Athen, 1896 ;
Gross: Die Akropolis von Athen und ihre Kunstdenkmialer, Progr. Kron-
stadt, 1900; Michaelis: Arx Athenarum a Pausania descripta, with atlas,
1901; Hachtmann: Die Akropolis von Athen im Zeitalter des Perikles,
Gymnasialbibl. Heft 35, Giitersloh 1903 ; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens,
343 ff.; Primitive Athens, 5-65; Gardner: Ancient Athens, 208 ff.; Judeich:
Topographie, 190-255 ; Dérpfeld, Petersen, Wolters: Die Ausgrabungen der
Akropolis, A. M. xi (1886) — xiv (1890).

(8) THE PROPYLAEA

Wheler: Journey in Greece, 358 f.; Stuart and Revett: ii (1787), 37 ff.,
with pl. i-xiii; Leake: Athens, i, 527 f.; Beulé: L’Acropole d’Athénes, 1,
162 ff.; Ivanoff: Sulla grande Scalinata de’ propilei dell’ Acropoli d’ Atene,
Annali dell’ Instituto, xxiii (1861), 275-293; Dyer: Ancient Athens,

226 ‘THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

562 ff.; Julius: A. M. i (1876), 216-228 ; ii (1877), 192-194; Robert: Aus
Kydathen, 172-194; Bohn: Die Propylaeen der Akropolis zu Athen (Ber-
lin and Stuttgart 1882); Milchhoefer: Athen, 200-202; Dérpfeld: A. M. x
(1885), 38-56, 1381-144; White: "Ed. ’Apy. 1894, 1 ff.; Boetticher: Die
Akropolis von Athen, 175-187 ; Lolling: Athen, 339-341; Baumeister’s
Denkm., 1414-1422; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 350-367 ; Curtius:
Stadtgesch. 130 ff.; Weller: A. J. A. [N.S.] viii (1904), 33-70; Judeich:
Topographie, 207 ff.

(9) THE ΤΈΜΡΙΕ or ATHENA Nike

Michaelis: Arch. Zeit. xx (1862), 249-267; Bétticher: Philologus xxi
(1864), 41-72; Pervanoglu, Bulletino dell’ Instituto, 1868, 162-164;
Julius: A. M. i (1876), 224 ff.; Michaelis, ibid. 279 ff.; Curtius: Arch. Zeit.
Xxxvii (1879), 97 f.; Bohn: Arch. Zeit. xxxviii (1880), 85-91; A. M. v
(1880), 259-267, 309-316 ; Kekulé: Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der
Athena Nike (Stuttgart 1881); Petersen: Zeit. f. d. oest. Gym. xxxii
(1881), 261-282; Baumeister’s Denkm., 1021-1027; Wolters: Bonner
Studien, 1890, 92-101; Friederichs-Wolters: Gipsabgiisse, Nos. 747-804,
pp. 281-290 ; Yorke: J. H.S. xiii (1892-1893), 272-280; Kavvadias : "Ed.
"Apx- 1897, 174 ff.; Dérpfeld: A. M. xxii (1897), 227 ff.; v. Wilamowitz :
Deutsch. Lit. Zeit. 1898, 383 ff.; Furtwdangler: Meisterw. 207-222 ; Judeich:
Topographie, 204 ff.

(10) THe ParTHENON

The literature on the Parthenon is given fully in Jahn-Michaelis, Arx,
53 ff.1 We give only the principal titles:

1. Architecture. — Michaelis: Der Parthenon, Leipzig 1871; Fergusson,
The Parthenon, London 1882; Penrose: Principles of Athenian Archi-
tecture, new ed., London 1888; Magne: Le Parthenon : Etudes faites
au cours de deux missions en Gréce 1894-1895, Paris 1895; Dérpfeld:
A.M. vi (1881), 283-302; xix (1894), 529-531 ; xxvii (1902), 379 ff.;
v. Sybel: Baumeister’s Denkm. ii, 1171-1188; Boetticher: Akropolis, 110 ff.;
Furtwdngler: Meisterw. 162 ff.; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 430-480 ;
Gardner: Ancient Athens, 257-352 ; Judeich: Topographie, 225-237.

2. Sculpture. — Petersen: Die Kunst des Pheidias, Berlin 1873; Wald-
stein: Essays on the Art of Phidias, Cambridge 1885; Puchstein: A. Jb.,
v (1890), 79-117 ; Sauer: A. M. xv (1891), 59-94 ; Furtwdangler: Meisterw.
184 ff., 223-250 ; Six: A. Jb., ix (1894), 83-87 ; Pernice: A. Jb., x (1895),

1 For subsequent literature see Frazer, ii, 310f.; Hitzig-Bluemner, i, 271-273;
Judeich, 225-237, 1-7.

APPENDIX 227

93-103 ; Wizemann: Die Giebelgruppen des Parthenon, Stuttgart 1895.
Schwerzek : Erlauterungen zu der Reconstruction des Westgiebels des Par-
thenon, Vienna 1896; Michaelis: A. Jb., xi (1896), 300-304; Malenberg.
A.Jb., xii (1897), 92-96; Treu: A. Jb., xii (1897), 101 ff. ; Omont: Des-
sins des sculptures du Parthenon, Paris 1898; Murray: The Sculptures of
the Parthenon, London 1903.

(11) Toe ErecutTHeum

For literature on the Erechtheum, cf. Frazer, ii, 338 f.; Hitzig-Bluemner,
i, 284 f.; Judeich, Topographie, 243-245.

Fergusson: The Erechtheum and the Temple of Athena Polias, Trans.
Royal Institute British Architects, 1876-1879, and J. H. S. xi (1882),
83 ff.; Fowler: Papers of Am. School at Athens, i (1885), 215-236;
Michaelis: A. M. ii (1877), 15-37; Borrmann: A. M. vi (1881), 372 ff.;
Rhangave: A. M. vii (1882), 258 ff., 321 ff.; Petersen: A. M. x (1885), 1 ff.;
Déorpfeld: A. M. xxviii (1903), 465 ff.; xxix (1904), 101 ff.; Schultz and
Gardner: J. H. S. xii (1891), 1 ff.; Barnstey: ibid. 381 ff.; Middleton:
J. Η. S. Supplem. iii, pl. 9-17 ; Stevenson: A. J. A. [N. S.] x (1906), 47-
71 [pl. vitix] ; Washburn and Frickenhaus: ibid. 1-17 [pl. i-iv] ; Miss Har-
rison: Ancient Athens, 483-496 ; Primitive Athens, 37-48 ; Furtwéngler:
Meisterw. 192-200; Gardner: Ancient Athens, 353-372 ; Judeich: Topog-
raphie, 243-255.

(12) THe O_p ATHENA TEMPLE

For literature on the Old Athena Temple, cf. Judeich, Topographie,
238-240, 2, 3.

Déorpfeld: A. M. x (1885), 275 ff.; xi (1886), 337-351; xii (1887),
25-61, 190-211; xv (1890), 420-439 ; xxii (1897), 159-178 ; xxviii (1903),
468 f.; xxix (1904), 106-107; Petersen: A. M. xii (1887), 62-72; Wer-
nicke: ibid. 184-189; Schrader: A. M. xxii (1897), 59-112; Frazer:
J. H. 5. xiii (1892-1893), 153-187, reprinted with a few slight changes
as App. Paus. ii, 5538-582; Fowler: A. J. A. viii (1893), 1-17; Miller:
ibid. 473 ff.; White: Harvard Studies vi (1895), 1-54 ; Belger: Berl. Philol.
Woch. xvii (1867), 1372 ff., 1405 ff., 1438 ff.; Cooley: A. J. A. ΓΝ, S.] iii
(1899), 355 ff.; Miss Harrison: Ancient Athens, 496-513; Gardner: An-
cient Athens, 78-81, 209-210, 363-364 ; Judeich: Topographie, 237-242 ;
Wiegand: Die archaische Poros-Architektur der Akropolis zu Athen,
Leipzig 1904; Lechat: La Sculpture attique avant Phidias, Paris 1904 ;
Schrader: A. M. xxx (1905), 305-322.

EXCURSUSES

[For Bibliography see Appendix E]

EXCURSUS I. THE HARBORS AND FORTIFICATIONS OF
GREATER ATHENS

In this discussion it may be said that 1 accept the following :

(1) The site of Old Phalerum is to the west of the Bay of Phalerum, on
the eastern slope of the hill of Munychia and extends eastward along the
Bay, the view held by Leake and Gardner. Other topographers locate it
either (a) at Trispyrgi, crowned by the chapel of St. George at the south-
east corner of the Bay, as Ulrichs and Frazer, or (b) on a conspicuous
rocky elevation about one and one fourth miles north of St. George and
1400 yards from the sea, near the chapel of the Savior, as Milchhoefer
and Judeich.

(2) Where Thucydides and Pausanias refer to the three harbors of
the Piraeus, they always mean (a) the greater harbor, (ὁ) the oval basin
southwest of the hill of Munychia, now known as the harbor of Zea or
Pashalimani, and (c) the small harbor, southeast of Munychia and west of
the Bay, the old harbor of Phalerum now known as Munychia or Fanari.

(3) Cape Colias was what is now known as the promontory of St. George,
at the southeast corner of the Bay, frequently falsely called the site of Old
Phalerum.

(4) The so-called Third Long Wall of Athens, usually called the Pha-
leric Wall, has never existed except in the fancy of certain topogra-
phers, notably Wachsmuth, Curtius, Frazer, and Judeich. In this I
agree with Leake, Angelopoulos, and Gardner.

For a complete discussion of these views and of the passages in an-
cient authors invalved, see my paper, “The Site of Ancient Phalerum,”’
The George Washington University Bulletin, Vol. III, no. 111, pp. 82-90,
October, 1904.

A. History. — Three periods are to be distinguished in the history
of the fortifications of Athens: (1) The period of the Acropolis fortifica-
tions, dating from prehistoric times; (2) that of a pre-Persian city wall in

228

HARBORS AND FORTIFICATIONS 229

addition to the Acropolis fortifications; and (8) that of the fortifications
of Greater Athens, including Piraeus, dating from the rebuilding of the
city after the Persian Wars.

1. The fortifications of the Acropolis date from prehistoric times, but
were not of any practical importance after the Persian Wars, when the
Acropolis ceased to be a citadel and became the sacred precinct of Athena.
The primitive wall about the hill was similar to the walls about the cita-
dels of Mycenae and Tiryns, and the story goes that the Athenians em-
ployed the Pelasgians to fortify the Acropolis. The wall was known as
the Πελαργικὸν τεῖχος, or Πελαργικόν, later Πελασγικόν. It followed the
natural contours of the rock, and its course may be traced on plans of the
Acropolis, where remains are indicated on the south, east, and west sides.
At the west end was a kind of terraced outwork, known as the Ennea-
pylon, or the Nine Gates, to which the name Pelargikon was given par
excellence. The exact arrangement of the gates is not known, but they
were doubtless set within one another in a series of bastions or terraces.

The Pelargikon doubtless existed intact up to the sixth century B.c.
The Pisistratidae made use of the Acropolis with its fortifications as their
citadel. After their occupation the Pelargikon was held to be under a curse
and was no longer used for profane purposes. It was either demolished by
the Persians or was removed for the embellishment of the Acropolis as
a sacred precinct. It was never restored, but considerable portions of the
outworks doubtless survived to imperial times.

2. The Pelargikon was for a long time the only fortification of Athens.
It is probable that in the seventh century, certainly not later than the time
of Solon, the enlarged city was surrounded with a wall. The course’ and
extent of this wall cannot be determined in detail, as actual remains
fail us, but we can in general identify its course. We infer that it was
of narrower compass than the Themistoclean Wall (Thue. 1, 98), that
the older city developed round the Acropolis (Herod. 7, 140), and that the
rivers, the Ilissus and the Eridanus, were recognized as boundaries to the
south and north respectively (Plat. Critias, p.112 a). An important factor
for the course of the earlier wall is the gate of Hadrian with its inscrip-
tions, which distinguish ‘‘the city of Theseus”’ from ‘the city of
Hadrian.’’ A similar landmark to the north is seen by some topogra-
phers in the gate mentioned by Paus. 1, 15, 1, at the north entrance of
the market. (Judeich.)

Assuming these two points as fixed, on the northeast and southwest
sides, we can conjecture the course of the wall from the configuration of

230 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

the land. Thus the wall probably ran from where the arch of Hadrian was
built later, westward to the Philopappus hill, thence northwest over the
Pnyx to the Hill of the Nymphs, thence over Market hill to the north-
west gate. From there it ran in semicircular fashion, first eastward, then
southeast, then southwest, to the Arch of Hadrian. Thus could originate
very well the oracle’s observation regarding the wheel-formed city, with
the Acropolis as the hub. The entire course was about three miles. Others
regard the Dipylum as the site of the northwest gate of the early city wall
as well as of the later, basing their argument on Thucydides’s (6, 57) narra-
tive of the assassination of Hipparchus. Hippias is superintending the ar-
rangements for the Panathenaic festival «‘ outside in the Ceramicus (ἔξω
ἐν τῷ Kepapeixw καλουμένῳ).᾽" The conspirators, fearing they have been
betrayed, rush within the gates (ἔσω τῶν πυλῶν) and slay Hipparchus near
the Leocorium. This would make the circuit somewhat greater. Concern-
ing the material and the style of building we can only conjecture, but
probably they were much the same as in the later wall. This wall was
probably neglected in the sixth and early part of the fifth centuries, as it
seems to have afforded no protection whatever against the Persians. After
the Persian War very little of it was left standing. Cf. Thuc. 1, 89, 8, τὴν
πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ Ta τείχη TOU τε yap περιβόλου βραχέα
εἱστήκει κτλ.

3. The first strong fortification of Athens falls in the time when the
enthusiasm of the Athenians was stirred over the victories of Salamis and
Plataea, and is coincident with the expansion of the city which began
soon after those battles. We have an account of the rebuilding in Thuc.
1,93: τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ of ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὴν πόλιν ἐτειχίζοντο ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ"
καὶ δήλη ἡ οἰκοδομώ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐστιν ὅτι κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐγένετο. οἱ γὰρ θεμέλιοι
παντοίων λίθων ὑπόκεινται καὶ οὐ συνειργασμένων ἔστιν ἧ, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἕκαστοί ποτε
προσέφερον, πολλαί τε στῆλαι ἀπὸ σημάτων καὶ λίθοι εἰργασμένοι ἐγκατελέγη-
σαν, μείζων γὰρ ὃ περίβολος πανταχῇ ἐξήχθη τῆς πόλεως, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πάντα
ὁμοίως κινοῦντες ἠπείγοντο. ἔπεισε δὲ καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς τὰ λοιπὰ ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς
οἰκοδομεῖν. ὑπῆρκτο δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρότερον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ἀρχῆς ἧς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν
᾿Αθηναίοις ἦρξε" καὶ ὠκοδόμησαν τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ τὸ πάχος τοῦ τείχους ὅπερ
vov ἔτι δῆλόν ἐστι περὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ κτλ.

The date of Themistocles’s archonship during which he induced the
Athenians to begin the fortification of the Piraeus was 493-492 B.c. It
is likely, however, that the work was not prosecuted in earnest until after
the Persian Wars, when the city walls were being built and brought to a
finish. The work of fortification was inaugurated under Themistocles,

HARBORS AND FORTIFICATIONS 231

continued under Cimon, and completed under Pericles. Similarly the north
wall of the Acropolis dates from the time of Themistocles. The south and
east walls were built by Cimon out of the spoils won by him from the
Persians at the battle of the Eurymedon in 468 B.c.

The construction of the Long Walls was a later work. According to
Thue. 1, 107, the Athenians began to build the Long Walls to the sea,
namely the wall to Phalerum and the wall to Piraeus, about 460 B.c.
The walls were completed within four years, apparently soon after the
battle of Oenophyta in 456 s.c. (Thuc. 1, 108; Plut. Cimon, 18). Those
who hold to the construction of a Middle Wall, usually known as the
South Piraeic Wall, date its construction in 445 B.c. on the untrustworthy
evidence of Andocides (3, 7) and Aeschines (2, 174). For a full discus-
sion of the so-called Third Long Wall, see the paper already mentioned,
pp. 88-90. At the beginning of the Peloponnesian War the fortifications
were still intact (Thuc. 2, 18). The Piraeus fortifications and the Long
Walls were demolished by the Lacedaemonians after the defeat at Aegos-
potami in 404 B.c. (Plut. Lysander, 14; Diod.13, 107; 14, 85). The walls
of Athens were apparently spared.

During 394-392 B.c. the Piraeus fortifications and the Long Walls were
restored, chiefly under Conon (Xen. Hell. 4, 8, 9-10, Diod. 14, 85). The
Long Walls may have been destroyed again in 256 B.c. by Antigonus when
he withdrew his garrison from Athens (Paus. 3, 6, 6) : at any rate they were
half in ruins in 200 sB.c. when Philip οὗ Macedon attacked Athens
(Livy, 31, 26). During this time the city wall had undergone extensive
improvements after the battle of Chaeronea, 338 B.c. (Aeschin. 3, 27, 31;
Liban. ad Dem. 30, 221, 1), and had been restored, according to inscrip-
tions, under Habron, the son of Lycurgus, in 307/306 B.c. (C.I.A. IT, 167),
and under Euryclides and Micion (C.I.A. II, 379). The final ruin occurred
when Sulla in 87-86 B.c. assailed Athens. He razed the fortifications of the
Piraeus and burnt the arsenal and the docks; he utilized what was left of
the Long Walls in building the mound against the city close to the Dipy-
lum; and he destroyed the city wall from the Dipylum to the Piraeus
gate (Plut. Sulla, 14; Appian, Mithrid. 41; Strabo, 9, p. 396). Probably
from that time the Piraeus fortifications and the Long Walls were a
memory only. The extension of the city circuit occurred under the Em-
peror Hadrian. This enlargement of the city to the south and southeast
is confirmed by the inscription on the gate of Hadrian, and by actual
remains of the wall, which enable us to trace its course. The extension
measured nearly 1} miles. With the Hadrian Wall, the story of the ancient

232 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

fortifications is completed. Not to antiquity but to the later Middle Ages
belongs what has been usually known as the ‘ Valerian Wall,’”’ which con-
nected the northern part of the city with the Acropolis (see W. Vischer,
Kl. Schr. II, 385 Anm. 1, and Judeich, Topographie, 103 and 154).

B. Description. — The fortifications of Greater Athens naturally fall
into three sections, which we shal] treat in the following order: (1) The
Extent and Course of the City Wall; (2) Fortifications of the Piraeus
and its Harbors; (3) The Construction of the Long Walls uniting the
city with its port.

1. To determine the line of the wall, we must rely partly on the liter-
ary evidence, partly on the study of the configuration of the land and of
extant remains. We naturally begin at the Dipylum, where substantial
remains of the Themistoclean wall, with later additions, were excavated
in 1872-1874. The Dipylum was a double gate, that is, there was an outer
and an inner entrance, separated by an inclosed court about 133 feet long ;
and each of these entrances consists of two gates, each about 11 feet wide,
hinging on a pillar in the middle. The outer gate stands about 25 feet
back from the outer surface of the city wall, and the approach to it is
flanked by towers on both sides. So strong a defense was doubtless con-
structed because the low land about this gate made it the most vulnerable
spot of the city. Here Philip V of Macedon in 200 B.c. made his unsuccess-
ful assault (Livy, 31, 24); with a body of cavalry Philip forced his way
through the outer gate into the court, where the missiles of the enemy
poured down upon him, and he had great difficulty in extricating himself ;
beside this gate Sulla built the mound by which he captured the city
(Plut. Sulla, 14).

The same excavations brought to light what was taken to be another
gate, southwest of the Dipylum at a distance of 60 yards. Some have
named it the Sacred Gate, but Dérpfeld believes it was merely an open-
ing in the wall for the passage of the Eridanus, and that the term ‘ Sacred
Gate ’’ is merely another name for the Dipylum, as through it the sdcred
processions passed on their way to Eleusis. (A. M. XIII, 1888, p. 214;
XIV, 1889, pp. 414 1.) ᾿

Between the Dipylum and the so-called Sacred Gate there are consid-
erable remains of the old city walls, consisting of an inner wall of polygo-
nal limestone blocks nearly 8 feet thick, and an outer wall, built at a
later time to strengthen the inner, about 14 feet thick, composed of an
outer and inner facing of conglomerate blocks with the space between
filled with earth. Beyond the Sacred Gate to the southwest both walls are

HARBORS AND FORTIFICATIONS 233

prolonged for about 40 yards to the rocky slope of the Athanasius hill, where
they come to an end. Here the inner wall, mostly of limestone, reaches at
times the height of 13 feet. The outer wall is about 30 feet distant from the
inner ; it consists of quadrangular blocks of conglomerate, and is preserved
in part to a height of sixteen courses. Northeast of the Dipylum the inner
and the outer wall may be traced for about 55 and 40 yards respectively ;
the inner wall is well preserved, but the outer is in a ruinous condition.
Of these walls and gates, the lower polygonal part of the inner wall dates
from Themistocles’s fortifications. The Dipylum was probably built by
Pericles. The outer wall probably dates from the Macedonian period.

From the Athanasius hill, the course of the wall up to the Hill of the
Nymphs is clearly marked. Thence it ran in a southeasterly direction,
following the configuration of the land, over the Hill of the Nymphs,
along the ridge of the Pnyx to the Hill of the Muses. Beyond this point
we can conjecture its course partly from certain landmarks, partly from
literary evidence. Thus the wall continued eastward from the summit of
the Hill of the Muses, and probably included the terrace of the Olym-
pieum, the southeast corner of which seems to have formed the angle
whence the wall turned northward (see Strabo, 9, 404, and Judeich l.c.).
Its course northward probably extended in the direction of the present
English Church, thence northwestward on the line of the present Stadion
Street as far as the Police Court on the ‘Odds Νομισματοκοπείου, where
there was unmistakable evidence of its presence. Thence, making a turn,
it proceeded in a southwesterly direction in a line parallel with the Piraeus
Street, until it met the double wall extending northeast from the Dipylum.

2. In spite of the ruin effected by time and the hand of man, enough
has been preserved to enable one to trace the line of fortification-wall
almost entirely round the peninsula of Piraeus. The sea-wall skirts the
shore at a distance of about 20 to 40 yards. It is from 9 to 12 feet thick
and consists of carefully cut blocks of native limestone without mortar ;
in some parts the wall is still standing to a height of 9 feet, and is flanked
by towers at intervals of 55 to 66 yards.

The mouths of the harbors were contracted by moles which ran out to
meet each other and left only a narrow entrance between their extremi-
ties. Thus the harbor of Cantharus, which has a mouth 336 yards wide,
was protected by moles each 141 yards in length, narrowing the entrance
to about 54 yards. As Zea consisted of a circular basin extending inland
with a mouth only about 108 yards broad, it needed less elaborate fortifi-
cations. Walls ran along the channel leading to the basin on each side,

234 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

and at the inner end of the channel on either side were towers of solid
masonry built out into the water. Munychia, being semi-elliptical in shape,
was originally altogether too accessible, and required extensive construc-
tions to convert it into a harbor that was safe in time of war. Its moles
have been regarded as the most magnificent specimen of ancient Greek
fortification that has survived. The southern mole built on a reef is
about 206 yards long; the northern mole, resting partly on a spit of land,
partly in the sea, is about 31 feet wide and 184 yards long. The entrance
to the harbor, between towers terminating each mole, was 40 yards in
width. In times of danger heavy chains, coated with tar, were stretched
across the entrances of the harbors from tower to tower. The wall run-
ning round the peninsula joined the harbor fortifications.

On the landward side, the wall started from the northeast corner of the
Munychia harbor, ran along the coast a short distance northward, ascended
the hill and followed the plateau first westward and then northward, con-
nected with the Long Walls, then turned westward across a bight of the
harbor, and then followed the rocky promontory of Eetionia southwest-
ward to the sea. Four gates can be distinguished on the landward side,
the principal one being just outside the northern Long Wall.

The hill of Munychia was from early times the acropolis of Piraeus.
In the latter part of the sixth century a strong fortress was here con-
structed by the tyrant Hippias (Arist. Resp. Ath. 38). After the Spartan
occupation it was seized by Thrasybulus and his band of patriots who
restored the democracy. Demetrius Poliorcetes (294 B.c.) demolished the
Munychian fortress, and built a fortress on the Museum hill at Athens.

3. Though but scant traces of the Long Walls can now be detected,
remains were visible to seventeenth and eighteenth century travelers. In
1676 Wheler noticed the foundations in many places (Journey, p. 420). A
century later Stuart (Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, II, 188) saw remains of
the walls 12 feet thick, with square towers at intervals. Leake (1, 295 ff.)
traced the foundations of the northern Long Wall for a mile and a half,
beginning half a mile from the head of the great harbor, and running in
the direction of the entrance to the Acropolis. These foundations, 12 feet
thick, consisted of large quadrangular blocks of stone. The southern Long
Wall was not so easily traceable, except at its junction with the wall about
Munychia, and for half a mile thence toward Athens. See Leake, I,
417 ff. The modern highroad from Athens to Piraeus, constructed in
1835, is largely laid on the foundations of the northern Long Wall
(Wachsmuth, II, 188).

THE AGORA 285

The southern Long Wall joined the landward Piraeus Wall directly north
of the summit of the Munychia hill, and west of the Bay of Phalerum ;
the northern, where the Piraeus Wall turned westward, toward the north
of the harbor. Starting northeastward, they first converged, then ran
parallel to each other at a distance of 550 feet until they approached
Athens, when they again diverged. ‘The northern wall seems to have
joined the ring-wall of Athens on the west side of the Nymphaeum hill
near the modern Observatory ; while the southern wall joined the city
wall on the summit of the Museum hill. At the point where the Long
Walls began to diverge as they approached Athens, they were joined by a
cross-wall in which there was a gate.”’

Thucydides’s estimate (2, 13) of the extent of the fortifications of Greater
Athens is as follows: Circuit of city (exclusive of space between Long
Walls), 43 stades ; Piraeus Wall, 40 stades ; Phaleric Wall, 35 stades ; circuit
of Piraeus peninsula, 60 stades, of which 30 were guarded. Gardner (p. 71)
shows that, as judged by extant remains and geographic conditions, the
circuit of the city wall as stated by Thucydides is far too great; the length
of both the Long Walls is too short ; the figures given for the circuit of
Piraeus is about correct. He says the discrepancy may be adjusted by tak-
ing the figure for the city walls to include the portions of the Long Walls
down to where they became parallel, and where a cross-wall is marked in
Curtius’s map. Roughly measured, the circuit of the old city wall was
28 stades; the additional piece thus added is about 15 stades, making a
total of 43 stades. This enables the two Long Walls to diverge more widely
at the Piraeus so that about half the wall might be left undefended, as
Thucydides states.

By the completion of the Long Walls the city of Athens and its port
were converted, as the orator Aristides gays (13, vol. I, 305, ed. Dindorf)
into one vast fortress a day’s journey in circumference. Taking Thucy-
dides’s figures the total was 178 stades or nearly 20 miles.

EXCURSUS II. THE AGORA OF ATHENS

The determination of the site of the ancient Agora of Athens and its
monuments is the turning-point of almost the whole study of Athenian
topography. Yet it is this section of the city which presents the most difh-
cult problems to the archaeologist, and about which there exists the most
uncertainty. This is due to a number of causes. Of all parts of the city,
the market-place and its neighborhood have been most sensitive to changes

~

236 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

of population, most subject to growth and decay, and thus its appearance
has changed with every important epoch of Athenian history — Greek,
Roman, Byzantine, Venetian, Frank, and Turkish. Of the many build-
ings in and about the Agora of the fifth century only one remains, an evi-
dence of the destruction and decay that have here taken place. Again,
with the passing centuries the lie of the land has changed, and relief-maps
of Athens of the fifth century and of the:twentieth century would show
decided differences of level. Furthermore, while literary references to the
market-place are numerous, they tell us of its life, οὗ its frequenters and
their occupations, but give scant information as to its site, its extent, and
the relative location of its buildings and monuments. Even Pausanias’s
hints as to direction are indefinite and obscure, and throw little light on
many questions of the utmost importance to modern scholars.

Finally, archaeologists and topographers differ among themselves in
their interpretation of the testimony of antiquity. Basing their conclusions
upon the description of the one authority, Pausanias, they have so differed
in their interpretations of the same statements that we have eight or more
ground-plans meant to show the relative location of the various buildings.

The topography of the Agora is accordingly uncertain, and it will re-
quire further excavations to put it on a basis of sound knowledge. In the
meantime we shall follow the lead of Dr. Dérpfeld. .

A. Historical Development of the Agora.—The Agora of Athens, like the
Roman Forum, was at all periods the centre of the political and commer-
cial life of the city. There are likewise many analogies in the historical
and topographical development of the Agora and the Forum.

When the Greeks first established communities they were in danger of
robbers by land and of pirates by sea. Hence they built their settlements
upon a rock which they fortified against the attacks of their enemies.

Thus originated the citadels, or ᾿Ακροπόλεις, of primitive Greece, of
which the Acropolis of Athens became the most celebrated. The low
ground nearest to the citadel became the place of parley and of barter
with neighboring tribes. And this constituted the primitive ᾿Αγορά, a
term first used to denote a gathering of the people at the call of the king
or chief, then the place of such gatherings, and later the general place of
meeting for commercial and political purposes.

Thucydides (2, 15) says that before the centralization under Theseus
the Acropolis constituted the primitive city, together with the ground
lying under it, especially to the south. In proof of this statement he cites
the location of a number of ancient sanctuaries, and of the spring which

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Fic. 1. Tne AtTHentan Acora (Antike Denkmiler

THE AGORA 237

furnished water for the early inhabitants. From this it seems clear that
the hollow ground to the southwest of the Acropolis, bounded by the Are-
opagus, Pnyx, and Museum hills, was the site of the original Agora. The
Roman Forum presents a striking analogy. The hollow ground between
the Palatine and Capitoline hills, with its spring of Juturna and its primi-
tive cults, there became the place of parley and of barter, the embryo centre
of the later political and commercial life of Rome.

Thus the Agora, at first a place of truce-making and of buying and
selling, became with the growth of the city the place for law courts, for
shrines of the gods, for business centres—for in ancient times law and
religion and commerce went hand in hand. But as society became more
highly organized, the Agora for bus#Aess would gradually separate from the
Agora of politics and religion, and thus the territory covered by the vari-
ous activities of the market-yjce would gradually spread. -

B. Course and Extent of the Agora. — We can trace in general terms the
course of the Atheniafi Agora. The centre of the growing city gradually
shifted northward and westward. Hence, as law and politics and business
demanded greater accommodations, the Areopagus became the centre round
which the market spread, chiefly round its western slope, until the dis-
trict lying north and northwest of it was entirely devoted to public build-
ings. The political Agora naturally kept as much as possible to its old
haunts, while the business Agora spread in a northwesterly direction, toward
the principal gate of the city — the Dipylum.

Hence the Agora is not to be regarded as a rectangular space carefully
laid off, as-in the plans of Curtius and of others, but rather as a long
rambling quarter of the town, approached by the avenue from the Dipylum,
with the Colonus Agoraeus as its northwest limit; east of this hill and
north of the Areopagus was its principal section, but it stretched round
the western slope of the Areopagus and embraced the older sites between
the Areopagus and the Pnyx and extending toward the Acropolis.

C. Site of Buildings and Monuments mentioned by Pausanias. — We shall now
endeavor to locate the buildings and monuments mentioned by Pausanias.

Pausanias entered Athens at the Dipylum, and proceeded along the Dro-
mos, a broad avenue extending in a southeasterly direction, until he entered
the Ceramicus at the foot of the Colonus Agoraeus. He then mentions as the
first building on the right-hand side the Royal Colonnade, and in its imme-
diate neighborhood the Colonnade of Zeus the Deliverer and the temple of
Apollo the Paternal. These three buildings were doubtless in a line just be-
neath the Colonus hill, as indicated on the plan. (See Fig. 1, facing p. 236.)

238 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

The next group, which Pausanias expressly says were near each other, —
the Metroum or sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods, the Buleuterium or
Council House of the 500, and the Tholos or Rotunda, — appear to have
stood at the southern end of the market-place, just at the northern foot
of the slope of the Areopagus, for reasons given in the Notes. Above this
group of buildings on the northern slope of the Areopagus stood the statues
of the Eponymi. Pausanias now follows the main thoroughfare round the
western slope of the Areopagus, with these buildings to his left, while oppo-
site, on his right, in a conspicuous spot known as the ‘orchestra,’’ were
the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton.

The next group — the Odeum, the fountain Enneacrunus, the temples
of Demeter, Persephone, and Triptolemus or the Eleusinium, and the
temple of Eucleia— are discussed in- Excursus III. As is there argued
(p. 251), the Enneacrunus is at the foot of the Pnyx hill, the Odeum near
it on the traveler’s right, the temples of the Eleusinian deities to the south
of the Areopagus, and the temple of Eucleia a little farther on.

After visiting the Eucleia shrine, Pausanias turns directly back and
gives us a clew to his movements by stating that the monuments he next
visits are above the Ceramicus and the Royal Colonnade. These are the
temple of Hephaestus, and the shrine of Aphrodite Urania located on the
Colonus hill, as shown in Excursus IV, the former being identical with
the so-called Theseum.

After describing these temples to the west of the Agora, Pausanias
once more enters the market-place and describes three objects whose site
has aroused considerable discussion — the Painted Colonnade, the Hermes
Agoraeus, and a market-gate with a trophy upon it.

The exact site of the three depends upon (1) the site of the buildings
earlier mentioned, (2) the point at which Pausanias again entered the
market-place, and (3) whether we assume that the Agora was single in its
form or double, consisting of a business and a political section.

Another factor to be taken into consideration is one not mentioned by
Pausanias, namely a row of Hermae noted in Harpocration s.v. “Eppat:
ἀπὸ γὰρ τῆς ποικίλης Kal τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως στοᾶς εἰσιν of Eppot καλούμενοι.
In what direction, then, did these Hermae run? Other important passages
for the solution of this important topographical question are Xen. Hip-
parch. 3, 2, where the Hermae are mentioned as the starting and conclud-
ing point for the sacred processions ; Schol. Aristophanes, Eq. 297, which
says that the Hermes Agoraeus stood ἐν μέσῃ τῇ ἀγορᾷ ; and Lucian Jupp. ᾿
Trag. 33, which locates the Hermes as ὃ ἀγοραῖος 6 παρὰ τὴν ποικίλην.

THE AGORA 239

The Harpocration passage has been variously interpreted, and the theo-
ries as to the site of the Painted Colonnade, and in fact as to the form of
the market-place, have turned largely on the direction given the row
of Hermae.

1. Some take it to mean that the row of Hermae connected the Royal
with the Painted Colonnade. So Curtius(Att. Stud. IH, 25, Stadtgesch. p. 170),
‘who locates the latter on the east side of the market, just below the Colon-
nade of Attalus. The market-gate he locates between the Painted and
the Attalus Colonnades, with the Hermes Agoraeus just before it.

2. Many topographers, however, set the Painted Colonnade on the west
border of the market, north of the Royal Colonnade, the gate between the
two halls, with the Agoraeus close by, and the row of Hermae extending
across the market from the two colonnades. See Wachsmuth, I, 201 ff.,
Lange, Haus und IIalle, p. 64, Bursian, De Foro, p. 12.

3. Lolling (p. 314) and Miss Harrison (p. 126) locate the Painted Col-
onnade on the northern boundary of the market; the former has the
Hermae running from the market-gate right and left to the two Colon-
nades ; Miss Harrison, however, has it meet at its right corner the north
side of the Colonnade of Attalus, while west of this is the gate with the
Hermes Agoraeus, but she has the Hermae extending in two rows from
the northwest corner of the market, one eastward to the Painted Colon-
nade, the other southward to the Royal Colonnade.

_ Thus there is considerable doubt as to the site of this celebrated Colon-
nade. The choice seems to lie between the north side and the southern
half of the east side, just below the Colonnade of Attalus. The advantage
of the latter hypothesis is that it permits the row of Hermae to run from
west to east, dividing the market into a political and a commercial section,
the Colonnade of Attalus being at the southeast corner of the latter. This
would account for Pausanias’s failure to mention this Colonnade, and this
view is perhaps open to fewest objections. But the whole question is prob-
lematical, and can only be settled, if at all, by excavations.

D. Sites in the Neighborhood of the Agora, mentioned by Pausanias. —
Pausanias now fairly leaves the Agora, and passes to the description of two
buildings not far distant to the east —the gyninasium of Ptolemy and the
sanctuary of Theseus. All we know as to their site from Pausanias is that
they were near each other and «not far from the Agora.’’ Further on
he comes to the Anaceum or sanctuary of the Dioscuri, while near at hand —
just above the Anaceum lay the precinct of Aglaurus, the site of which can
be approximately determined, and which serves as a fixed point for the

240 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

determination of all the monuments mentioned as in its yicinity. About
65 yards west of the northern porch of the Erechtheum is the staircase used
by the Arrephori in descending to the precinct of Aglaurus on the northern
slope of the Acropolis. Hence the monuments previously mentioned were
at intervals north of the Acropolis and east of the Agora. Hard by was
the Prytaneum, the centre and hearth of the state. As Pausanias is mov-
ing regularly eastward, it probably lay a little to the east of the Aglaurus
precinct, and it doubtless stood somewhat high on the Acropolis slope,
since when Pausanias leaves it to go to the Serapeum he speaks of de-
scending to the lower parts of the city.

E. Sites and Monuments of the Agora, not mentioned by Pausanias. — It is
natural that Pausanias should not mention every building and statue in the
region of the Agora, especially as he leaves the commercial market alto-
gether out of consideration.. We append therefore a brief list of objects
known from other topographical and literary sources as being in or near
the Agora at the time of his visit :

i. The Colonnade of Attalus, to the east of the market, of which exten-
sive remains still exist.

ii. The Colonnade of Hadrian, east of the Attalus Colonnade and north
of the Acropolis—the northern side of the western fagade of which is still
in good condition, consisting of a wall before which stand a row of de-
tached Corinthian columns, originally eighteen in number.

111. A Propylaeum of four columns, known as the Propylaeum of Athena
Archegetis, regarded as the entrance to a Roman market-place. The gate and
broken columns of the market still stand south of the Hadrian Colonnade.

iv. The Tower of the Winds, or the Horologium of Andronicus Cyr-
rhestes, one of the most conspicuous extant monuments of Athens, east
of the Roman market-place.

ον, The Altar of the Twelve Gods, erected by Pisistratus in the market-
place, to which the various roads of Attica converged and from which miles
were measured. Of this there are no remains and the site is uncertain.

vi. The Leocorium, in the neighborhood of which Harmodius and
Aristogiton slew Hipparchus. Its site, though it cannot be definitely
fixed, was certainly in the Agora.

F. The Commercial Agora.— The commercial market surrounded the
political Agora on all sides excepting the south, as we conclude from Pau-
sanias’s description, from certain approximately determined limits of the
market, and from the site of the Colonnade of Attalus. More accurate
boundaries cannot be determined. We must regard the whole commercial

THE AGORA 241

market, in the manner of oriental bazaars, as a quarter of the city inter-
sected by narrow streets, lined with stalls or booths. At least in classical
times it had this form, and preserved it in large measure in Hellenistic and
Roman times. The sections for shops were called κύκλοι (Harpocr., Hesych.,
5.0. κύκλος, Suid. s8.v. κύκλοι, Schol. Ar. Eq. 187, Poll. 10, 18, 82, ete.), or
oxnvat (Harpocr., Suid., s.v. oxyvirys, Isoc. 19, 88, Dem. 18, 169, 54, 7, etc.),
or κλῖναι (Theophr. Char. 23, 8). In them stood the counters (τράπεζαι,
Plat. Apol. p.17 c, Hipp. Min. p. 368 5, Theoph. Char. 9, 4); with the wares
of the merchants. The market-halls came relatively late, chiefly after the
middle of the fourth century (Xen. de Vect. 3, 13), and previously to that
time were used only for flour and grain.

As in the bazaar of to-day, only certain goods were sold in certain κύ-
κλοι, and the sections took the name of the goods offered for sale in them.
Unfortunately, we cannot determine the exact location of any of them, ex-
cept, perhaps of the metal and iron market (τὰ χαλκᾶ, Bekk. Anecd. I, 316,
23, 6 σίδηρος Xen. Hell. 3, ὃ, 7), on the Market hill, and the rag market,
Κερκώπων ἀγορά, near the Heliaea, apparently to the southeast of the
political Agora (Hesych. s.v. Κερκώπων ἀγορά). ;

The names of the κύκλοι preserved to us are very numerous. This is
especially true of provisions of all sorts. The general name for the pro-
vision market was probably τὸ ὄψον (Aeschin. 1, 65 Schol.). Provisions
were sold in separate κύκλοι; as e.g. meats (τὰ κρέα, cf. Theophr. Char. 9, 4,
22,7, Poll. 7, 25), birds (of ὄρνιθες, Dem. 19, 245, Ar. Av. 18 and Schol.), and
fish (οἱ ἰχθύες; Alciphr. Ep. 1, 3, 2). In the great fish market (ἐἰχθυόπωλις
86. ἀγορά, Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or. p. 849 p), single groups were distinguished,
as that of salt fish (ταριχόπωλις, Athen. 3, p. 120 a, Theophr. Char. 6, 9, .
4, 15), and that for cheap sea fish (ai peuBpades, Ar. Vesp. 498, etc.).

In the vegetable market (ra λάχανα, Ar. Lys. 557, etc.), were separate
stalls for garlic (τὰ σκόροδα, Schol. Ar. Ran. 1068), onions (τὰ κρόμμνα,
Eustath. Od. 0, 260), etc. We might name also the κύκλοι for fresh cheese
(χλωρὸς τυρός, Lys. 23, 6), perfumeries (τὰ ἀρώματα, Schol. Ar. Pac. 1158),
pottery (ai χύτραι, Ar. Lys. 557), clothing (ἱματιόπωλις or σπειρόπωλις
ἀγορά, Poll. 7, 78), etc. An especial place was assigned to the bankers
(ai τράπεζαι, Theophr. Char. 5). There was, finally, also a horse market
(οἱ ἵπποι, Theophr. Char. 23,7) and a slave market (τὰ ἀνδράποδα, Poll. 7,
11, 10, 19).

The great territory covered by the eouimercial market, apart from the
circles and rows of booths, was itself intersected by streets, dwellings, and
public buildings. Most prominent of all were the streets leading to the

242 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Thriasian gate and the great Dromos leading to the Dipylum. The buildings
along this are known especially from Pausanias’s description (1, 2, 4-6).
Traces of single buildings mentioned by him are found, as for instance of
the Pompeium, near the gate, and of the monument of Eubulides. Another
fixed point is the northeast corner of the Market hill. The northern
boundary is uncertain. From the Dipylum to the Market, colonnades
lined the Dromos, before which were bronze statues of eminent men and
women (Paus. 1, 2, 4, cf. Himerius, 3, 12). They served as places of barter
and trade, which alternated with sanctuaries mentioned by Pausanias. Of the
places on the southern side of the Dromos we hear nothing from Pausanias,
but near the end of the Dromos we may with certainty set the Long Colon-
nade (Maxpa Sroa). This was doubtless the same as the Siva Alphitopolis,
the great grain-hall of Athens. On the Market hill directly behind the
Long Colonnade was the Hephaesteum. On the southwest corner of the hill
was located the Eurysaceum (C.I.A. IV, 2, 597 d 22), in which the son of
Salaminian Ajax was honored.

What we know of the territory north and east of the Dromos all
arranges itself apparently along the old street extending from the Thriasian
gate.

EXCURSUS ΠῚ. THE ENNEACRUNUS AND ITS
NEIGHBORHOOD

There is great truth in Leake’s statement (Topography, p. 45) that
‘¢the fountain Enneacrunus is the most important point in Athens for the
elucidation of the topography of Pausanias.’’ The discussion that has cen-
tred about the site of this fountain, mentioned by Pausanias in 1, 14, 1,
has involved many other important monuments and has occasioned so much
debate that the so-called «« Enneacrunus Episode ’’ has called forth a vast
amount of literature and a countless number of divergent views from
classical scholars and archaeologists.

Fortunately, the actual discovery of the original Callirrhoe and the in-
vestigation into the system of water-works installed by Pisistratus — the
result of Dr. Dérpfeld’s scientific work — have made possible the final
solution of the problem and have caused many other difficulties in Athenian
topography to disappear. With the greater light we now possess it seems
surprising how far afield the early topographers were. Yet they did not
have the benefit of those excavations which have made pre-Persian Athens
almost as well known to us as the Athens of the Periclean age. ᾿

ENNEACRUNUS 243

The questions involved in the Enneacrunus investigation have been so
thoroughly discussed by Miss Harrison (who presents Dr. Dérpfeld’s views)
in her latest work, Primitive Athens as Described by Thucydides, Cam-
bridge, 1906, that it will be necessary in this Excursus merely to state the
points at issue and the results attained, referring the reader to this work
for the arguments. As I agree with Dr. Dérpfeld and Miss Harrison in all
particulars, with one important exception, my statement is largely a sum-
mary of their views. |

The problem that vexed the earlier topographers was this: The place
in the text devoted to Pausanias’s description of the fountain Enneacrunus,
earlier called Callirrhoe, and the adjacent buildings, naturally demands that
the fountain and these monuments should be in close proximity to the
objects in the market-place described in adjoining chapters. Yet tradition
and classical authors locate a fountain Callirrhoe, called at times Ennea-
crunus, on the banks of the Ilissus, and Thucydides (1, 15) speaks of a
sanctuary of Olympian Zeus (and other shrines) as being in its neighbor-
hood — naturally identified with the celebrated Olympieum and adjacent
sanctuaries.

The explanations that have been given may be classified as follows:
1. Leake, Curtius, and others, relying chiefly on Thucydides 1, 15, hold
that the Enneacrunus was certainly in the valley of the Ilissus, and believe
that the fountain and the other buildings mentioned as adjacent to it are
for some reason inserted here out of the topographical order. Various the-
ories are propounded to justify the break in the narrative. 2. Wachsmuth,
Frazer, and others who agree with Leake as to the position of the Ennea-
crunus, but who cannot accept so great a deviation from the topographical
order in Pausanias’s description, think that Pausanias must have seen or
been shown some other spring close to the end of the Agora, which he mis-
took for Enneacrunus. 3. Dr. Dérpfeld, on the contrary, both insists on
the topographical order, and takes the testimonies of Thucydides and
Pausanias as evidence of the presence of the fountain called Enneacru-
nus within the limits of the Agora, adjacent to the Pnyx hill. Proving
his faith by his works, he made excavations to find it, and in so doing he
has not only discovered what he believes to be the fountain Callirrhoe-
Enneacrunus, but has also demonstrated the ancient system of water-works
installed by Pisistratus.

The difficulties involved have been removed by showing that the nature
of the primitive city required the fountain to be not far from the Acropo-
lis; that the statements of Thucydides and Pausanias are entirely in accord ;

-

244 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

that there were really two fountains named Callirrhoe, one of which—that
in the market-place —-changed its name, with its enlarged functions, to
Enneacrunus ; that there was a duplication of certain sanctuaries about the
Acropolis and adjacent to the Ilissus; and finally that excavations have laid
bare and explained the Pisistratean water-system and proved the accuracy
of Pausanias. .

In this Excursus it will suffice to notice, first, the statements of ancient
writers bearing on Enneacrunus; second, the probable sites of adjacent
shrines; third, the results of excavations.

A. ANCIENT WRITERS ON ENNEACRUNUS

1. The famous passage in Thucydides, 2, 15, 3-6,) is to this effect :

Before the synoikismos under Theseus, ‘‘ what is now the Acropolis
was the polis, together with what is below it, especially towards the
south ’’ (τὸ δὲ πρὸ τούτον ἡ ἀκρόπολις ἡ νῦν οὖσα πόλις ἦν, καὶ TO ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν
πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον), the latter phrase being added evidently
as a detail or afterthought. Then follow many reasons in proof of this
statement. τεκμήριον δέ" τὰ yap ἱερὰ ἐν αὐτῇ TH ἀκροπόλει καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν
ἐστι, “«“ The sanctuaries are on the Acropolis itself, those of other deities
as well (as of the Goddess).’’ Then proceeding: καὶ ra ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ
μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον ἵδρυται τό τε τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου καὶ τὸ Πύθιον
καὶ τὸ τῆς Γῆς καὶ τὸ ἐν λίμναις Διονύσου, κτλ. ‘‘ And the sanctuaries out-
side are situated toward this part of the city more than elsewhere, as that
of Zeus Olympius, and the Pythium, and that of Ge, and that of Dionysus
in the Marshes, etc.’’ The usual interpretation, making zpos τοῦτο τὸ μέρος
τῆς πόλεως refer exclusively to πρὸς νότον above, is obviously incorrect.
‘Thucydides is arguing that the ancient city was limited to a certain por-
tion of the later city, namely the Acropolis and its slopes especially south-
wards, and proves it by naming certain primitive shrines in or near this
section. «“Ἅ Furthermore,’’ he proceeds, ‘‘other ancient sanctuaries are
situated here ’’ (ἵδρυται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἱερὰ ταύτῃ ἀρχαῖα). Then follows the
statement about the Enneacrunus: καὶ τῇ κρήνῃ τῇ νῦν μὲν τῶν τυράννων
οὕτω σκευασάντων ᾿Εννεακρούνῳ καλουμένῃ, τὸ δὲ πάλαι φανερῶν τῶν πηγῶν
οὐσῶν Καλλιρρόῃ ὠνομασμένῃ,; ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐγγὺς οὔσῃ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἐχρῶντο,

ΝΥ “A Ν 9 N n~ 9 ’ ld “~ \ 3 y ζω ς ΄-Ὁ ’ ΄
καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχαίου πρό τε γαμικῶν καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τῶν ἱερῶν νομίζεται τῷ
ὕδατι χρῆσθαι, ---- ‘‘ And the spring which is now called Enneacrunus, from

1 On the interpretation ofthis passage, see A. W. Verrall, Class. Rev. xiv (1900),
274 ff.; Mitchell Carroll ibid. xix (1905), 325 ff.; Judeich, Topographie, 51-56 and n. 4;
Miss Harrison, Primitive Athens, 7 ff.; Capps, Class. Philol. ii (1907), 25 ff.

ENNEACRUNUS 245

the form given to it by the tyrants, but which formerly, when the wells
were visible, was named Callirrhoe — this spring, being near [i.e. to the
Acropolis district], they used for the most important purposes, and even
now it is still the custom derived from the ancient (habit) to use the water
before weddings and for other sacred purposes.’’ The concluding sentence
adds an argument from the local use of language: καλεῖται δὲ διὰ τὴν
παλαιὰν ταύτῃ κατοίκησιν καὶ ἡ ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις,
‘¢ And furthermore the Acropolis is still to this day called by the Athenians,
because of the ancient settlement here, the polis.”’

Thus the whole argument was merely to prove that the primitive city
comprised the Acropolis together with such territory about it, especially
but not entirely towards the south, as could in a loose and popular way
be regarded as actually pertaining to and included in the Acropolis.
Thucydides states that those ancient sanctuaries which are outside are
placed towards this part of the city more than elsewhere and that the
Enneacrunus is near.

It seems then, on the face of it, that a settlement stretching from the
Acropolis to the Ilissus, half a mile off, would be much too large for primi-
tive Athens. Hence this passage calls for the determination of ancient
sanctuaries of Zeus Olympius, of Pythian Apollo, of Ge, and of Dionysus
in the Marshes, on the slopes of the Acropolis, and of the Enneacrunus
fountain near at hand.

2. Pausanias, after his account of the statues of the Tyrannicides and
his mention of the Odeum, speaks thus of Enneacrunus (1, 14, 1): πλη-
σίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν ᾿Εννεάκρουνον, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ
Πεισιστράτου - φρέατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὕτη
μόνη. He next speaks of temples above the fountain: ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν
κρήνην ὃ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται καὶ Κόρης, ἐν δὲ τῷ Τριπτολέμου κείμενόν
ἐστιν ἄγαλμα. After thus mentioning temples of Demeter and Kore, and
of Triptolemus, Pausanias continues (1, 14, 1-4) in a way that suggests,
though it does not assert, that these temples were in a precinct known as
the Eleusinium. In section 5 Pausanias remarks, «Still farther on is a
temple of Eucleia’’ (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω ναὸς Εὐκλείας). Hence the narrative
of Pausanias calls for evidence as to the site of (1) the Odeum, (2) the
temples of Demeter and Kore, and of Triptolemus, and (3) the temple of
Eucleia — all of which were in the Enneacrunus neighborhood.

1 Other important passages bearing on Callirrhoe are as follows:
Hadt. 6, 187: αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι... φοιτᾶν γὰρ del τὰς σφετέρας θυγατέρας
ἐπ᾽ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον.... ὅκως δὲ ἔλθοιεν αὗται, τοὺς Πελασγοὺς κατοικημένους

246 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

B. Sires or MonumMENTS IN NEIGHBORHOOD OF ENNEACRUNUS

1. The Olympieum.— This is one of the sanctuaries mentioned in the
passage of Thucydides as being ‘‘ outside ’’ the Acropolis, but towards this
part of the city (ra ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον κτλ.), in
conjunction with the Pythium and the sanctuaries of Ge and of Dionysus
in the Marshes. Cf. Paus. 1, 18, 6~8, where the great precinct of Olympian .
Zeus near the Ilissus is described in detail, with which also a Pythium is
associated. Till recently it was inferred that this was the sanctuary
Thucydides had in mind; if this is too remote we must show there is
evidence for another Olympieum and another Pythium in Athens, adjacent
to the Acropolis. Dérpfeld cites, as proof of such a sanctuary northwest
of the Acropolis, Strabo, 9, p. 404, where we are told the Athenians
watched the Harma on Mt. Cithaeron for the lightning ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσχάρας τοῦ
ἀστραπαίου Διός which is ἐν τῷ τείχει μεταξὺ τοῦ Πυθίου καὶ rod ᾿Ολυμπίονυ.
There is convincing evidence of ἃ Pythium on the Long Rocks northwest
of the Acropolis, and Dorpfeld interprets this passage as referring to the
Acropolis Wall. Though there are no certain remains of this Olympieum,
it must have been adjacent to the Pythium, the exact site of which has
been determined.

ὑπὸ τῷ Ὑμησσῷ . . . βιᾶσθαί ogeas. This naturally refers to a spring adjacent to
the primitive fortified settlement and gives the later name.

Ps-Plat. Axioch. p. 364.4: ἐξιόντι μοι és Κυνόσαργες καὶ γενομένῳ μοι κατὰ ᾿Ιλισσὸν
.. « Κλεινίαν ὁρῶ τὸν ᾿Αξιόχον θέοντα ἐπὶ Καλλιρρόην --- ἃ manifest reference to the
spring by the Ilissus.

Etymol. Magn. 8.0. Evvedxpovvos: κρήνη ᾿Αθήνησι παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ιλισσὸν ἣ πρότερον
Καλλιρρόη ἔσκεν. ἸΠολύζηλος Δημοτυνδάρεῳ δὲ (Com. Att. Frgm., ed. Kock, I, p. 790, 2)
“ἐ ἕξει πρὸς ᾿Εννεάκρουνον, εὔυδρον rérov.’’ This and similar statements of late date
may result from a confusion of the Callirrhoe with the Enneacrunus tradition. By
the time this work was compiled, the old Callirrhoe at the Pnyx had been long for-
gotten. Over against this set the statement of another lexicographer, Suidas, s.v.
νυμφικὰ λουτρά : τὰ els γάμους ἐκ THs ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ κρήνης λαμβανόμενοι.

-- ~ Cratinus, ἔγρτη. 186, in Schol. Ar. Εᾳ. 526: Αναξ Απολλον͵ τῶν ἐπῶν τῶν ῥευμάτων
καναχοῦσι Πηγαὶ δωδεκάκρουνον τὸ στόμα, ᾿ἸΙλισσὸς ἐν τῇ φάρνγι. Frazer considers this
certainly an allusion to the Enneacrunus, though the poet speaks of twelve instead of
nine jets of water.

Hierocles Hippiatr. praef.: Ταραντῖνος δὲ ἱστορεῖ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς νεὼν κατασκευάζον-
τας ᾿Αθηναίους 'Evveaxpovvou πλησίον εἰσελαθῆναι ψηφίσασθαι τὰ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς εἰς τὸ
ἄστν ζεύγη ἅπαντα κτλ., discussed by Miss Harrison, pp. 154-156, who shows that
Tarantinus, an author of uncertain date, tells of the Olympieum a story told by others
of the Parthenon; he is not worthy of credence.

ENNEACRUNUS 247

2. The Pythium.— The Pythium is the second sanctuary named by
Thucydides (2, 15, 4). Pausanias (1, 19, 1) speaks of ar. image of Apollo
near the great temple of Olympian Zeus (Mera δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦ Atos τοῦ
Ὀλυμπίου πλησίον ἄγαλμά ἐστιν ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθίου) and we know there
was ἃ Pythium or sanctuary of Pythian Apollo in that quarter of Athens
(see note L.c.).

But literary evidence of itself proves that there was another Pythium,
naturally that referred to by Thucydides, somewhere on the Long Rocks
at the northwest end of the Acropolis, Pausanias (1, 28, 4) speaks of “ἃ
sanctuary of Apollo in a cave ”’ on the Acropolis slope, and another writer
applies to it the name of Pythium (cf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2, 1, 7, where it
is stated that the route followed by the ship in the Panathenaic procession
was from the Ceramicus to the Eleusinium, then round the Eleusinium
and past the Pelargicum to the Pythium, where the ship was moored). As
Pausanias (1, 29, 1) says the ship was kept near the Areopagus, this can-
not well be the Pythium on the Ilissus. Cf. also Eur. Ion, 7 ff., 285 ff.,
where the caves of the Long Rocks are made the scene of the nuptials of
Apollo and Creusa.

The actual cave of Apollo has also been found and thoroughly cleared
out, and numerous votive offerings with inscriptions have come to light
which make the identification certam. The Olympieum probably lay some
what east of the Pythium, but there is no archaeological evidence to prove it.
It stands or falls with the Pythium. See Miss Harrison, Primitive Athens,
pp. 67-82, for an extended description of the Pythium.

8. The Sanctuary of Ge.— This is the third sanctuary cited by Thu-
cydides (2, 15, 3). In 1, 18, 7 Pausanias mentions the temenos of Ge
Olympia within the peribolus of the great Olympieum ; and in 1, 22, 3
he speaks of the shrine of Ge Kourotrophos and Demeter Chloe, in de-
scribing his approach to the Propylaea along the southern slope of the
Acropolis. The sanctuary of Ge was probably at the southwest corner of
the Acropolis, presumably somewhere along the winding road followed by
Pausanias. It is doubtless to this latter sanctuary that Thucydides refers,

4. The Odeum(Paus. 1, 8,6; 1,14, 1).— This is the first object of interest:
mentioned by Pausanias after leaving the statues of Harmodius and Aris-
togiton on the northwest slope of the Areopagus. Frazer (note ].6.), Dérp-
‘feld in A. M. xvii (1892), 252-260, and Judeich (Topographie, 312) agree
in concluding that «the theatre called Odeum ”’ (Paus. 1, 8, 6) was iden-
tical with the theatre in the Ceramicus called the Agrippeum mentioned by
Philostratus (Vit. Soph. 2, 5,4; 8, 4). Dérpfeld thinks it occupied the

948. THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

site of the old market orchestra, southwest of the Areopagus and north of
the Hill of the Nymphs. Cf. Tim. Lex. Plat. ᾿ρχήστρα τόπος ἐπιφανὴς εἰς
πανήγυριν, ἔνθα Appodiov καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτονος εἰκόνες. Those who place Ennea-
crunus and adjacent structures along the Ilissus consider this a suburban
Odeum, situated in Agrae. There are no definite data as to such a site.
The two other well-known Odeums are the Odeum of Pericles near the
theatre (Paus. 1, 20, 4) and the Odeum of Herodes Atticus on the southern
slope of the Acropolis. ‘: Near the Odeum,’’ says Pausanias, ‘is a foun-
tain called Enneacrunus ”’ (1, 14, 1). |

5. The Temples of Demeter and Persephone, and of Triptolenus. — ‘« Above
the fountain,’’ continues Pausanias, ‘‘ are temples; one of them is a temple
of Demeter and Kore, in the other is an image of Triptolemus”’ (1, 14,
1-3). He then proceeds-to tell the story of Triptolemus and says he pur-
posed to describe all the objects «‘in the sanctuary at Athens called the
Eleusinium,’’ but was prevented by a vision in a dreain.

All who see in Enneacrunus the Callirrhoe on the Llissus distinguish
the two temples from the Eleusinium, and locate them in Agrae where the
μικρὰ μυστήρια were celebrated (see Milchh. S. Q. xxiv). Dr. Dérpfeld and
Miss Harrison, on the contrary, believe that the two temples were com-
prised in the Eleusinium. Judeich, p. 257, locates the temples somewhere
south of the Areopagus, but asserts they were not in the Eleusinium. The
site of the Eleusinium is well attested as being south of the Areopagus
and west of the Acropolis. Cf. Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 13, who speaks of
the Eleusinium ‘‘ which was beneath the Acropolis ’’; Philostr. Vit. Soph.
2,1, 5, who in describing the Panathenaic procession says that “the ship,
starting from the Ceramicus with a thousand oars, sailed up to the Eleu-
sinium, and, having made the circuit of it, passed the Pelargicum.’’ The
natural inference is that the two temples were comprised in the Eleusinium.

6. Temple of Eucleia.—‘+ Further on” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω), says Pausa-
nias, after his account of the Eleusinium, «is a temple of Eucleia ”’
(1, 14, 5).

The goddess Eucleia, or Good Fame, is identified with Artemis Eucleia by
Dr. Dérpfeld and. Miss Harrison on the authority of Plutarch (Aristid. 20),
who think this temple is identical with a shrine of Artemis Aristoboule
dedicated by Themistocles and located ‘‘in Melite near to his own house
(Plut. Them. 15, 22).’’ Others deny the identification and locate the tem-
ple of Eucleia on the left bank of the Ilissus. Hitzig-Bluemner (note l.c.)
think the identification altogether uncertain, as in inscriptions Eucleia is
joined with Eunomia (see S. Q. xxix). Judeich, pp. 355, 336, also regards

ENNEACRUNUS 249

the identification as unprovable and improbable, but locates the temple
somewhat distant from the Triptolemus temple, and certainly not far from
that of Artemis Aristoboule.

7. The Dionysium in Limnis.— This is the last of the sanctuaries men-
tioned by Thucydides (2, 15), as being ‘outside ’’ the Acropolis, but
within the limits set for the primitive city.

We observe that up to this point in the discussion there have developed
in different localities two Callirrhoes, two sanctuaries of Zeus, two of Apollo,
two of Ge, two or more of the Eleusinian deities, two or more Odeums, and
_two Eucleias. Fortunately there is only one Dionysium in Limnis, and if
we can determine the site of this we have the key to the whole topograph-
ical situation. True, there have been many sites assigned to it. The early
topographers and the latest authority on the Dionysiac cult,-Paul Foucart
(Le Culte de Dionysos en Attique, Paris, 1905), locate it in the Dionysus pre-
cinct containing the theatre, on the southwest slope of the Acropolis.
Others located it in the Ilissus neighborhood or outside the city.. Dr. Dérp-
feld, on the contrary, is firmly convinced that he has excavated its site and
determined the authenticity of it in the territory excavated by the German
school, between the Areopagus, Pnyx, and Acropolis. Miss Harrison de-
votes pp. 83-100 of Primitive Athens to proving this identification and to
describing the precinct.

The precinct in question is northwest of the ancient road laid bare by
Dr. Dérpfeld, just south of the western end of the Areopagus. It is tri-
angular in shape, being bounded by three streets, and is about 600 square
yards in area. It is surrounded by a limestone wall which shows several
styles of construction from the Cyclopean to the quadrangular. It consists
of twd parts, divided by a wall with a door, the southern section being
the smaller. In the southern part is a small temple; in the middle of the
northern part is a table-like altar, and in*the northwest corner is a wine-
press. Above a considerable portion of the precinct are the foundations of
a building of Roman date, which contained a large hall with two rows of
columns, dividing it into a central nave and two aisles. Here was found
an altar decorated with scenes from the worship of Dionysus, and the drum
of a column on which is an inscription giving the statutes of a club of per-
sons calling themselves Jobakchoi, and showing the name of the hall to be
the Bakcheion. No inscriptions of an earlier date were found anywhere
in the precinct, and no orchestra has tome to light. The altar, the wine-
press, and the small temple of very early date are taken as sufficient evi-
dence that this is the Dionysium in Limnis.

250 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Dr. Doérpfeld and Miss Harrison present their arguments so cogently
that the reader feels impelled to accept their conclusions without hesita-
tion ; but when he reviews once more the literary evidence cited by them
he finds that what applies strictly to the Dionysium in Limnis does not
afford conclusive proof of this identification, any more than do the archae-
ological remains. If this precinct is not the Dionysinm in Limnis, what
is it then? This question I am not prepared to answer, but I shall sum-
marize the arguments to prove that the Dionysium in Limnis was embraced
in the Dionysiac precinct on the southwest slope of the Acropolis, reterring
the reader to my paper in the Classical Review, xix (1905), 325-328, for a
fuller statement.

1. The oft-quoted passage in Thucydides mentions four sanctuaries,
three of whieh we have seen to be on the Acropolis slopes, namely, the
Olympieum to the northwest, the Pythium west of it, the sanctuary of Ge
on the southwest ; then follows the Dionysium in Limnis in regular order
from northwest to southeast, and here it is on the southeast slope. This
order suggests that Thucydides was thinking of the site of the Dionysiac
theatre, and not a locality some distance away southwest of the Areopagus.
Did not Thucydides add the phrase πρὸς vorov μάλιστα, ‘chiefly to the
south,’’ so as to include this site?

2. Pausanias (1, 20, 8) says: Tod Διονύσου δέ ἐστι πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸ
ἀρχαιότατον ἱερόν, xTA. The ἀρχαιότερα Διονύσια of the Thucydides passage
were celebrated ἐν τῷ ἀρχαιοτάτῳ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διονύσον καὶ ἁγιωτάτῳ ἐν Λίμναις
(Ps.-Dem. 59, 76), and Pausanias tells us that τοῦ Διονύσου . . . τὸ ἀρχαιό-
τατον ἱερόν Was πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ. Though Pausanias does not mention the
Dionysium in Limnis by name, he doubtless had the Thucydides passage in
mind, and the Pseudo-Demosthenes passage serves as a connecting link to
justify this interpretation.

3. Thold with M. Foucart (p. 109), in regard to the famous chorus of the
Frogs (218 ff.),
ἣν ἀμφὶ Νυσήιον | Διὸς Διόνυσον ἐν
λίμναις ἰαχήσαμεν | ἡνίχ᾽ ὁ κραιπαλόκωμος

τοῖς ἱεροῖσι χύτροισι
χωρεῖ κατ᾽ ἐμὸν τέμενος λαῶν ὄχλος, κτλ.

that the scene of the Frogs is the actual theatre itself, where the play was
celebrated, with the neighborhood. The word λίμναι probably denotes the
sacred pools, rouhd which Xanthias runs instead of crossing in a ferry boat.

The statement that the sanctuary of Dionysus in the Marshes was |
opened once only in each year on the 12th of the month Anthesterion, as

ENNEACRUNUS 201

given in Ps.-Demosthenes I.c., is no conclusive objection to this interpre-
tation, as the primitive shrine was probably closed, not the whole sacred
precinct which contained also the orchestra and the temple of Dionysus
Eleuthereus.

C. ExcAVATIONS

Excavations made in the bed of the Ilissus on the traditional site of
Callirrhoe by the Greek Archaeological Society, in 1893, reveal artificial
methods of embellishment which, Frazer and others believe, may have
caused the water to issue from nine spouts in such a way as to justify the
name Enneacrunus. But, as Judeich (p. 182) and Miss Harrison (p. 153)
point out, these remains show conclusively that in classical times no con-
siderable fountain could have existed there; and there are no traces of
an artistic treatment and no evidence whatever that the work was of an
early date. .

Dr. Dérpfeld’s excavations, however, have revealed the Pisistratean
system of water-works and have given the unanswerable solution to the
Enneacrunus problem. It is beside our purpose to describe in detail the
artificial water supply of ancient Athens.! Suffice it to say that in the Pnyx
rock, as indicated on the plan facing p. 236, is the spring Callirrhoe. It
has been reénforced by water from the district of the Ilissus, brought in a
conduit laid by Pisistratus. In front of the ancient Callirrhoe once stood
a fountain house called Enneacrunus, or Nine Spouts. Several stones have
been found which belonged to this artificial fountain. That these remains
belong to the Pisistratean epoch is indicated by the materials, the stamps,
and the similarity of construction with other Pisistratean buildings and
with the fountains of Megara and Corinth of similar date. The plan
gives the general disposition of the place of the Enneacrunus, showing
the spring Callirrhoe in the Pnyx rock, the large reservoir, immediately
in front of it the draw-well, and to the right of the reservoir, and equally
fed by it, the fountain house, Enneacrunus. In front of the fountain house
is a great open space, which was at one time the heart and centre of
the Agora.

‘Conclusion. — On the whole the balance of evidence seems to justify the
following inferences :

1. Pausanias and Thucydides are in accord in locating the Enneacrunus
in the neighborhood of the Acropolis, and Pausanias did no violence to
the topographical order of his narrative.

1 See especially Fr. Graber, Die Enneakrunos, A.M. xxxi (1905), 1-64.

252 _ THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

2. Of the sites mentioned by Pausanias and Thucydides in connection
with Enneacrunus, there were primitive sanctuaries of Olympian Zeus, of
Pythian Apollo, and of Ge, on the Acropolis slopes as well as along the
Tlissus, and Thucydides doubtless referred to the former; the Odeum was
doubtless in the Agora just southwest of the Areopagus ; there were sanc-
tuaries of the Eleusinian deities both west of the Acropolis, south of the
Areopagus, and in Agrae across the Ilissus, but the Eleusinium was in
the former locality; if Eucleia is Artemis Eucleia, her sanctuary was in the
Areopagus region, but if the shrine mentioned by Pausanias was of Eucleia
merely, the site is uncertain; the Dionysium in Limnis is either where
Dr. Dorpfeld locates it, south of the western end of the Areopagus, or
more probably it is identical with the theatre precinct where Pausanias
locates the most ancient sanctuary of Dionysus.

3. The excavations of Dr. Dérpfeld and the recent investigations into
the water supply of ancient Athens, together with the testimony of ancient
writers, afford conclusive evidence that the site of the Enneacrunus of Pisis-
tratus has been identified at the foot of the east slope of the Pnyx hill.

EXCURSUS IV. THE THESEUM

It has been already stated that the Royal Colonnade was doubtless situ-
ated at the eastern foot of the hill known as Colonus Agoraeus, on which
the Doric temple commonly known as the Theseum now stands. Now
Pausanias informs us: Ὑπὲρ δὲ τὸν Κεραμεικὸν καὶ στοὰν τὴν καλουμένην
βασίλειον ναός ἐστιν Ἡφαίστου (1, 14, 6). Hence it seems evident that the
temple of Hephaestus ‘‘ above ’’ the Agora and Royal Colonnade must have
been on this hill. Add the testimony of Harpocration (s.v. KoAwveras)
that the Hephaesteum and the Eurysaceum stood on the Colonus Agoraeus
near the Agora, and that the Eurysaceum was in the quarter Melite (s.v.
Evpvoaxeiov), which we know from other sources lay to the west and south-
west of the market-place.

Since the evidence is strong that the temple of Hephaestus was on the
Colonus Agoraeus, it raises the interesting question whether the temple still
standing there, known as the Theseum, is not actually the Hephaesteum.

This temple, the best-preserved architectural relic of the ancient world,
has been the subject of an interesting controversy as to its identity. It
has been by various writers at different times attributed respectively to
Ares, Apollo, Heracles, Aphrodite, the Amazons, Theseus, and Hephaestus.
But before entering upon this controversy let us briefly describe the temple.

THE THESEUM 2538

The so-called Theseum is a peripteral hexastyle in antis. It stands upon
a marble stylobate raised three steps from the ground, the lowest step being
of Piraeus limestone. The building is 104 feet long, and 45 feet wide.
To front and rear are six Doric columns, and at the sides are thirteen, the
corner columns being twice counted.

The columns are 19 feet in height, varying in diameter from 3 feet
5 inches at the base to 2 feet 7 inches at the top; they are accordingly
somewhat more slender than those of the Parthenon. The intercolumnia-
tion is 5} feet, at the corners 4} feet. Above the architrave runs a Doric
frieze of triglyphs and metopes, encircling the whole building ; only a few
of these, however, are sculptured. Above the frieze is the usual cornice
and pediment.

The cella, which is about 40 feet in length by 20 feet in breadth, has a
fore-chamber (pronaos) at the east end and a back-chamber (opisthodomus)
at the west end, formed by the prolongation of the side walls terminating in
antae ; at each end a pair of columns occupied the space between the antae.

Of the sixty-eight metopes only eighteen were embellished with sculp-
tured reliefs, namely, the ten on the east front, and the four on the north
and south sides respectively at the eastern end. The metopes of the east
front represent the labors of Heracles. The scenes from left to right are
as follows: (1) Heracles and the Nemean lion; (2) Heracles and the Ler-
naean hydra; (3) Heracles and the Cerynaean hind ; (4) Heracles and the
Erymanthian boar ; (5) Heracles and the horses of Diomedes ; (6) Eleracles
and Cerberus; (7) Heracles and Hippolyta, queen of the Amazons; (8) Hera-
cles and Eurytion; (9) Heracles and Geryon; (10) Heracles and one of the
Hesperides. The eight reliefs on the side walls, which are better pre-
served, celebrate the achievements of Theseus. Those on the south side,
beginning from the east, are: (1) Theseus and the Minotaur ; (2) Theseus
and the bull of Marathon ; (3) Theseus and the robber Sinis; (4) Theseus
and Procrustes. Those on the north, beginning from the east, are:
(1) Theseus and the robber Periphetes; (2) Theseus and the Arcadian
Cercyon ; (3) Theseus and Sciron ; (4) Theseus and the Crommyonian sow.

There is also a sculptured frieze at each end of the cella, over the inner
columns, the western frieze extending merely from anta to anta, while the
eastern frieze extends beyond the antae to meet the epistyle. The west
frieze is about 25 feet long; the east frieze is about 37 feet long. The
subject of the former is the battle between the Centaurs and Lapiths; of
the latter, a battle fought in the presence of six seated deities divided into
two groups of three each. The subject is uncertain.

254 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

The date of the temple and its sculptures is agreed to be about the
middle of the fifth century B.c.; but whether it falls soon before, or soon
after, or contemporaneous with, the Parthenon, is disputed. Dérpfeld and
other architects would place it later, because of its more advanced tenden-
cies to Ionicism in architectural details. The sculptures, furthermore,
favor the later date, as for example the resemblances between the west
frieze of this temple and the metopes of the Parthenon. Similarly certain
Attic vase-paintings suggest the later date, as the metopes are frequently
imitated on Attic vases, but never of an earlier date than 430 B.c., whereas
the Parthenon dates from 447-432 B.c. It has been conjectured from the
style of the metopes that the sculptures were the work of Myron or of
pupils of Myron; but the names: of the sculptors are not known.

Frazer thus summarizes the arguments for and against the view that
this Doric temple is actually the Theseum, described by Pausanias (1, 17,
2-6), πρὸς δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ Θησέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν, κτλ.

In favor of its being the Theseum are, (1) the tradition which for
some centuries at least has designated the temple as the Theseum ; (2) the
evidence of the sculptured metopes, representing the deeds of Theseus, and
of the west frieze, representing the contests of Centaurs and Lapiths,
in which Theseus took part; (3) the fact that the inside walls are covered
with stucco, which suggests that they were once embellished with paint-
ings, as we know from Pausanias to have been true of the Theseum.

In regard to (1), the anonymous author of a Greek tract on the
topography of Athens, of the fifteenth century, preserved in the Paris
library, was the first writer in modern times to call the temple Theseum.
Henceforth the temple bore this name without question until the middle
of the nineteenth century, when Ross proposed to identify it with the
temple of Ares (Paus. 1, 8, 2), a name earlier suggested by the traveler
Cyriacus of Ancona.

The arguments against its being the Theseum are, (1) Tissue: was
not a god but a hero. The heroum of the latter was always sharply dis-
tinguished from the naos of the former. The terms used by Pausanias
(1,17, 2 and 6) for the Theseum and other memorials of Theseus better suit
a heroic shrine. Besides, this temple is a regular temple facing east with
three steps, whereas the heroum has two steps and faces west. (2) This
temple, as we have seen, is of the age of Pericles, while the Theseum was
built in the age of Cimon and seems to have been begun not later than
493 B.c. (see 1,17, 6, note). (3) The evidence as to the site of the Theseum
derived from Aristotle, Plutarch, and Pausanias (note l.c.) is in favor of

THE THESEUM 200

placing it to the east of the Agora, and north of the Acropolis. (4) The
argument based on the fact that eight of the metopes and at least one of
the friezes represented the exploits of Theseus is met by showing that the
subject of metopes and friezes had no necessary relation to the deities of
the temples, as e.g. the labors of Heracles on the metopes of the temple
of Zeus at Olympia, and the Centaurs on the Parthenon metopes.

On the whole the preponderance of evidence is against identifying the
temple with the Theseum.

If not, then, the Theseum, to what god was the temple dedicated?
Various have been the answers given: (1) Ross thought it was the temple
of Ares (see 1, 8, 4, note). (2) Wachsmuth and Curtius identified the temple
with the famous sanctuary of Heracles, Averter of Evil, in Melite (cf. Schol.
Ar. Ran. 501). But Pausanias makes no mention of a temple of Heracles.
(3) Koéhler, Loeschke, and Milchhoefer make it a temple of Apollo the
Paternal. But that temple, as we have seen (see 1, 3, 4, note), was in the
Agora. (4) Lange would regard it as the sanctuary of Aphrodite Urania
(Paus. 1, 14, 7, note), and (5) Dr. Dyer conjectured it might have been
the sanctuary of the Amazons (see Plut. Theseus, 27). (6) Finally, the
proposal first made by Pervanoglu, to identify the so-called Theseum
with the temple of Hephaestus described by Pausanias (1, 14, 6), has been
accepted by Lolling, Dérpfeld, and Miss Harrison.

Arguments in favor of the temple being a Hephaesteum are as follows:
(1) It fits the topographical requirements. We know from Pausanias that
the temple of Hephaestus stood on high ground, above the market-place
and the Royal Colonnade, and from other sources that together with the
Eurysaceum it stood on the hill Colonus Agoraeus. The hill on which
the so-called Theseum stands has been identified as the Market hill. The
only objects mentioned as being on this hill are the naos of Hephaestus,
the hieron of Aphrodite Urania, and the Eurysaceum. As this temple is a
naos, this is strong evidence that it was the Hephaesteum. (2) There was
a natural fitness in having the temple of Hephaestus overlook the potter’s
quarter. (8) An inscription of 440-416 B.c. speaks of the revival or insti-
tution of the worship of Hephaestus and Athena, and the setting up of an
altar or an image to Hephaestus. This would harmonize with the date
approximately assigned to this temple. (4) In answer to the objection that
in none of the sculptured metopes nor in the frieze is there any reference
to Hephaestus, it may be said that, as we have seen, these sculptures appear
to have often had little or no relation to the god of the temple, while the
pediment sculptures, which generally had a direct reference to the temple

206 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

deity, have entirely disappeared ; Bruno Sauer connects them with the
Hephaestus legend.

The balance of probabilities, therefore, seems in favor of identifying as
the temple of Hephaestus the temple popularly known as the Theseum,
and we shall provisionally accept this designation.

EXCURSUS V. THE OLYMPIEUM

Sixteen imposing Corinthian coluinns sixty feet in height, situated on a
broad plateau to the southeast of the Acropolis, form one of the most con-
spicuous features in the landscape of Athens. These columns form two
groups: eastward are thirteen surmounted by an architrave; separated
from these by a gap of 100 feet are three others, two standing, one pros-
trate. During the Middle Ages the name given these remains of antiquity
was the palace of Hadrian ; among the modern Greeks the ruin is popularly
known as Staes Kolonnaes (εἰς ταῖς κολόνναις, ‘at the columns’’).

The grounds for identifying these massive ruins with the Olympieum
are fortunately beyond doubt. (1) The great size of the columns and of
the foundation of the structure comports with the statements of Livy
(41, 20, 8, unum in terris inchoatum pro magnitudine dei) and of Aris-
totle (Pol. 5,11), who compares them with the works of the Cypselidae in
Corinth, the pyramids of Egypt, and the public buildings of Polycrates of
Samos. (2) Vitruvius says that the temple of Olympian Zeus was dipteral
. of the Corinthian order (7, praef. 15, 17) and octostyle (8, 1, 8), as is the
case here. (8) Pausanias states that the peribolus was full of statues of
Hadrian ; and among the ruins have been found many bases with dedi-
catory inscriptions to this emperor (C.I.A. III, 479-482, 484, 486, 487,
491,494). (4) The four sides of the peribolus are 668 m. in length, which
agrees roughly with Pausanias’ statement (1, 18, 6) that the whole in-
closure was four stadia in circuit. And, finally, (5) Vitruvius states that
the architect selected by Antiochus was named Cossutius, and the base of
a statue has been found with the inscription : Δέκμος Κοσσούτιος Ποπλώυ
Ῥωμαῖος (C.I.A. III, 561).

The site was hallowed from the earliest time, for here, as says Pausa-
nias, was the primitive sanctuary of Zeus founded by Deucalion in the
neighborhood of the cleft through which the water of the flood disap-
peared. This primitive sanctuary probably gave way in early times to a
temple in which was kept the bronze statue of Zeus mentioned by Pau-
sanias. But the work of building the massive temple we are considering

THE OLYMPIEUM 251

belongs to three epochs separated by long intervals: (1) under Pisistratus
and his sons; (2) under Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria; (8) under the
Roman Emperor Hadrian. .

About 530 B.c. the tyrant Pisistratus began on this site the erection of
a temple of such massive proportions as to rival the temples of Hera at —
Samos and of Artemis at Ephesus. He employed four architects, Antista-
tes, Callaeschrus, Antimachides, and Pormus (Vitruv. 7, praef. 15). The
original style employed was Doric, as is evident from its early date and its
colossal size. Aristotle charges (Pol. 5, 11, 8) that the building of the
temple was a device of the tyrant to keep the minds of the people diverted
from revolutionary projects. The work was stopped at the expulsion of
the Pisistratidae in 510 B.c., and it is impossible to determine how far it
had progressed. ᾿

The interval between the expulsion of the tyrants and the reign of
Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, of Syria (510-175 B.c.) is a blank in the history
of the Olympieum. During the acme of Athenian greatness the temple was
disregarded, and we have no mention of it whatever in classical literature.
At length, about 174 s.c., Antiochus determined to continue the work of
building the temple at his own expense. Vitruvius (l.c.) gives the par-
ticulars. A Roman Cossutius was the architect who planned and super-
intended the construction of the temple, cella, columns, epistyle, and
ornamentation; he chose the Corinthian order and surrounded it with a
double row of columns. The death of Antiochus put an end to the work,
which must have been very far advanced. From the evidence of the earlier
Greek taste seen in the carving of the capitals and the curve of the abacus,
the extant columns belong to this period, and we may conclude that the
entire peristyle was set up by Antiochus.

Much, however, remained to be done — certainly the roofing, the finish-
ing of the interior, the sculptural embellishment of the whole. Yet almost
three centuries passed by, leaving the half-finished temple substantially
unchanged. Strabo speaks of it (9, p. 396) as half-finished ; Plutarch
(Solon, 32) compares it to Plato’s Critias as an unfinished work; and
Lucian (Icarom. 24) represents Zeus as impatiently asking whether the
Athenians ever meant to complete his temple. Sulla in 86 B.c. carried off
some columns, probably from the cella, for use in building the temple of
Capitoline Jupiter in Rome (Pliny, N. H. 36, 45).

The temple was finally completed by the Emperor Hadrian at his own
expense (Philostr. Vit. Soph. 1, 25,6; Dio Cass. 69, 16; Schol. Lucian I.c.)
and was dedicated by him in person during his second visit in Athens in

258 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

130 or 131 a.p. By command of the Emperor, the sophist Polemo, the
most popular orator of the day, delivered the inaugural address. The
temple was dedicated to the honor and worship of Hadrian as it was of
Zeus. Pausanias saw the temple in its full beauty, and it is unfortunate
that he gives so brief a description of it.

The later history of the temple is very obscure, nor do we know the
cause of its destruction. When Cyriacus of Ancona visited Athens about
1450 a.p., only 21 columns were standing with their architraves (Wachs-
muth, Die Stadt Athen, I, 127). These had been reduced to 17 in the
seventeenth century, and about 1760 the Turkish governor pulled down
one of these to make lime for building a mosque. Of the surviving sixteen,
the prostrate column was thrown down by a hurricane in 1852.

The temple rested on'a platform of solid masonry, strengthened with
buttresses on the south side. This platform is 676 feet long by 426 feet
broad. The stylobate of the temple itself measured 354 feet in length by
135 feet in breadth. The temple was octostyle (Vitruv. 8, 2, 8), dipteral.
The peristyle comprised more than 100 Corinthian columns, with double
rows of 20 each on the northern and southern sides, and triple rows of 8
each at the east and west ends. The columns were 56 feet 7 inches in
height, and 5 feet 7 inches in diameter at the base, with 24 flutings. The
total height of the front is estimated to have been 91 feet. The existing
columns are of Pentelic marble. The thirteen surmounted by the architrave
are at the southeastern angle ; the remaining three, one of which has fallen,
are of the interior row of the southern side not far from the southwest cor-
ner, and are at a distance of about 100 feet from the thirteen mentioned.

The excavations of Mr. Penrose laid bare walls and pavement and a
number of unfluted drums of large columns of common stone. One of these
drums has a diameter of not less than 7 feet 6 inches. These are attrib-
uted to the temple begun by Pisistratus, of which the cella was esti-
mated to be 116 feet long and 50 feet wide. The orientation differed from
that of the later temple, which was exactly east and west. A rough wall
of still earlier date, of hard limestone, was attributed by Mr. Penrose to
the primitive temple ascribed to Deucalion.

THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS 259

EXCURSUS VI. THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS

On the southeastern slope of the Acropolis, in the precinct sacred to
the wine-god, is the ancient theatre of Dionysus — the cradle of the dra-
matic art of Hellas. The remains are not extensive, consisting merely of
the orchestra, a portion of the stone seats and retaining-walls of the audi-
torium, and the front of the late Roman stage and the foundations of the
stage buildings, but what is left is sufficient to enable us to determine with
considerable accuracy the historical development and the construction of
the best-known of all Greek theatres. For our knowledge of the theatre
we are most largely indebted to Dr. Dérpfeld.

Of all ancient theatres, the Dionysiac theatre at Athens has had the
most continuous history, going back almost to the very beginning of drama,
and continuing in use until late Roman times. We shall, therefore, first
notice the most important stages in its development, so that in studying
its architectural remains we may be prepared to attribute to the different
periods what properly belongs to each.

In the sixth century B.c., at the dawn of Athenian drama, there was
in the sacred precinct on the southeastern slope of the Acropolis a circu-
lar dancing-place, or orchestra, consisting of beaten earth surrounded by a
ring of stones, used for the chorus of the wine-god. Within the circle was
an altar on the platform of which stood the coryphaeus or leader of the
chorus. All arrangements for spectators or performers were of a purely
provisional character.

In the following century, when dramatic art reached its acme under
. Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, the theatre also under-
went great development and reached the form which obtained in its main
features during its subsequent history. According to a statement made
by Suidas (s.v. Πρατίνας) the first permanent theatre was erected in
consequence of an accident which occurred in Ol. 70 (500-497 B.c.).
Aeschylus, Pratinas, and Choerilus were contending for the tragic prize,
when the wooden benches (ixpia) on which the spectators were seated col-
lapsed. This led the Athenians to build a more substantial theatre.

Dr. Dérpfeld is of the opinion that this earliest theatron consisted of
ὃ massive retaining-wall of stone and earth to support wooden seats, as
we have no evidence of the existence of stone seats in any fifth-century
theatre. In digging down into the foundations of the present auditorium
it has been found that there are two layers: the upper one, as shown
by the fragments of pottery buried in it, of the fourth century, and the

260 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

lower, by the same evidence, of the fifth. In place of the provisional
arrangements for the actors, in the early part of the century a wooden
stage building was erected— an innovation attributed by Dr. Dorpfeld
to Aeschylus. This consisted merely of a quadrangular chamber, whose
facade represented a palace or a temple. It is manifest that the theatre of
the great period of Attic drama was a much less imposing structure than
is usually assumed.

In its third stage of development the theatre of Dionysus, from being a
simple structure with wooden seats and wooden skené, became a magnificent
edifice with stone seats and an imposing stage building of the same mate-
rial. We have many references in Greek literature pointing to the fact
that about the middle of the fourth century or later a new theatre of un-
usual splendor was constructed. This building was completed under the
administration of the finance minister and orator Lycurgus. (Paus. 1, 29,
16; Ps.-Plut. vit. x Or. pp. 841 c, 852 B; C.I.A.II, 240; Hyperides, ed. Blass,
Frag. 121). This must have occurred before 325 B.c., the year of the death
of Lycurgus. Dr. Dérpfeld shows on technical grounds that in the main
the existing theatre is that of Lycurgus. Most of its walls and founda-
tions, as shown by the material used and the character of the work, belong
to this epoch. The Piraeus limestone and Hymettus and Pentelic marble
in use are combined in a manner customary in buildings of this period.
The technique of some of the work corresponds to that of the Choragic
Monument of Thrasyllus, whose date is known to be 321 B.c. The evi-
dence gathered from all sources indicates that the theatre was begun about
the year 350, and completed not later than 326 B.c.

After the fourth century the literary record is very imperfect, and our
knowledge of the development of the theatre.rests largely on technical
grounds. In the time of Lycurgus and earlier, stage scenery was repre-
sented by movable proscenia, i.e. scenery painted on canvas on wooden
panels stretched between posts. In Hellenistic times, however, when the
New Comedy prevailed, a stone proscenium was built, i.e. a permanent
scene or background, adorned with columns about ten or twelve feet high,
in which the scene was varied by changing the pinakes, or panels of wood,
that were placed between the stone columns.

From certain walls of the foundation, the fragments of a facade, and
an inscription extant on a piece of the architrave, it is evident that an
extensive reconstruction of the stage building and orchestra took place in
the first century a.p., at the command of the Roman Emperor, Nero. A
stage was built with its front adorned with reliefs after the manner of

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Fic. 2. THe THEATRE OF DIONYSUS
261

262 : THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Asia Minor and Roman theatres, the orchestra was paved, and other minor
changes were made.

Finally, about two centuries later, a certain archon Phaedrus lowered
and moved forward the stage of Nero, cutting down its facade as shown
by the extant reliefs, and commemorating the fact by an inscription (C.I.A.
ΠῚ, 239) to be seen on the highest of the five steps leading from the orchestra
to the top of the stage, translated as follows : :

Phaedrus, Zoilus’ son, in life-giving Attica ruler,
Built in thine honor this beautiful stage,
Thou god of the orgy.

Here ends the ancient history of the theatre. For centuries all record
of it ceases. Buried under the deep accumulation of soil, the theatre of
Dionysus disappeared so completely from view that seventeenth-century
travelers were entirely in the dark as to its site. Even as late as 1748,
Stuart speaks of the Odeum of Herodes Atticus as «‘ the theatre of Bac-
chus.’’ Robert Chandler, in 1765, was the first to suspect the true site.
Leake, by calling attention to a coin in the Payne-Knight collection in the
British Museum, removed all doubt as to its identity, for the coin shows
the east front of the Parthenon above the theatre. In 1862 excavations
were begun by the German architect Strack, who exposed to view large
portions of the auditorium. Taking up his work, the Greek Archaeolog-
ical Society cleared the whole sacred precinct. Further excavations, as of
the western retaining-wall, were made in 1877. Finally, in 1886, 1889,
and 1895, Dr. Dérpfeld completed the work of excavation by laying bare
the foundations of the building in its various epochs.

We shall now briefly describe the theatre, considering first the actual
remains and then its three natural divisions——the auditorium, the orches-
tra, and the stage buildings. Observe Dr. Dérpfeld’s plan, reproduced in
Fig. 2, p. 261.

The precinct of Dionysus is bounded on the north by the Acropolis
rock ; on the west by the precinct of Asclepius; on the south by the modern
road; on the east the boundary is not definitely determined. Within the
precinct are the foundations of two temples. The older is near the stage
buildings of the theatre and limited the extent of the colonnade at the
rear; the remains show that it dates from before the Persian War. The
later temple, to the south of this, is somewhat larger. Both consisted
merely of naos and pronaos. The later temple was probably erected at the
close of the fourth century (Plut. Nicias, 3).

THE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS 268

The actual remains of the theatre consist of a confusing mass of
foundations and walls of various periods. Of the sixth century is the
section of a wall of hard limestone, forming part of the circular boundary
of the original orchestra, somewhat to the south of the later orchestra.
Of the fifth century is a portion of a straight wall, which was probably
part of the supporting wall of the earlier auditorium. The great bulk
of the foundations and walls belong to the Lycurgus theatre erected,
as we have seen, in the fourth century. The remains of the stone pro-
scenium are of Hellenistic times. Worthy of note, also, are the Roman
foundations under Nero and what survives of the stage erected under
Phaedrus.

The auditorium was built on the slope of the Acropolis, which served
as an elevation for the tiers of seats. Yet artificial substructions were
necessary. These retaining-walls consisted of two stout walls in parallel
lines, with cross-walls at intervals, the intervening space being filled in
‘with dirt. These walls are of considerable strength and thickness, the
outer being of Piraeus limestone, the inner of conglomerate. The two
wings of the auditorium are terminated by two walls of unequal length,
the eastern being about 111 feet, the western only 88 feet. The unsym-
metrical circumference of the auditorium is due to the conformation of
the ground. Side entrances or paraskenia between the south walls of the
auditorium gave admittance to spectators and performers.

The inside boundary is a semicircle, with its two sides prolonged. The
distance between the inside corners is 72 feet. The interior consisted of
a series of stone seats, with marble chairs in the front row, rising tier
above tier to the bounding walls of the theatre. All that remain are from
twenty to thirty rows at the bottom and portions of a few rows at the top.
The curve of the seats did not correspond to the curve of the orchestra.
Fifty-eight of the sixty-seven marble seats originally in the front row
remain. Behind the line of marble seats, after an interval of about
three feet, began the first of the ordinary tiers of seats, which continued
in the same style to the limits of the auditorium. The seats were about
fifteen inches in height; lines cut in the stone indicate the space devoted
to each person. Fourteen passages, running in divergent lines like the
spokes of a wheel from the orchestra to the outside boundary, two being
along the bounding walls, divided the auditorium into thirteen sections
called kerkides. In addition to the vertical aisles, the auditorium was
divided into three parts by two curved longitudinal passages called diazo-
mata. Only the wpper diazoma is now recognizable ; it is about fifteen

264 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

feet wide. Dr. Dérpfeld calculates that the theatre would comfortably
accommodate about 17,000 spectators.

The circular orchestra is not only the mathematical but also the ideal
centre of the Greek theatre. The present orchestra occupies the identical
site of the orchestra of Lycurgus, but it appears as it was after consid-
erable changes were made in the time of Nero, who limited its extent to
the south by erecting a stage the front of which was on a line connect-
ing the two corners of the auditorium. A marble pavement was put on the
- orchestra, which was previously of solid earth. The gutter bounding the
orchestra, intended to drain off the water from the auditorium, dates from
Lycurgus. The pavement consists of slabs of Pentelic and Hymettus marble,
variegated with strips of a reddish marble. In the centre the marble is
arranged in a large rhomboidal figure, with a circular depression in the
centre, intended to receive the altar of Dionysus. A marble balustrade sur-
rounded the orchestra, and the gutter was covered over with slabs of marble.
The width of the orchestra is about 78} feet ; and its depth from the stage- "
front of Phaedrus to the front row of spectators is about 58} feet.

The stage buildings constitute the third and last division of the Greek
theatre. The term for these was skenc’; originally the tent or booth in
which the single actor of the Thespian period prepared for the perform-
ance, the word continued in use to express the large and elaborate stage
buildings of later periods.

The skené of Lycurgus had as the principal room a large rectangular
hall, the roof of which was perhaps borne by interior columns, with a
total length of about 152 feet, and depth of about 21 feet. At each end
were two projecting wings facing north, 23 feet by 16} feet, called para-
skenia. The space between the wings was about 66 feet. The central part
and the wings were adorned with a facade of Doric columns, of which
there are remains. The total height of the columns, architrave, triglyph
frieze, and cornice was about 13 feet. A provisional] proscenium was put
up between the skené and the orchestra. In the Lycurgus theatre there
was no trace of a logeion. The orchestra drawn as a complete circle just
touched the front line of the paraskenia. For about three centuries the
stage buildings of Lycurgus remained unchanged. At length in Hellenistic
times a stone proscenium was erected, the foundations of which can be
traced ; its top formed a podium or platform about 13 feet high and
9 feet deep. Also the paraskenia were: drawn in a few feet.

The foundations of the skené and proscenium of Nero’s reconstruction
can be traced on the plan, as well as the paraskenia to right and left. He

THE ACROPOLIS 265

also built a logeion extending forward from the skené to the line indicated
on the plan. Of this the existing sculptured marble blocks formed the
facade. These have been cut down about five inches, so that the stage of
Nero was about five feet, the usual height of a Roman logeion. As stated,
this stage was in the third or fourth century moved forward about eight
yards and lowered by Phaedrus, so as to stretch across the orchestra between
the inner corners of the two wings of the auditorium. The western half of
the front of this stage, adorned with four groups of figures in high relief,
is preserved.

EXCURSUS VII. THE ACROPOLIS

The Athenian Plain is triangular in shape, extending in a southwesterly
direction from Mt. Pentelicus to the sea. Mt. Parnes and its spur Aega-
leus form the north and northwest side of the triangle, Pentelicus the apex,
Hymettus the south and southeast side, and the Saronic Gulf the base.
Down the centre of the plain there stretches a range of hills, now called
Tourko Vouni, forming the watershed of the Cephisus and the Ilissus, and
terminating in the lofty peak of Lycabettus (900 feet). Nearly a mile to
the southwest, and separated from Lycabettus by a broad valley, lies a
precipitous rock, about 512 feet above the sea and 250 feet above the sur-
rounding plain. This rock is the Acropolis of Athens.

Geologically considered, the rock consists of a coarse semi-crystalline
limestone with which red schist is mixed. Its form is very irregular and
its surface jagged and broken. The surface of the rock is by no means a
flat table-land surrounded by precipitous sides. In its long axis from west
to east there is from the Propylaea to the Parthenon a rise of nearly forty
feet, so that the capitals of the columns of the one are about on a line
with the bases of the columns of the other. The conformation of the
surface is largely artificial. The seemingly level surface from north to
south is due to the numerous fillings-in that have been made from time
to time. The length from west to east is about 328 yards, the width from
north to south about 148 yards.

Grottoes and caverns and projecting cliffs abound on three precipitous
sides of the rock, while the fourth descends in a terraced slope. The north
side especially contains prominent cliffs and deep hollows. Starting from
the northeast corner and coming west there is a remarkable line of outly-
ing rocks containing numerous small grottoes used in antiquity as niches
for shrines and votive offerings. Further west is a long cavern, with under-
ground steps from the Erechtheum above, which has been identified as the

266 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Sanctuary of Aglaurus. Toward the northwest are the Long Cliffs, called
Maxpat. These form the scene of the early legends embodied in the Ion
of Euripides, and embrace the grotto of Pan, the grotto of Apollo, and
the ancient spring Clepsydra.

At the eastern side, the rock runs out in two bold projections like
natural bastions; the space between has been in great part artificially
filled up. The largest of all the caves is to be found on this side; how it
was utilized has not been definitely determined. The southern side, pre-
cipitous at the east end, slopes gradually westward forming three terraces.
First are found the sacred precinct of Dionysus and the theatre, with the
choregic monument of Thrasyllus above on a projecting rock. Westward,
on the lowest terrace, are the Odeum of Herodes Atticus and the Colonnade
of Eumenes; on the middle terrace is the precinct of Asclepius ; and still
higher is a small terrace with the shrines of Ge, Demeter, and perhaps
other deities. The west side slopes gradually toward the Areopagus, and
forms the natural approach to the Acropolis.

The history of the Acropolis falls naturally into eight periods :

A. Primitive Athens. — Relics of the Stone Age indicate that the Acro-
polis was the abode of man from an inconceivably remote period. Myce-
naean remains are extensive; the Acropolis takes rank as a Mycenaean
citadel along with Tiryns and Mycenae, and as Thucydides! states, «‘ what
is now the citadel was the city.’’ Cecrops is the first mythical king, who is
supposed to have migrated from Egypt and to have established himself on
the rock with his retainers. Erechtheus is the next king of prominence,
who dwelt in his prehistoric palace, wherein was the shrine of Athena.
The worship of Zeus, Athena, and Poseidon was already established.
Finally came the Ionians, Aegeus and his son Theseus; the latter consoli-
dated the twelve Attic townships into his famous synoikismos, and the
Acropolis became the centre of the political life of Attica.}

B. The Epoch of Pisistratus. — With King Codrus (1068 B.c.) the his-
torical period of Athenian history is supposed to begin, but we hear almost
nothing of the Acropolis until the time of Pisistratus. The old pediment
reliefs in the Acropolis Museum prove conclusively that long before his
time there existed on the Acropolis temples of Athena and other deities.
The tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons is a most momentous period in
the history of the Acropolis. Here they took up their residence, and
strengthened the fortifications. The finds of archaic sculptures, and of the

1 Thucydides, ij, 15, discussed in Excursus III. Cf. Miss Harrison, Primitive Athens
as described by Thucydides, Cambridge, 1906.

THE ACROPOLIS 267

columns and pediment sculptures of the Old Athena Temple, embellished
by Pisistratus, indicate the attention paid to art under this enlightened
tyranny. Sculptors and architects were summoned from a distance to
assist the native artists in their work. This epoch naturally closes with
the sack by the Persians in 480 B.c., when temples were burnt, votive
sculptures were thrown down and broken, and general havoc was wrought
on the Acropolis.

C. The Periclean Age. — After the victory of Salamis and the recogni-
tion of Athens as the foremost state of Ilellas, the Athenians undertook
to rebuild their ruined city in a manner adequate to their increasing im-
portance. Cimon and Themistocles began the movement to make the
Acropolis a fit dwelling-place for the goddess Athena. The fortifications
of the citadel were extended and strengthened ; the surface was leveled
up by filling in the hollow spaces with the débris of the Persian sack. A
new portal or entrance-way was begun and the colossal bronze Athena
of Phidias was set up. Then followed the golden age of Athens under
Pericles (461-429 B.c.), who wished the Acropolis to become the con-
crete expression of the greatness of the Athenian empire. Phidias was his
chief adviser in carrying out his plans. The results were the building of
(1) the Parthenon (447-438 B.c.), by the architects Ictinus and Callicrates ;
(2) the Propylaea, with Mnesicles as architect (437-432 B.c.); (3) the temple
of Athena Nike, planned 450 B.c. but probably not built until after the
Propylaea; (4) the Erechtheum — doubtless planned by Pericles, as his
building operations were interrupted by the Peloponnesian War, but not
erected until 409-395 B.c.

D. The Acropolis in Hellenistic Times. — From the death of Pericles
(429 B.c.) to the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.c.) the Acropolis underwent
no material change. From that date its history is involved in the history
of the foreign patrons and foes of Athens. From the close of the third
century the Acropolis profited greatly by the gifts of foreign henefactors.
King Attalus I of Pergamum (241-197 B.c.) nade many dedicatory gifts,
especially the groups commemorating his victory over the Gauls; Antio-
chus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B.c.), who began rebuilding the Olym-
pieum, hung a Gorgon’s head as an apotropaion on the south wall; and
Eumenes IT (197-159 B.c.) of Pergamum erected the colonnade bearing
his name, between the two theatres on the southern slope.

E. The Acropolis under the Romans and the Byzantines. — Rome, recog-
nizing the intellectual preéminence of Athens, took pride in adorning the
city. A circular temple of Rome and Augustus was built to the east of the

268 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

Parthenon about the beginning of the Christian era. M. Vipsanius Agrippa
was honored with an equestrian statue to the left of the approach to the
Propylaea, the pedestal of which is still standing. The marble steps leading
up to the Acropolis probably date from this time. Hadrian (117-1388 a.p.),
the most generous of Athenian patrons, adorned the theatre with statues,
and completed the Olympieum, but does not seem to have devoted especial
attention to the Acropolis. The acceptance of Christianity by the Roman
emperors and their changed attitude toward paganism contributed largely
to the mutilation of the Acropolis. Theodosius II (408-450) is supposed
to have removed the gold and ivory image of Athena; in 435 he issued a
decree commanding heathen temples to be torn down or converted into
churches. The Parthenon, in consequence of this policy, became in the
latter part of the fifth or the early part of the sixth century the church of
St. Sophia, and extensive changes were made in the interior. The name
was later changed to the church of the Mother of God. The Erechtheum
suffered a similar fate. Of the fortunes of Athens between the sixth and
twelfth centuries, very little is known.

F. The Acropolis under the Franks and Florentines. — On the conquest of
Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204, Boniface, Marquis of Mont-
ferrat, obtained the sovereignty of Hellas, with the title of King of Thes-
salonica. The following year he appeared in Athens with his victorious
Burgundians and Lombards, and his vassal, Otho de la Roche, was installed
as Duke of Athens. The Greek churches on the Acropolis became Latin,
but we know nothing of other changes on the Acropolis made by Otho and
his descendants, who held the city from 1205 to 1811; nor under their suc-
cessors, the usurping Catalans, who were in power for the next twenty
years ; nor during the Sicilian domination, when the city was governed by
regents of Frederick of Aragon and his successors.

In 1387 Athens fell into the hands of the Florentine Nerio Acciajuoli,
Lord of Corinth. Nerio took up his residence in the Propylaea, which,
under him or his successor Antonio, was transformed into a castle. The
six Doric columns of the west portico were joined by a wall, with one
entrance, and the four side doors of the portal were walled up, thus
forming a large vestibule. The Pinacotheca was turned into executive
offices, and another story was built above the entablature. At the same
time the huge tower was built on the southwest wing from blocks of this
wing and from neighboring buildings —a tower that long remained one of
the most picturesque features in the Acropolis. This period was, in conse-
quence, not favorable to the preservation of monuments.

THE ACROPOLIS 269

G. The Acropolis under the Turks. —In 1456 Franco, last duke of
Athens, after two years’ heroic defense, surrendered the Acropolis to
Omar, general of Mohammed II, who had conquered Constantinople in
1453. The Propylaea became the residence of Dasdar Aga, the Turkish
governor. The Sultan Mohammed, who himself visited Athens in 1459,
at first treated Athens with great moderation, even letting the Parthenon
remain a Christian church, but after an insurrection against him he ruled
with great severity and in 1460 had the Parthenon converted into a mosque.
The Turks made but few changes in the building, merely removing the
‘sacred image of the Virgin, whitewashing the walls, on which were pic-
tures of saints, and building a minaret in the southwest corner. For nearly
two centuries we hear almost nothing of the Acropolis. At length, in 1656,
lightning struck a heap of powder, stored by Isuf Aga the commander in
the east court of the Propylaea in preparation for cannonading a Christian
church on the morrow. A frightful explosion followed, killing Isuf, and
demolishing a large portion of the Propylaea. The architrave was shat-
tered, the rich ceiling fell, columns were thrown down, and the portal was
reduced almost to its present condition.

In 1674 the Marquis de Nointel, French Ambassador at Constantinople,
had drawings made of the pediment sculptures and frieze of the Parthe-
non, which are usually attributed to the artist, Jacques Carrey. About
1676 Spon, the antiquarian, and Wheler, the naturalist, visited Athens, and
the accounts of their journey, appearing in 1678 and 1682, are impor-
tant sources of information about the Acropolis at this period. In 1686
drawings of the Parthenon were made by French officers under Gravier
d’Ortiéres. |

In 1687 the Venetian commander, Francesco Morosini, laid siege to the
Acropolis, placing cannon on the Areopagus, the Museum hill, and the
Pnyx. A Turkish deserter gave information that the Parthenon was being
used by the Turks as a powder magazine. The guns were aimed at the
Parthenon: and on Friday, the 26th of September, 1687, at half past seven,
the Parthenon of Pericles was rent in twain. For two days and nights
a fearful conflagration continued. On October 3 the Turkish garrison
capitulated, but the Acropolis was reoccupied in April, 1688, by the Turks,
who were not again dislodged from their possession of the citadel until
1822, when they were compelled to surrender to the Greek insurgents. The
Greek garrison on the Acropolis was forced in 1827 to capitulate to the
Turks, who did not finally depart from it until 1833, the year in which
Prince Otho of Bavaria was proclaimed King of Greece.

270 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

A few important archaeological events occurred during this interval. In
1750 Stuart, the painter, and Revett, painter and architect, visited Athens,
under the auspices of the Society of the Dilettanti, and in 1762 appeared
the first volume of their «* Antiquities of Athens,’’ which marks the begin-
ning of the scientific study of Athenian monuments. In 1765 the second
expedition of the Society of the Dilettanti was sent out. In 1790 appeared
the second volume of the «‘ Antiquities of Athens.’’ In 1801 Lord Elgin,
British Ambassador to the Sublime Porte, removed to London almost all
the frieze, a number of metopes, and nearly all the extant pediment sculp-
tures of the Parthenon, a caryatid and column of the Erechtheum, and
various smaller marbles, which were finally placed in the British Museum
and are now universally known as ‘‘ the Elgin Marbles.”’

H. The Acropolis and the New Greek Kingdom. — In 1885, upon the re-
moval of the Greek government from Nauplia to Athens, the Acropolis
was delivered over to King Otho, with appropriate ceremonies, and forever
ceased to be a citadel. The following dates are important for archaeolog-
ical work since done : —

1838, First excavations, by private subscription.

1835. Ludwig-Ross, Conservator of Antiquities, removed the fortifications,
rebuilt the Niké temple, and cleared the west front of the Propylaea.

1836. Pittakis, Ross’ successor, completed the clearing of the Propylaea, and
laid bare the foundations of the Erechtheum.

1853. The Beulé Gate and marble stairway were cleared.

1862. Excavations by a Prussian Expedition consisting of Boétticher, Curtius,
and Strack.

1885. Excavations of the Greek Archaeological Society.
1899-1905. Partial restoration of the Parthenon and the Erechtheum.

EXCURSUS VIII. THE PROPYLAEA!

The Propylaea, the great portal of the Acropolis, was built by the archi-
tect Mnesicles on the foundations of an earlier gateway ;? it was begun in
the archonship of Euthymenes (437-436 B.c.), and was never completed,
as the work was interrupted by the Peloponnesian War. The sum ex-
pended on it was said to be 2012 talents, or something over $2,000,000
(see IIarpocr. and Suid. 8. v. προπύλαια ; Plut. Pericles, 13; Diod. 12, 40;
ef. Thuc. 2, 13). It was always regarded, along with the Parthenon, as

1 See Dorpfeld’s restoration of the ground plan of the Propylaea, given in
Fig. 3, p. 273.

2 See Weller, C. H., ‘‘The Pre-Periclean Propylaea on the Acropolis of Athens,’’
A. J. A. viii (1904), 33-70.

THE PROPYLAEA 271

one of the glories of Athens (Dem. 22, 13; 23, 207; Plut. de glor. Ath.
7, 8; Aeschin. 2, 105; Dio Chrys. Or. 2, vol. I, 27, ed. Dindorf, etc.).
Fragments of inscriptions giving accounts of moneys expended are extant
(C.1.A. I, Nos. 314, 315; 1V, No. 315 a, b, c; Jahn-Michaelis, p. 39).

The approach to the Propylaea is through an ancient gate between two
quadrangular towers. This gate is known as the Beulé Gate, because it
was in 1853 discovered and excavated by the French archaeologist Beulé,
who freed it from the Turkish bastions that previously concealed it.
Dr. Dérpfeld has shown that materials for the gate were taken from a
choregic monument of Nicias, dating from the archonship of Neaechmus,
320-319 Βα. He thinks the monument was removed from its original site
at the time of the building of the Odeum of Herodes Atticus, between 160
and 177 a.p., and that the gate was most probably built soon after. Pass-
ing through the gate, we observe the remains of a great marble staircase
72 feet in width. The staircase and the towers facing the gate date from
the first half of the first century after Christ. The staircase probably
replaced a winding approach going back to primitive times. On the left
is the pedestal of the statue of Agrippa; on the right is the huge bastion,
on which rests the temple of Athena Nike.

To understand the plan of the Propylaea let us imagine first of all a
cross-wall running north and south between two parallel walls, which it
meets at right angles. The cross-wall is 59 feet in length, and is pierced
by five gateways, the central of which is 24 feet 2 inches high by 13 feet
8 inches wide; the two on either side of this are 17 feet 8 inches high
by 91 feet wide; and the two extreme gateways are 11 feet 3 inches high
by 4 feet 9 inches wide. Through the middle gateway ran the road for
processions ; the four side gateways were approached by a flight of five
steps, four of marble, the fifth of black Eleusinian stone.

At their western and eastern extremities the cross-walls have placed
before them porticoes of six Doric columns. The outer or western portico
is very deep, measuring 59 feet in width by 49 feet in depth. Besides the
six Doric columns along the front, we have at right angles to them two
rows of three Ionic columns each, flanking the central passage through the
portico to the middle gateway, and supporting originally the marble roof
ornamented with golden stars, the wonder of ancient travelers. The roof is
gone, and all the Ionic columns have lost their capitals. The inner portico
facing east is of the same width, but is very shallow, being only 19 feet
deep. Five of the six Doric columns fronting it retain their capitals, and
two are united by an architrave block.

272 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

This is the main portion of the structure. But the whole breadth of
rock here is 178 feet, whereas what we have already described takes up only
about 60 feet. Dr. Dérpfeld has reconstructed the ground plan of Mnesicles
to cover the field, though only a portion of the subordinate sections of the
Propylaea was completed.

Adjoining the main portico at right angles to it north and south, two
wings were planned, only one of which, however, was completed. The
northwest wing consists of a chamber nearly square, being 35 feet 3 inches
wide by 29 feet 5 inches deep, with a portico on its southern side, 13 feet
deep, fronted by three Doric columns between antae.

Above the columns is an architrave with a plain frieze of triglyphs and
metopes. The main chamber was lighted by a door 14 feet high by 9} feet
wide and by two small windows. This chamber was the ancient Pinaco-
theca or picture gallery.

The southwest wing, as we have it, consists of merely a portico facing
north with no rear chamber. The front consisted of three Doric columns
between antae, corresponding exactly to the front of the northwest portico.
Yet the rear wall stops not opposite the northwest anta, but the third col-
umn, thus leaving the anta stranded. This is evidence that the architect
has made a change in his plans, and Dr. Dérpfeld has endeavored to re-
cover the original design by a study of the architectural details, especially
the antae. His conclusion is that Mnesicles contemplated for the south-
west wing a structure of the same dimensions as the opposite wing, but with
this difference: the chamber with its portico was to be entirely open to
the west facing the Nike temple, and instead of a wall as in the northwest
wing, four columns between two antae should face west. The difference of
plan was due to the fact that the Pinacotheca abutted on a precipice, while
the southwest wing could serve as a colonnade before the Nike temple.

Besides the two western wings Dr. Dérpfeld has shown from a study of
architectural details that the original plan provided also for two eastern
wings. Thus, the anta at the northeast corner of the east portico is double,
thus calling for a row of columns running north, as well as the extant row
running south. The eastern wall of the northwest wing juts beyond the
rest of the building. If continued to the Acropolis wall it would furnish
the western wall of the northeast colonnade.

Similar arguments prove that a colonnade of like dimensions was pro-
jected as the southeast wing of the Propylaea. But these great ideas were
never carried out, most likely on account of the outbreak of the Pelopon-
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274 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

_EXCURSUS IX. THE TEMPLE OF ATHENA NIKE

The temple which Pausanias (1, 22, 4; 3,15, 7; 5, 26, 6) ascribes to
Wingless Victory is more appropriately styled the temple of Athena Nike,
that is, Athena in the character of Victory (Harpocr. and Suid. s.v. Νίκη
᾿Αθηνᾶ; Soph. Philoct. 1384; Eustath. on Hom. Il. Φ, 410; C.LA. I,
p. 88 f., No. 189 a; II, Nos. 168, 471). Victory was regularly personi-
fied with wings in Greek art. As Athena is always represented wingless
it is natural that here too, though under a special type, she should
be wingless.

The temple has had an interesting modern history. It was seen and
described by Wheler in 1676. It was pulled down by the Turks, about
1687, and the material was used in making a battery on the site. In 1835
the temple was discovered by Ross, Schaubert, and Hansen, who rebuilt it
as it now stands. The roof is almost gone, and the gables are wanting.
Yet the temple is fairly well preserved.

The temple rests on a massive bastion 26 feet high to the south of the
staircase. The material is Pentelic marble. The temple is of the Ionic
order, amphiprostyle tetrastyle, It rests on a base of three steps, the stylo-
bate being 27 feet 2 inches long from east to west by 18 feet 31 inches
broad from north to south. The height of the columns including base and
capital is 13 feet 4 inches; the diameter, 1 foot 10 inches; the shaft of
each column is of a single block of marble, with 24 flutes. The height of
the entablature is 3 feet 8} inches. The frieze, 86 feet in length and
1 foot 5} inches high, sculptured in high relief, runs all round the temple.
The cella is 16 feet long; the entrance was between two pillars connected
with the antae by a balustrade.

The date of the temple has been long disputed: some archaeologists
attributed it to the Cimonian period, others to the Age of Pericles, others
to the middle of the Peloponnesian War. An inscription discovered a few
years ago by Cavvadias, and dating probably about 450 z.c., calls for the
construction of a gate, a temple, and an altar of marble, according to the
specifications of the architect Callicrates. Both Dérpfeld and Cavvadias
think that the temple referred to can be no other than that of Nike.
They hold that this temple was actually built soon after the middle of the
century. The style of the sculptures and architectural refinements strongly
contradicts this view, as they point rather to the period after the Parthenon
and the Propylaea. It is likely that the decree of 450 B.c. was not imme-
diately carried out and that the temple was erected after the Propylaea had

THE PARTHENON 275

been begun, if not completed. See "Ed. ’Apy. 1897, 174 ff.; A. M. XXII
(1897), 226 ff.; Judeich, 200 ff.

The Ionic frieze was sculptured in high relief. The scene portrayed on
the east front was an assembly of gods, with Athena in the midst; on
the other three sides are scenes of battle, Greeks fighting with Persians
on the north and south sides, Greeks against Greeks on the west side. A
portion of the frieze was carried off by Lord Elgin, and is in the British
‘Museum ; it has been replaced by a terra-cotta replica. Within the temple,
says Pausanias (3, 15, 7), there was an ancient wooden image representing
Athena wingless, with a pomegranate in her right hand, and a helmet in
her left. Round the three precipitous sides of the temple along the edge
of the bastion ran a breast-high parapet of marble slabs, with reliefs on
the outer surface. A number of these slabs are preserved in the Acropolis
Museum. One represents a winged Victory kneeling upon an ox, about
to plunge a knife into its body; another, two Victories leading a cow;
a third, a Victory tying her sandal. The reliefs are renowned especially
for the graceful proportions of the figures, and the delicate treatment of
the drapery.

EXCURSUS X. THE PARTHENON .

The Parthenon is situated on the highest part of the Acropolis, about
half way between its eastern and western limits, but much nearer the
southern than the northern wall. It has suffered much in the passing
centuries. There remain the stylobate complete ; the double rows of col-
wmnns at the two ends, and much of the colonnade on the northern and
southern sides, with the exception of the central portions ; the entablature
at the eastern and western ends; most of the west pediment and a portion
of the east pediment; and the walls of the west cella and portico, -with
only portions of the rest of the walls.

The foundations, which are very deep at the southeast corner, are the
foundations of an earlier temple never erected, which have been extended
to meet the change of form adopted for the new temple. This substructure
is 250 feet long by 105 feet broad, while the stylobate of the Parthenon is
228 feet long by 101 feet broad, its proportions being as 4 to 9. Dr. Dérpfeld
at first ascribed this earlier construction to Cimon (A. M. XVI, 157 ff.),
but at length after a closer study of the foundations he has carried back the
origin of the building to pre-Persian times, basing his theory on a study
of the marks of fire on the stones. These led him to the conclusion that
the scaffolding was standing when the Persian sack of the Acropolis took

276 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

place, and he now ascribes the inauguration of the undertaking to the new
democracy founded by Cleisthenes shortly before the Persian War. This
theory well accords with the extension and embellishment of the Old
Temple of Athena. See A.M. XXVII (1902), 382 ff. The Periclean
Parthenon took over the foundations of the earlier building, but adapted
them to its change of form and dimensions.

The Parthenon was built to be a concrete expression of the glory and
power of Athens incident to the rise in its fortunes as a result of its vic-.
tories in the Persian Wars. Pericles was the father of the idea, and
Phidias was his counselor. Inscriptions show that the present Parthenon
was begun in 447 B.c. See A.M. XVII (1892), 158 ff.; B.C.H. XTIT (1889),
174 ff. It was so far completed that the gold and ivory statue of Athena
was dedicated at the Panathenaic festival in 438 B.c. (Schol. Ar. Pax, 605).
The architects were Ictinus and Callicrates, but the general supervision
was exercised by Phidias, who made the gold and ivory statue (Plut.
Pericles, 13; Strabo, 9, pp. 395, 396; Paus. 8, 41, 9).

Although in inscriptions the name Parthenon was restricted to the west
chamber, it became in time the popular designation of the whole temple.
Demosthenes was the first who is known to have used it thus. See Dem.
22, 76. Cf. [Dicaearchus] Descriptio Graeciae, 1 (Geogr. Gr. Min., ed.
Miller, 1, p. 98); Rhet. Gr., ed. Walz. 7, p. 4; Strabo, 9, pp. 395, 396 ;
Plut. Pericles, 13 ; Demetrius, 23 ; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. 2, 10.

The Parthenon is of the Doric order, octostyle peripteral. Three steps
run all round the building. Upon the stylobate rises the temple, with
eight columns to the front and rear and seventeen on the sides, the first
known example of this arrangement. The average height of the col-
umns is 34} feet; their lower diameter, 6 feet 3 inches; the upper, 4 feet
10 inches. The flutes of the columns are 20 in number. The capitals
of the columns consisted of the cushion-shaped echinus, and the abacus
or plinth.

The architrave consisted of a series of three blocks of marble placed
beside each other from the centre of one column to that of the next, about
41 feet in height. The triglyph frieze rose above this to a like height, the
metopes of which were adorned with sculptures in high relief. Above the
triglyph frieze at the east and west ends rose the pediments, the inclosing
lines of which were at an angle of 1819 with the horizonal cornice. The
top and bottoin members of the pediment project, framing the tympanum,
or field of the pediment, which recedes 3 feet from the inclosing cornice.
The tympanum is 93 feet long, and 11} feet high in the centre.

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277

278 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

The temple proper, as distinguished from the peristyle, formed a hand-
some amphiprostyle temple of the Doric order, 194 feet long and 71 feet
wide, with 6 columns at each end, 33 feet in height. All round the top of
its outer walls, and above the architrave over these columns, ran a frieze, or
sculptured belt, nearly 3 feet 4 inches high.

The temple interior consisted of four parts, namely, the pronaos or
eastern portico ; the naos or cella, being the eastern chamber 96 feet long
and 63 feet wide; the western chamber, called Parthenon in the restricted
sense ; and the western portico, probably called the opisthodomos. ‘The naos
was also known as the Hekatompedos from the fact that its length, includ-
ing the thickness of the partition wall (5} feet), is exactly equal to 100
ancient Attic feet.

The cella was divided longitudinally into three aisles by two rows of
Doric columns. In the central aisle, on a spot marked by a quadrangular
space of Piraeus limestone, towards the west end of the chamber, stood
the chryselephantine statue of Athena. There was no door between the
cella and the western chamber. The great door at the eastern entrance
admitting to the cella was about 16 feet wide and 33 feet high, and afforded
sufficient light for the chamber.

The architectural features of the exterior of the temple invited sculp-
tural embellishment in three parts of the building, namely the metopes,
the pediments, and the frieze; and when it was completed no other building
was comparable to it in the extent and variety of its sculptures.

The metopes are the flat slabs of marble between the triglyphs running
round the building above the architrave. In the Parthenon all the ninety-
two metopes were adorned with sculptures in high relief, representing
usually single combats. The subject on the metopes of the east front is
generally taken to be contests of Gods and Giants, on the west of Greeks
and Amazons. The metopes on the south side had suffered comparatively
little when Carrey drew them in 1674, and fifteen of the best of these
are among the Elgin marbles. The metopes toward each end represented
Lapiths and Centaurs, engaged in the struggle that ensued at the marriage
feast of Pirithous, while the metopes in the middle of the series contained
figures of stately women. The metopes on the north side had the same
subject, but with the order of composition inverted.

The pediments were adorned with sculptures in the round. Pausanias
tells us that the scene represented on the eastern end was the birth of
Athena, on the western the contest of Athena and Poseidon for the
supremacy of Attica. The principle of composition in each case was a

THE PARTHENON 279

great central group, flanked on each side by secondary characters. The
west pediment group, though now the greater wreck, is better known
to us through the drawings ascribed to Carrey. The two contending
deities were conceived as present. on the Acropolis beside the actual
olive tree and pool which they had created, and their charioteers and
chariots are also present. The groups of interested spectators in the
two wings have been variously interpreted, either as deified followers of
Athena and Poseidon respectively, or as local heroes, or as personifica-
tions of the mountains and coast of Attica. Of this group only one torso
remains, usually known as the river-god Cephisus. The two mutilated
figures still on the pediment are supposed to be Cecrops and one of his
daughters.

Of the east pediment we have no drawing to show what the great cen-
tral group, now missing, was like. The great void in the centre, doubt-
less, was occupied originally by the deities regarded as present at the
birth of the goddess Athena from the head of her father Zeus. The
two central figures are usually represented as Zeus seated, with Athena
standing beside him, full grown and full armed. The arrangement of the
two angle groups is known from Carrey’s drawing, and fortunately they are
all preserved among the Elgin marbles. The scene is located on Mt.
Olympus, and the extreme figures are Helios rising from the sea in the left
angle and Selene descending behind the hills in the right. The reclining
male figure next to Helios, popularly known as Theseus, is now generally
‘regarded as the personification of Mt. Olympus. The three draped women
‘in the left angle are generally identified as Horae, or as two Horae and Iris,
the messenger goddess, and the three draped women in the right angle as
the three Fates, appropriately present at a birth, or as Hestia, Ge and
Thalassa (Waldstein), or as the three peculiarly Attic personifications of
morning dew, Aglaurus, Herse, and Pandrosus (Murray).

The frieze consisted of a band in low relief running along the walls of
the temple and over the inner rows of six columns of the east and west
ends, just beneath the roof of the peristyle. The total length was 522 feet
10 inches, of which 240 feet 6 inches are among the Elgin marbles. The
western frieze is still in situ. The height of the frieze was 3 feet 4 inches,
and the average depth of the relief is 14 inches. The subject portrayed
was the great Panathenaic procession. The west frieze represented the
stage of preparation ; the north and south portions that of progress; and
the east frieze the culmination of the procession. The slab just over the
entrance to the temple represents the delivery of the sacred peplus to

280 THE ATTICA OF PAUSANIAS

the high priest or chief magistrate, and on each side of this is a group of
slabs representing the Olympic deities present on the Acropolis to witness
the ceremony.

Winckelmann’s characterization — ‘noble naiveté and placid grandeur ”’
aptly describes the art of the Parthenon sculptures. All the external
decorations of the temple were intended to give honor to the goddess
Athena, sublimely represented by the colossal gold and ivory image within
the cella.

Pausanias describes the image of Athena Parthenos in great detail.
From him we learn that the goddess stood upright, clad in a tunic reach-
ing to the feet; that on her breast was the head of Medusa and on her
head a helmet adorned with gryphons and a sphinx; that she held in
one hand a Victory four cubits high, and in the other a spear, while at
her feet was set a shield, and beside her spear a snake; and that the birth
of Pandora was represented on the pedestal. Pliny (N.H. 36, 18) adds
some important particulars: ‘«‘ He wrought on the convex side of the
shield the Battle of the Amazons, on the concave the Battle of the Gods
and Giants, on the sandals the battle of the Lapiths and Centaurs... .
On the basis the subject carved is what they call ‘the birth of Pandora,’
and the gods present at the birth are twenty in number.’’ From other
passages and inscriptions (cf. Overbeck, Schriftquellen, pp. 645 ff.) we learn
that the height of the image was twenty-six cubits, that the face, feet,
and hands were of ivory, and the pupils of precious stones. In addition
to these literary sources the following works of art add to our knowledge
of the image, namely: the Varvakeion and Lenormant statuettes in the
National Museum at Athens; the Strangford shield in the British Museum ;
the Hermitage medallion at St. Petersburg, and various Athenian coins.

EXCURSUS XI. THE ERECHTHEUM.

The temple generally known as the Erechtheum is situated on the
northern side of the Acropolis, not far from the wall, in a slight depres-
sion about half way between the east and west ends.

As we observe from the study of the ground plan, the form of the
Erechtheum is unique. The main structure is a quadrangular edifice 65}
feet long and 37 feet wide, resting on a basis of three steps. This main
building has three vestibules (προστάσεις), on the east, north, and south,
forming entrances to the temple. As the temple was on a slope, the stereo-
bate of the north and west sides is about 9 feet lower than that of the south

THE ERECHTHEUM 281

and east sides. At the eastern end we have a portico lined with six Ionic
columns; at the northwest corner is a portico, with four lonic columns in
front, and one on each side behind the corner column; and at the south-
west corner is ἃ sinall porch with the roof supported by six Korai or Carya-
tides. The eastern portico, being fronted by six Ionic columns, gives the
building